american culture essay

The United States of America’s Culture Essay

Introduction, american culture, works cited.

Culture in the United States has been characterized with tension from the European ideals and the domestic originality. The overall culture of America include beliefs, arts, traditions, values, customs, innovations and ideals drawn from the locals and from foreigners across the boarders. American culture in a mixture of ideas and ideals from varied quarters, factors like democracy, civil liberty, Christianity, traditions, moral elements and entertainment have all been intertwined into a single unit feature appearing as the American culture.

Due to the several parameters that constitute it, America culture is so dynamic and has kept on changing with the variation in demographic composition. “American culture is divided into about 49 subcategories which are soaked up into a single distinct culture called “the American Culture” (Bogle, p.56). This paper will deal the issues that make up the American culture and what various writers have to say about those issues.

To be an American, demands that citizens have to be devoted in upholding the rule of law, liberty, equity and justice to all. Being an American means that one has the advantage of being under a government that oversees the welfare and interest of everyone within and outside its boarders. The American society does not only look at the comfort of everyone in need, and not only regardless of its border boundary.

The culture promotes freedom of choice and association…therefore in this context, being an American means living in a cohesive society of mixed values owing to its diversity. A critical analysis of American cultures spills over to several miles from the boarders due to their great influence worldwide, the same applies to what constitutes American Culture which is a combination of mixed practices like sports, music, art and fashions to mention a few. Issues related to race, class, ethnicity, sexuality, gender and censorship are the ones that shape the culture. “Every individual that proclaims to be an American is taught to uphold American cultural values like positive attitude, leadership skills, entrepreneurship and craftsmanship among others” (Gaspar de Alba, p.124).

American culture is structured by their system of governance, laws and regulations and how people relate with each other owing to their original disparity. From face value, it can be said that America has no culture; Gaspar refers to individuals who hold such opinion to hear fish denying the existence of water (p.125). It is only that the American culture is shared by a vast majority which makes a culture of its own, unique in every aspect.

Americans believe that they can compete in literally everything and enjoy equal opportunity with every other player worldwide. The strong desire of Americans to be democratic and free from oppression of all kinds, has characterized the activities in America, events that are so extraordinary that only Americans themselves can understand and explain. These are however just general views on what the American culture really is, the next section of this paper will go to the specifics, and zero in into the following factors that determine the true culture of America. That is; language, literature, faith, national holydays, sports, arts beside other popular cultures as given by different writers.

Regarding language, about sixty five percent of America’s populations speak English as their native language, making America the second most populated English speaking nation in the world after India. The federal government has no official language but the latest report indicate that the society is pushing to have English be made the official language. Apart from English, other languages that are spoken in America include Spanish, French, Navajo as well as some minority immigrant languages which have persisted to date. Literature in America traces its origin to Europe.

It is the foreign culture from this end of the world and has characterized American literary voce foe centuries (Lipsitz, p.41). American writers have managed to capture the literary arena by wining Nobel Prize in Literature severally. “It is believed that the mixed values that make the American culture are the reasons behind great literary skills…the perfect blend works well for the artists” (Lipsitz, p.43).

America is believed by some researchers as the most religious nation among the developed world considering its demographics. Religion plays a very important role in the life of American citizens. There is freedom of worship in America and no single person is discriminated on the basis of religious affiliation. “The American society is composed of Quakers in Pennsylvania, Roman Catholics in Maryland, Puritans in Massachusetts and many more who practice whatever religion they feel deem fits them best” (Marsden, p.45). Marsden adds that the nation has established a law that respect religion and prohibits the federal interference in religious matters.

Any America citizen has to observe all National Holydays that define memorable and significant events in the countries history. Some of the National holydays recognized by the American culture include but not limited to ; Thanksgiving day observed by traditional Americans, Easter, St. Patrick’s and Lent, by Christians and the Independence Day, observed by everyone with American affiliation whether within or outside boarders. Independence Day is celebrated every Fourth of July to mark the day America was declared independent from the Kingdom of Great Britain (Lipsitz, p.46).

