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The Philippines' Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020: Five things to know

Legislation already on Duterte's desk would give the president dramatic powers

MANILA -- Days after being marked "urgent" by President Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines' House of Representatives last week approved the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020, adopting the Senate's version, which was passed in February.

The bill has triggered online and street protests even as community quarantine restrictions are in place due to the coronavirus outbreak. A multisectoral backlash has also ensued, but supporters of the bill are pressing on.

Duterte signs controversial Philippine anti-terror bill into law

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Why Rights Groups Worry About The Philippines' New Anti-Terrorism Law

Julie McCarthy

A protester wearing a face mask demonstrates against the Philippines' new anti-terrorism law on July 4, in Quezon city, Metro Manila. Earlier this month, President Rodrigo Duterte approved a law that critics say could lead to more human rights abuses. Ezra Acayan/Getty Images hide caption

A protester wearing a face mask demonstrates against the Philippines' new anti-terrorism law on July 4, in Quezon city, Metro Manila. Earlier this month, President Rodrigo Duterte approved a law that critics say could lead to more human rights abuses.

Updated at 5:12 p.m. ET

Petitions have piled up at the Philippines' Supreme Court to overturn a new anti-terrorism law championed by President Rodrigo Duterte, which could jail suspects without charge for weeks.

The government says it needs the legislation to combat insurgencies and that it safeguards freedoms. The Philippine Foreign Affairs Department even sent a letter to U.S. Congress members to allay concerns over the law, saying , "The Philippines remains committed to the protection of civil and political liberties as well as human rights."

But human rights groups warn that the hard-line Duterte administration could use the legislation to prosecute political opponents. The Philippine Catholic Church went so far as to compare the legislation to China's new national security law imposed on Hong Kong .

The law took effect Saturday at a time when the authorities are battling the coronavirus and arresting those caught breaching the lockdown. It follows widespread condemnation of the Duterte administration for harsh tactics against drug suspects and against government critics, as well as for undercutting civil liberties such as a free press, according to human rights advocates.

Here are some key takeaways from the debate around the Philippines' Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020.

The law greatly expands the definition of terrorism

It includes such broad offenses as "engaging in acts intended to endanger a person's life," intended to "damage public property" or "interfere with critical infrastructure," where the purpose is to intimidate the government.

The National Union of People's Lawyers has petitioned the Supreme Court to overturn the law on the grounds it is overly broad and essentially criminalizes intent.

One new offense, inciting to commit terrorism, is particularly problematic, the rights advocates say. The text says inciting others through "speeches, writings, proclamations, emblems, banners, and other representations tending to the same end" could carry a punishment of 12 years in prison.

"It chills freedom of expression. It chills free speech. It chills freedom of the press. It chills freedom of association," says Neri Colmenares, a leading human rights lawyer who is petitioning the Supreme Court.

The law does state, however, that it is not intended to punish advocacy, protest, dissent, industrial action and strikes, so long as they don't create "a serious risk to public safety."

"But who defines what is and what isn't a serious risk?" asks Aaron Sobel with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Defending the provision, National Security Adviser Hermogenes Esperon tells NPR that under the law, "activism is not terrorism."

But lawyer Colmenares argues that, for the Duterte administration, "terrorism is any form of dissent."

Most countries have anti-terrorism laws. The Philippines is no outlier

More than 140 governments have passed anti-terrorism laws since Sept. 11, 2001, with many expanding that legal arsenal over time.

The Philippines' legislation undeniably diminishes due process protections, but it does not widely diverge from what other countries in the region do.

Under the law, a terrorism suspect could be detained for 14 days without charge, a period that can be extended to 24 days. Human rights attorneys say that violates a constitutional provision that a person must be charged within three days of detention.

Esperon, the national security adviser, says it's not possible to build a terrorism case in 72 hours. "We need time to address criminals the likes of terrorists, especially when they're really good at covering their tracks," he says.

He says the government needs strong laws to prosecute militants aligned with the Islamic State and a decades-old communist insurgency.

He notes that the United States has held terrorism suspects far longer than 14 days. "And you keep some of them in Guantánamo, right? For how long?" he says.

The U.S. has held many detainees at the military prison in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, for over a decade. Forty detainees remained at the facility as of 2019.

Around the world, advocates argue, terrorism suspects held for extended time without a charge could be subject to abuse or even torture.

Esperon says the Philippines' detention period is "one of the most limited" in the region, putting it on par with Australia and well below Singapore's two-year-long period of warrantless arrest for terrorism suspects.

The new law, however, includes a possible punishment of life imprisonment without parole, which rights advocates say leaves no chance for rehabilitation. The law also allows wiretaps and lengthy surveillance, which raises privacy concerns, according to rights activists.

Duterte's rights record hardens opposition to the law

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte discusses issues related to the new coronavirus during a meeting with an infectious disease task force at the presidential guest house in Panacan, Davao City, southern Philippines, on July 7. Arman Baylon/Malacanang Presidential Photographers Division via AP hide caption

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte discusses issues related to the new coronavirus during a meeting with an infectious disease task force at the presidential guest house in Panacan, Davao City, southern Philippines, on July 7.

The Duterte government's poor human rights record has amplified apprehensions over the new anti-terrorism law.

Duterte's drug war has killed at least 8,600 Filipinos since 2016, with "near-impunity," according to a United Nations report in June.

Recently, the government shut down broadcaster ABS-CBN and prosecuted veteran journalist Maria Ressa, CEO of the news website Rappler, for cyber libel, which ended with her conviction. Both outlets have aggressively reported on Duterte's leadership.

'It's Unbelievable': Shutdown Of Philippines' Major Broadcaster Worries Many

Philippine Journalist Maria Ressa Found Guilty Of Violating Cyber Libel Law

The government has also jailed thousands of suspected violators and protesters of a lockdown to contain the rapid spread of the coronavirus.

Attorney Colmenares says, anti-lockdown protesters and violators "are afraid" that putting more power in the hands of police and President Duterte would "triple or quadruple" the arrests.

The new law replaces the 2007 Human Security Act, which security specialist Sidney Jones says was "one of the worst anti-terror laws that was ever passed because it had so many safeguards that it was never used or almost never used."

In the old law, authorities were fined $10,000 for every day a suspect was illegally detained. The new law eliminates that.

But analysts and rights advocates say they're concerned about how Duterte will use the new one.

Countries such as Egypt and Turkey have illustrated how governments led by populists, like Duterte, are using anti-terrorism laws to infringe on civil liberties and consolidate power, according to the Carnegie Endowment's Sobel.

"To me the Philippines is extremely emblematic of that. [Duterte's] firebrand type of speech helped him get elected and for a very long time he's been very popular," Sobel says, "and he's used that to erode civilian checks and balances."

• anti-terrorism law
• The Philippines
• counterterrorism
• Philippines

The Philippines’ anti-terror bill is poised to cause more terror

The government needs to accept that there are no shortcuts to peace and retract the bill.

As the world is plagued by COVID-19, an impending anti-terrorism bill is creating more fear in the Philippines.

Recently passed by Congress , the bill is set to be signed into law by President Rodrigo Duterte. If this happens, the bill will not only suppress the fundamental rights and freedoms of Filipinos, it will also terrorise the same conflict-affected communities it seeks to protect, as it undoes decades of peacebuilding work.

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Despite protests against the bill and mounting calls to provide more time for deliberations, Congress has quietly fast-tracked its passage while the rest of the country braced for the impact of COVID-19. The bill will allow for a lengthened period of warrantless detention and expanded surveillance of those law enforcement deems suspicious. It will also remove stiff penalties for wrongful detention.  

Most importantly, the bill carries a vague definition of “terrorism” that offers little distinction between organisations that commit acts of terror and revolutionary armed movements, which is important for those doing mediation among warring parties. The bill will provide law enforcers with broad powers to determine what constitutes a “terrorist”, shifting the burden of proof to suspected individuals and organisations. This is not only a threat to dissent and democracy, but also to peace.