Sports in an important component in American culture, it is though very unique from other countries even the neighboring ones. America prefers to go domestic as far as sports are concerned. In the beginning op in the priority list of the most preferred sports is baseball which dates back to 1869 when it first went professional. Currently, the most famous sport is the American football followed by Basketball and Ice hockey. American culture has a unique architectural style. America has very little to remind them of their history, probably because it has a very young country and still has a shortened past.

The paintings that show their skills in architecture are all based on modernity like the skyscrapers; it basically represents Mediterranean style i.e. electric…a fact which is not surprising with the multicultural nature. Related to Architecture is the American sculpture which depicts the past history with religion, it shows the ancient practices of the Roman Republicans and Protestants Christians. Just like their architecture, the fashion in America is modern and informal as well as what Lipsitz refers to as electric in (p.47).

American dressing code is basically casual with the most dominant style being blue jeans. “The blue jeans have become so common in the country to an extent that it can pass as arguably the American contribution to world fashion” (Bogle, p.71). America’s films, heater, music and dance are all affiliated to the Western Europe, just like many other ideals. The country is multiethnic and instead of having ethnic affiliations which can be quiet numerous, racism comes into play.

This is where individuals classify themselves as men of color (non white) and whites. To some extent, even the Native Americans were discriminated against due to their minority status. But American government has walked a good walk in fighting racism; hopes are that someday racism related incidences would be a thing of the past is very much alive among the American public. Acts of democracy would have been embraced and neither social class nor gender is used to bar anyone from taking advantage of a great opportunity. Government policies of the modern America have been geared to amicably address gender biasness and class differences, the policies have gone a long way in doing away with such social ills that are reaping value from the culture (Gaspar de Alba, pp.125-127).

From the facts presented in this paper, it can be said that whatever the American culture is, hopes also lie with the schools and other cultural based institutions to help pass cultural values from one generation to the other. The parents are better positioned to help in this initiative. Emphasis should be put on the teachings on customs and tradition the child draws from the parents. American culture as it has been determined offers opportunity for all in the society through the help of the government which avails necessary resources. The culture honors the principle of equity which seems to be the chief driving force steering the nation to greatness.

Bogle, D. An Interpretive History of American. New York: Viking Press. (1973). pp. 56 72.

Gaspar de Alba, A. Chicano Art Inside/Outside the Master’s House: Cultural Politics and the CARA Exhibition. Austin: University of Texas Press. (1998). pp.122-127.

Lipsitz, G. Time Passages: Collective Memory and American Popular Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. (1990). pp. 41-47.

Marsden, G. Religion and American Culture. Orlando: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, (1990). Pp. 45-46.

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Essays on American Culture

Your American culture essay is an opportunity to get engulfed in exciting storytime rather than work. The US is an immigrant country, American culture was influenced by nearly every region of the world, but primarily by the British who colonized the country in the early 1600s. Native Americans and Hispanics have had a powerful impact on the country’s culture as well, as pointed out in many American culture essays. The United States is often described as a “melting pot”, blending many “flavors” from across the world into one great American culture. Our American culture essay samples, presented for your viewing below, will provide some interesting ideas for you to munch on. Besides samples, we offer complete essay creation from scratch, because essays on American culture are often as challenging as they are fun.

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1. What does Critchley mean by ethos and ethnos? (i) According to Critchley, Ethos can be described as the concept that links people to their culture, place of residence, their character and how they...

Many organizations have voiced concerns about the effects that the use of various technologies for children for various reasons, such as education and entertainment, has had on both early childhood development and culture. Although their parents may not have paid much notice, the American culture has implemented a number of...

Zora Neale Hurston, who was born in Notasulga, Alabama, developed into a literary legend in the United States. John and Lucy, Zora's parents, were instrumental in developing her poetic heritage. Her works have emerged as significant American literary masterpieces as a result of her prominence in the field. In the...