Threat to peace in Mindanao

For more than half a century, the Philippine government has been trying to quell secessionist and communist armed movements in the country.

Bangsamoro, an autonomous region in the south of the Philippines, is currently in transition after decades of fighting between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. While much remains to be done, significant strides have been taken , with a transitional regional government installed last year and the decommissioning of combatants and arms under way. These gains have been made possible primarily by the peace talks and reconciliation processes.

The ill-advised and shortsighted fear of the ISIL (ISIS) armed group taking root in Mindanao, and the increased framing of the communist armed movements as “terrorist”, distract the government from seeing the gains of dialogue and peacebuilding.

The threat of terrorism is real, but it is not the main threat to peace.

In fact, militaristic approaches to counterterrorism have caused the most suffering and displacements, prompted  breakdowns in ongoing peace processes , and given birth to more aggressive splinter groups like the Abu Sayyaf, Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters, and Maute Group.

Insensitivity to the local context and the peace process in prioritising fighting terrorists in Mamasapano in 2015 and Marawi in 2017 delayed the passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law and undermined reconciliation across communities in the country. These should not be forgotten, and should not be repeated.

Opening old wounds

Due to a long history of discrimination, the Moro and Muslim minorities in the Philippines are often most affected not only by terrorist attacks but by harassment and warrantless arrests packaged as “counterterrorism”.

This profiling of Muslims as violent “terrorists” continues to this day. In January, it was discovered that the Manila Police District was collating information about Muslim youth and students in the National Capital Region for its “ preventing violent extremism” initiatives .

Two months before, in November 2019, the police barged into the office of a long-established Mindanao-based peacebuilding organisation , without a warrant, checked the living quarters, and inspected the bags of young Moros from Marawi who were attending a psychosocial support training.

Being a woman while being both Moro and Muslim adds another layer of vulnerability, especially with the heightened visibility that comes with wearing a headscarf. Women widowed by war and children orphaned by conflict are also disproportionately affected by counterterrorism that narrowly sees them as vulnerable to being recruited into terrorism, instead of partners who can inform policies for change.

This bill will undermine efforts at reconciliation, as it will make it easier to target Muslims and open old wounds anew.

Ending or escalating the communist insurgency?

The military generals clearly see the impending anti-terrorism bill as a way to “end” the world’s oldest existing communist insurgency. But the bill is more likely to reignite war and bring further insecurity.

Following the termination of the peace negotiations between the government, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the New People’s Army (NPA) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines in 2017, the government has since branded the CPP-NPA as “terrorist” and filed a petition seeking to declare them terrorist organisations under the Human Security Act, the current counterterrorism law. Following delayed progress through the courts, the government has taken a new tack: change the law directly. Thus, the Anti Terror Bill.

The argument about whether the CPP-NPA is a terrorist organisation or a revolutionary movement is fraught with a lot of biases, and a long, violent history between the communist armed movement and the military. What is clear is that the impending declaration of the CPP-NPA as terrorist organisations will impede any future peace talks, and escalate violence and displacement in communities.

As lessons have not been learned, the military should be reminded that the CPP-NPA was at its strongest under the martial law regime of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos. It is not activism that pushes communities towards violence. Rather, it is crackdowns on nonviolent civic action that will push communities to lose trust in government and take alternative routes for affecting change.

‘Activism is not terrorism’

The government assures the public that crackdowns on activists will not happen under the guise of counterterrorism, but in the same breath the Speaker of the House tells activists to “not allow terrorists to hide within [their] ranks.” This statement itself is telling of the government’s narrow and misinformed mindset about activism and terror – that those who are radicalised through activism will participate in armed rebellions and, therefore, to prevent “violent extremism” the state should stop “radicalisation” made possible through activism.  

Given this bias, and the weak intelligence capacity of law enforcers, the bill will crush progressive organisations and student activists who the state perceives are communist fronts; mediators who are perceived as communist sympathisers; and Indigenous people who are perceived as the main targets of recruitment by the NPA.  

These groups are already being “red-tagged” or wrongly targeted for alleged links with the CPP-NPA .  Even without the new law and under the martial law in place until last year, young Indigenous people who work on peacebuilding in Western Mindanao were reportedly wrongly included in the military’s “terrorist lists,” and asked to show themselves to law enforcers and prove they are not linked with the NPA. As the Senate president admitted, there is no need for martial law once this bill becomes law.

The looming anti-terror law will assume rather than fairly test the guilt of civilians, as law enforcers will have free reign to arrest and detain individuals based on mere suspicion. This is both unconstitutional and dangerous.

No shortcuts to peace

If implemented, the new anti-terrorism bill will not only impede our ability as peacebuilders and human rights defenders to bridge divides or raise the alarm when atrocities occur. It will also put our lives and limbs at risk. It will undo years of peacebuilding and further devastate the communities worst affected by terror. 

If it is sincere in its “ whole-of-nation approach” to peacebuilding , the government must retract the bill, re-open deliberations and listen to a wide range of voices across society, especially the voices of those who have borne the brunt of both terrorist violence and abusive counterterror laws.  It  must heed the lessons from community leaders and peacebuilders. We need a policy that addresses the underlying roots of terrorism, and that prevents further distrust, injustice and escalations in violence.  

Yet as I write this, trust in the government is also under threat. What is left of our democracy is under threat. Peace is under threat.

It is our collective duty to end violence against civilian communities. For this same reason, we cannot take shortcuts to peace.

This rushed and unrestrained anti-terror bill will cause terror – and it will come from the state.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

ANTI TERRORISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS

‘If you’ve got nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear’, but a detailed analysis of the human rights cost of the fast-expanding security state all over the world suggests otherwise.

The New Normal

Governments have rejected the view that they should provide security so people can enjoy their rights, and adopted the view that they must restrict rights to provide security. Many countries have made it easier to invoke and extend states of emergency and other emergency measures; what should be exceptional and temporary powers have increasingly become permanently embedded in ordinary criminal law.

Overly broad definitions of terrorism are a big part of the problem. Because there is no universally agreed definition, states and international bodies have created their own. But in that process, definitions of terrorism have become increasingly vague, so that they can be arbitrarily applied, meaning law-abiding citizens can be subjected to unwarranted surveillance , administrative orders which restrict their liberties, intrusive searches, arbitrary arrests, red-tagging or even worse, extrajudicial executions. 

In the context of ‘countering terrorism’, states must ensure the respect of international human rights and humanitarian law. Currently, the implementing rules and regulations (IRR) of Republic Act 11479 or the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020 in the Philippines is in violation of international standards on human rights and counter-terrorism.

The law risks granting further excessive powers to the Philippine executive, which has presided over serious human rights violations in the country under President Duterte. The Duterte administration continues to pursue its “ war on drugs ” despite the tens of thousands already killed by the police and by armed individuals. Attacks against human rights defenders and critics of the government – including activists, journalists, lawyers, church leaders, trade union leaders, and individuals and groups affiliated with the political left – have increased under a climate of impunity; they have repeatedly been ‘red-tagged’ and accused of being “terrorists” because of their perceived links to communist groups.

A disturbing picture is emerging in which unchecked powers are trampling freedoms we have all taken for granted.

The Act defines terrorism as:

• Engaging in acts intended to cause death or serious bodily injury to any person or endangers a person’s life;
• Engaging in acts intended to cause extensive damage or destruction to a government or public facility, public place, or private property;
• Engaging in acts intended to cause extensive interference with, damage, or destruction to critical infrastructure;
• Developing, manufacturing, possessing, acquiring, transporting, supplying, or using weapons; and
• Releasing dangerous substances or causing fire, floods or explosions when the purpose is to intimidate the general public, create an atmosphere to spread a message of fear, provoke or influence by intimidation the government or any international organization, seriously destabilize or destroy the fundamental political, economic, or social structures in the country, or create a public emergency or seriously undermine public safety

Under the law, persons who propose, incite, conspire, and participate in the planning, training, and facilitation an offence under the act, as well as those who provide support to ‘terrorists’ as defined under the act, or recruit members of a ‘terrorist organisation’, could face life imprisonment without parole.