Attempting to investigate the settlement and later development of the state of Southern California during the first 100 years of its establishment, Heritage Square Museum is a working history museum that is situated in Southern California. Eight Victorian-era buildings that were allocated to the museum were spared from being demolished...

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It was especially gratifying to think about the poems and life of Gwendolyn Brooks while attending Quraysh Ali Lansana's presentation at the Art Institute of Chicago's Rubloff Auditorium. The presentation was part of a centennial effort to remember and celebrate the memory of the celebrated activist, mother, feminist, and literary...

Although it is frequently used to refer to Chinese contract laborers who immigrated to foreign countries as contracted or indentured workers, the word "coolie" was originally used to describe cheap, unskilled labor from Asia. Due to the Opium War and the abolition of the Atlantic trade, the Chinese coolie trade...

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The Love for Writing: Joan Didion's Journey The author of Why I Write by Joan Didion has used a few specific examples to tell her own tale in the first person to demonstrate her love of writing. Didion is an American novelist whose books highlight the chaos of American culture. She...

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Nosedive from Black Mirror and Technopoly from Neil Nosedive from Black Mirror and Technopoly from Neil show the impact of technology on American culture and the implications of that impact. The film Nosedive depicts a society in which people's interactions are assessed on a scale of one to five. Excellent behavior...

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Essay on American Culture

Students are often asked to write an essay on American Culture in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on American Culture

Introduction to american culture.

American culture is a melting pot of diverse traditions, values, and customs. Born from the influence of many cultures worldwide, it reflects the country’s rich history and its belief in freedom and equality.

Language and Communication

English is the primary language in America. However, due to cultural diversity, languages like Spanish, Chinese, and French are also spoken. Americans value directness and honesty in communication.

Food and Cuisine

American cuisine is a blend of many cultures. While fast food like burgers and pizzas are popular, traditional dishes like turkey and apple pie are also cherished.

Sports and Entertainment

Sports like Baseball, Basketball, and American Football are integral to American culture. Hollywood and Broadway reflect the vibrant entertainment scene.

American culture is a colorful tapestry of varied influences, offering a unique blend of traditions, cuisines, and languages. It is a testament to the country’s diversity and openness.

250 Words Essay on American Culture

The melting pot: american culture.

American culture, often referred to as a “melting pot,” is a complex blend of diverse traditions, values, and influences. This multifaceted cultural landscape is a product of historical events, immigration, and regional differences.

Historical Context

American culture is deeply rooted in its history. The founding principles of liberty, equality, and democracy have shaped the nation’s collective identity. These ideals are reflected in American literature, art, and political discourse, serving as a constant reminder of the nation’s commitment to these values.

Influence of Immigration

Immigration has been a significant factor in the evolution of American culture. Each wave of immigrants brought their unique traditions, food, music, and languages, contributing to the richness and diversity of American society. This multiculturalism is celebrated and acknowledged as a key aspect of the nation’s identity.

Regional Differences

The vast geographic expanse of the United States has led to the development of distinct regional cultures. From the laid-back lifestyle of the West Coast to the bustling energy of the East Coast, these regional differences add another layer to the complexity of American culture.

In essence, American culture is a dynamic, evolving entity that reflects the nation’s history, the influence of immigration, and regional nuances. It is a testament to the country’s spirit of inclusivity, diversity, and constant growth. Despite its complexity, it is this very diversity that unites Americans, making the culture a binding force in the nation’s fabric.

500 Words Essay on American Culture

Introduction.

American culture, a melting pot of various ethnicities, races, and nationalities, is a dynamic and ever-evolving landscape that reflects the country’s complex history and diverse population. It is a unique blend of shared values, traditions, arts, history, folklore, and experiences that characterize the people of the United States.

Historical Influences

The United States, often referred to as a “nation of immigrants,” has been shaped by the convergence of cultures from around the world. The indigenous cultures of Native Americans, the early colonial influences from England, France, and Spain, the importation of African cultures during the slave trade, and the influx of immigrants from Europe, Asia, and Latin America throughout the 19th and 20th centuries have all left indelible marks on American culture.