The law also punishes the following offences with 12 years’ imprisonment:

• Threatening to commit ‘terrorism’
• Inciting others or proposing to commit ‘terrorism’
• Voluntarily and knowingly joining any ‘terrorist group’
• Acting as an accessory in the commission of ‘terrorism’

The law allows suspects to be detained without a judicial warrant of arrest for 14 days and can be extended by 10 more days, and placed under surveillance for 60 days, that can also be extended by up to 30 days, by the police or military.

End attacks against indigenous peoples

Irr further weaponize anti-terror law.

Read: UP Law IHR’s Guides to the Anti-Terrorism Bill

The recently enacted Anti-Terrorism Bill (ATB) has raised apprehensions from various sectors within the Philippines. In light of this, the University of the Philippines Institute of Human Rights (UP-IHR) director, Professor Elizabeth Aguiling-Pangalangan and senior lawyers Glenda Litong, Raymond Baguilat and Michael Tiu, Jr. drafted a Briefer entitled At a Glance: The Anti-Terrorism Bill, and a Primer: Facing Terror, to make sense of the proposed ATB.

At a Glance also digests and gives a rundown of the problematic provisions under the Anti-Terrorism bill and explains its consequences from a human rights perspective. Meanwhile, the Primer provides readers with a brief introduction of the ATB and the rationale for its enactment. It discusses in more detail provisions under the   ATB and compares it with other relevant legislation and jurisprudence. A critique on the impact of the ATB to the Bill of Rights, its inherent limitations, and the threat that it poses against Indigenous Peoples and Muslim Filipinos is also conveyed.

It is hoped that the Institute’s contributions to the discussion on the ATB will spark further discourse and inform both lawyers and non-lawyers alike about the potential consequences of the enactment of this bill.

Click here to download the PDF copy of the At a Glance Briefer

Click here to download the PDF copy of the At a Glance Briefer (Slides)

Click here to download the PDF copy of the Primer

• Post category: News
• Post published: June 16, 2020
• Post last modified: June 27, 2020

Atty. Fina dela Cuesta-Tantuico

• Assistant to the Dean for Alumni Affairs
• Senior Lecturer, UP College of Law
• Professorial Lecturer, Lyceum of the Philippines College of Law
• Fellow, 1st UP Creative Writers’ Workshop (1980)
• Instructor I, UP Department of English and Comparative Literature (1982)
• Trustee and Corporate Secretary, UP Law Alumni Foundation Inc.; Justice George Malcolm Foundation Inc.
• Past President, UP Women Lawyers’ Circle
• Past President, Philippine Bar Association
• UP College of Arts and Sciences, A.B. English, cum laude (1982)
• UP Law Class 1988

Atty. Rizalde Laudencia

• Member, Sangguniang Panlungsod, San Fernando, La Union
• Studied at Confucius Institute, Ateneo de Manila University
• Does Chinese Painting ( Lingnan Style)
• Writes poems in English, Tagalog, and Ilocano
• UP A.B. Political Science (1978)
• UP Law Class 1982

Dr. Rolando Tolentino

• Professor, UP Film Institute
• Director, UP Institute of Creative Writing
• Former Dean, UP College of Mass Communication
• Member, Manunuri ng Pelikulang Pilipino and the Film Development Council of the Philippines
• Awardee: UP Press Centennial Publication Award; National Book Award, Obermann Summer Research Fellowship; Manila Critics Circle Award; Carlos Palanca Memorial Awards for Literature
• A.B. Economics, De La Salle University
• M.A. in Philippine Studies, De La Salle University
• Ph. D. in Film, Literature and Culture, University of Southern California

Atty. Nicolas Pichay

• Director, Legislative Research Service, Senate of the Philippines
• Poet, playwright, essayist
• Hubert Humphrey Fellow, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University 2018
• Awardee: Carlos Palanca Literary Prize (2007 Hall of Fame); NCCA Literary Awards; CCP Literary Awards; Asian Cultural Council; and Gawad Pambansang Alagad ni Balagtas of UMPIL (2016)
• UP A.B. Political Science (1984)

Atty. Alden Lauzon

• Assistant Professor 7, Department of Art Studies, UP College of Arts and Letters (CAL)
• Associate Dean for Administration, CAL (June 2015 – June 2021)
• Senior Partner, Pedregosalaw Offices
• UP M.A. Art Studies, Art History (1998)
• UP Law Class 2000

Dr. Jose Dalisay Jr.

• Professor Emeritus , English and Creative Writing, UP
• Fellow and Former Director, UP Institute of Creative Writing
• Author, writer
• Awardee: 16 Carlos Palanca Awards in 5 genres
• UP College of Arts and Sciences, A.B. English, cum laude (1984)

Jayvee Arbonida del Rosario (Student)

Fever dream (I want to stay)

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Bagamat matagal at paulit-ulit na tayong naghihigpit at lumuluwag sa mga kwarantin na ipinapatupad sa ating bansa, iisa lang ang nababakas sa mga buhay ng mga Pilipino araw-araw, pagsulong at pagtataguyod sa pamilya sa kabila ng pagsubok na sinasagupa araw-araw.

Nababata ng mga manggagawa ang lahat para sa kanilang mga pamilya. Nadagdag isuot araw-araw ang proteksyon laban sa nakakahawang sakit, pero talaga nga bang napoproteksyunan tayo sa totoong sakit sa bansa?

“Ano nga ba ang tunay na pagsubok? Ang Pandemya o ang sistema?” – Tanong ng Pilipinong lumalaban.

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Life goes on… and we will not stop pushing for a better tomorrow. Not now, not ever.

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40 facts about elektrostal.

Written by Lanette Mayes

Modified & Updated: 02 Mar 2024

Reviewed by Jessica Corbett

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Known as the “Motor City of Russia.”

Elektrostal, a city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia, earned the nickname “Motor City” due to its significant involvement in the automotive industry.

Home to the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Elektrostal is renowned for its metallurgical plant, which has been producing high-quality steel and alloys since its establishment in 1916.

Boasts a rich industrial heritage.

Elektrostal has a long history of industrial development, contributing to the growth and progress of the region.

Founded in 1916.

The city of Elektrostal was founded in 1916 as a result of the construction of the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Located approximately 50 kilometers east of Moscow.

Elektrostal is situated in close proximity to the Russian capital, making it easily accessible for both residents and visitors.

Known for its vibrant cultural scene.

Elektrostal is home to several cultural institutions, including museums, theaters, and art galleries that showcase the city’s rich artistic heritage.

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Hosts the annual Elektrostal City Day celebrations.

Every year, Elektrostal organizes festive events and activities to celebrate its founding, bringing together residents and visitors in a spirit of unity and joy.

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Home to notable architectural landmarks.

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Offers a wide range of recreational facilities.

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Provides a high standard of healthcare.

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Home to the Elektrostal History Museum.

The Elektrostal History Museum showcases the city’s fascinating past through exhibitions and displays.

A hub for sports enthusiasts.

Elektrostal is passionate about sports, with numerous stadiums, arenas, and sports clubs offering opportunities for athletes and spectators.

Celebrates diverse cultural festivals.

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Electric power played a significant role in its early development.

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Boasts a thriving economy.

The city’s strong industrial base, coupled with its strategic location near Moscow, has contributed to Elektrostal’s prosperous economic status.

Houses the Elektrostal Drama Theater.

The Elektrostal Drama Theater is a cultural centerpiece, attracting theater enthusiasts from far and wide.

Popular destination for winter sports.

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Promotes environmental sustainability.

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Hosts an annual International Film Festival.

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Home to notable sports teams.

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Boasts a vibrant nightlife scene.

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Promotes cultural exchange and international relations.

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Surrounded by beautiful nature reserves.

Nearby nature reserves, such as the Barybino Forest and Luchinskoye Lake, offer opportunities for nature enthusiasts to explore and appreciate the region’s biodiversity.