Values and Beliefs

At the core of American culture are certain values and beliefs that have guided the nation since its founding. These include individualism, freedom, equality, and the pursuit of happiness. The American Dream, the idea that anyone, regardless of their background, can succeed through hard work and determination, is a central tenet of American culture. This belief in upward mobility and self-reliance has shaped American attitudes towards work, education, entrepreneurship, and societal progress.

Popular Culture and Media

American popular culture, particularly music, movies, and television, has a significant global influence. Hollywood’s impact is far-reaching, shaping perceptions of American culture worldwide. Similarly, American music genres like jazz, blues, rock, and hip-hop have gained global popularity. The digital age, with the advent of social media and online streaming platforms, has further amplified the reach of American pop culture.

Food and Sports

American cuisine, another facet of its culture, is a testament to its multicultural heritage. From hamburgers and hot dogs to pizza and tacos, American food is a fusion of diverse culinary traditions. Sports also play a vital role in American culture. Baseball, American football, and basketball are not just pastimes but are intertwined with American identity and community spirit.

Challenges and Critiques

While American culture is celebrated for its diversity and dynamism, it has also faced criticism. The issues of racial inequality, cultural appropriation, and the homogenization of culture due to globalization are significant challenges. It’s crucial for future generations to address these issues to ensure a more inclusive and equitable cultural landscape.

In conclusion, American culture is a complex tapestry woven with threads of diverse origins. Its global influence is undeniable, shaping trends and norms worldwide. As it continues to evolve, American culture will undoubtedly reflect the changing demographics, values, and beliefs of its people. Despite the challenges, the essence of American culture lies in its capacity for change, adaptability, and its celebration of diversity.

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Research: What Is American Identity and Why Does It Matter?

Why Does the American Identity Matter?

The most important reason for understanding American identity is related to white racial identification. It may not be prevalent in U.S. political attitudes, but it’s still an issue. A survey from 2012 asked white respondents to indicate if whiteness represented the way they thought of themselves most of the time, as opposed to identifying themselves as Americans . One fifth of the survey’s white respondents said that they preferred the term white to American when identifying themselves.

How to Analyze American Identity

• There’s no such thing as a universal identity, especially for an omni-cultural country such as the USA.
• Everyone has their own understanding of what it means to be American today, as citizens come from different religious, ethnic, ideological, and geographical backgrounds.
• Explaining the concept of American identity calls for an inclusive approach based on solidarity.
• Depending on how you discuss the concept, an academic essay may require arguments on modern-day immigration and immigrant policies. How do they fit within the common understanding of American identity?

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An Adventure in American Culture & Values

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Studying in the United States of America can be a wonderful learning experience. Both in and out of the classroom you will learn and practice the English language. You will also learn much about American life and its sometimes confusing culture. As you prepare to come to the U.S., it may help to know something about the values that shape U.S. Americans’ attitudes and behaviors. As you consider these values it is important to remember that:

• U.S. society is made up of a diversity of ethnic groups and cultures that have helped shape American values;
• Some individuals and groups have a set of respected values that are quite different from those of mainstream America;
• People’s attitudes and behavior are based on their values.

Some Major U.S. American Values

Individuality:  U.S. Americans are encouraged at an early age to be independent and to develop their own goals in life. They are encouraged to not depend (too much) on others including their friends, teachers and parents. They are rewarded when they try harder to reach their goals.

Privacy:  U.S. Americans like their privacy and enjoy spending time alone. Foreign visitors will find U.S. American homes and offices open, but what is inside the American mind is considered to be private. To ask the question “What is on your mind?” may be considered by some to be intrusive.

Equality:  U.S. Americans uphold the ideal that everyone “is created equal” and has the same rights. This includes women as well as men of all ethnic and cultural groups living in the U.S. There are even laws that protect this “right to equality” in its various forms.

The general lack of deference to people in authority is one example of equality. Titles, such as “sir” and “madam” are seldom used. Managers, directors, presidents and even university instructors are often addressed by their first or given name.