Commemorates historical events.

The city pays tribute to significant historical events through memorials, monuments, and exhibitions, ensuring the preservation of collective memory.

Promotes sports and youth development.

Elektrostal invests in sports infrastructure and programs to encourage youth participation, health, and physical fitness.

Hosts annual cultural and artistic festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal celebrates its cultural diversity through festivals dedicated to music, dance, art, and theater.

Provides a picturesque landscape for photography enthusiasts.

The city’s scenic beauty, architectural landmarks, and natural surroundings make it a paradise for photographers.

Connects to Moscow via a direct train line.

The convenient train connection between Elektrostal and Moscow makes commuting between the two cities effortless.

A city with a bright future.

Elektrostal continues to grow and develop, aiming to become a model city in terms of infrastructure, sustainability, and quality of life for its residents.

In conclusion, Elektrostal is a fascinating city with a rich history and a vibrant present. From its origins as a center of steel production to its modern-day status as a hub for education and industry, Elektrostal has plenty to offer both residents and visitors. With its beautiful parks, cultural attractions, and proximity to Moscow, there is no shortage of things to see and do in this dynamic city. Whether you’re interested in exploring its historical landmarks, enjoying outdoor activities, or immersing yourself in the local culture, Elektrostal has something for everyone. So, next time you find yourself in the Moscow region, don’t miss the opportunity to discover the hidden gems of Elektrostal.

Q: What is the population of Elektrostal?

A: As of the latest data, the population of Elektrostal is approximately XXXX.

Q: How far is Elektrostal from Moscow?

A: Elektrostal is located approximately XX kilometers away from Moscow.

Q: Are there any famous landmarks in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to several notable landmarks, including XXXX and XXXX.

Q: What industries are prominent in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal is known for its steel production industry and is also a center for engineering and manufacturing.

Q: Are there any universities or educational institutions in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to XXXX University and several other educational institutions.

Q: What are some popular outdoor activities in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal offers several outdoor activities, such as hiking, cycling, and picnicking in its beautiful parks.

Q: Is Elektrostal well-connected in terms of transportation?

A: Yes, Elektrostal has good transportation links, including trains and buses, making it easily accessible from nearby cities.

Q: Are there any annual events or festivals in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal hosts various events and festivals throughout the year, including XXXX and XXXX.

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562nd Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment

562-й зенитно-ракетный полк

Military Unit: 51860

Activated 1953 in Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast - initially as the 1926th Anti-Aircraft Artillery Regiment for Special Use and from 1955 as the 562nd Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment for Special Use.

1953 to 1988 equipped with 60 S-25 (SA-1) launchers:

• Launch area: 55 47 54N, 38 20 52E (US designation: Moscow SAM site C09-1)
• Support area: 55 48 20N, 38 18 52E
• Guidance area: 55 47 44N, 38 18 37E

From mid-1978 began conversion to the S-300P (SA-10) missile, and the first battalion became operational 20.4.79.

In 1979 the S-25 battalions were reduced to mobilisation battalions (cadre), and missiles were withdrawn to a central storage base - the S-25 battalions were disbanded 1988.

1.7.81 the regiment became operational with four S-300P (later S-300PM) battalions (as the second PVO unit):

• 1st independent Anti-Aircraft Missile Battalion (Plaskinino, Moscow Oblast) - 55 32 37N, 38 22 22E
• 2nd independent Anti-Aircraft Missile Battalion (Zakharovo, Moscow Oblast) - 55 40 25N, 38 21 45E
• 3rd independent Anti-Aircraft Missile Battalion and HQ (Elektrostal, Moscow Oblast) - 55 47 48N, 38 21 27E
• 4th independent Anti-Aircraft Missile Battalion (Voskresenskoye, Moscow Oblast) - 55 55 10N, 38 19 43E

In 1988 absorbed by the 606th Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment , while the 4th independent Anti-Aircraft Missile Battalion became part of the 629th Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment .

Subordination:

• 6th Special Air Defence Corps , 1953 - 1988