Time:  U.S. Americans take pride in making the best use of their time. In the business world, “time is money”. Being “on time” for class, an appointment, or for dinner with your host family is important. U.S. Americans apologize if they are late. Some instructors give demerits to students who are late to class, and students at most universities have institutional permission to leave the classroom if their instructor is 10 or 15 minutes late.

Informality:  The U.S. American lifestyle is generally casual. You will see students going to class in shorts and t-shirts. Male instructors seldom wear a tie and some may even wear blue jeans. Female instructors often wear slacks along with comfortable walking shoes.

Greetings and farewells are usually short, informal and friendly. Students may greet each other with “hi”, “how are you”? and “what’s up”? The farewell can be as brief as: “See you”, “take it easy”, or, “come by some time” (although they generally don’t really mean it). Friendships are also casual, as Americans seem to easily develop and end friendships.

Achievement & Hard Work/Play:  The foreign visitor is often impressed at how achievement oriented Americans are and how hard they both work and play. A competitive spirit is often the motivating factor to work harder. Americans often compete with themselves as well as others. They feel good when they “beat their own record” in an athletic event or other types of competition. Americans seem to always be “on the go”, because sitting quietly doing nothing seems like a waste of time.

Direct & Assertive:  U.S. Americans try to work out their differences face-to-face and without a mediator. They are encouraged to speak up and give their opinions. Students are often invited to challenge or disagree with certain points in the lecture. This manner of direct speaking is often interpreted by foreign visitors as rude.

Looking to the Future and to Change:  Children are often asked what they want to be “when they grow up”; college students are asked what they will do when they graduate; and professors plan what they will do when they retire.

Change is often equated with progress and holding on to traditions seems to imply old and outdated ways. Even though Americans are recycling more than before many purchased products are designed to have a short life and then be thrown away.

Adjustment & Culture “Shock”

You may notice that these American values are, in some instances, quite different from your own. When you come to the U.S. the reality of these differences will be more evident. You will likely experience culture “shock” as you learn to adjust to the new culture and way of living. This is very normal and requires both time and patience.

Good Wishes for a New Cultural Experience

Your decision to study in the United States will provide you with endless opportunities to learn about a new culture and about yourself as well. You will also have a chance to “educate” U.S. Americans about your own country and cultural values.

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American Culture Essay: Customs and Traditions of the USA

All essays on American culture generally explore the customs and traditions of the USA, a country with distinct cultural background encompassing food preferences, language, religious affiliation and much more. American culture would be of great interest to everyone who is fond of learning new things about the world around. Current American culture essay will discuss the most peculiar aspects of the US customs and traditions. The following essay on American culture will deal with such elements of the US culture as language, religion, American style and food, music, sports and some others. The paper will start from providing general background to make it clear to the readers that American culture encompasses various aspects that will be briefly analyzed in the following essay about American culture. Let us discuss the key aspects distinguishing the culture of one of the world’s most developed countries – the United States of America.

• First, it is important to provide a few general facts about the USA. The United States is known as the third largest state in the world. Since the very beginning, the USA has been home to people with diverse cultural backgrounds. It is known that almost every region in the world has somehow contributed to the American culture, as this country has long been a country of immigrants, since the times when it was colonized by the British. Therefore, US culture has been changed and shaped by such nations as Native Americans, Africans, Asians and Latin Americans. It needs to be noted that America is widely considered a “ melting pot ” where diverse cultures have been interacting with one another and bringing something new to the local culture. Just like the nations across the world have greatly influenced the American culture, nowadays, the US nation influences the cultures of other countries all over the globe. Some immigrants coming to the USA keep some of their traditions and language, but integrate into the American lifestyle in a number of ways. At the same time, lots of immigrants bring something new to the American culture so that it continues to change and evolve.
• The next issue to be discussed is the language of the USA. According to the American government, the United States has no official language. This is because nearly every language of the world is widely used in the USA, including Spanish, French, German and Chinese. These are some of the most frequently used non-English languages that are widely spread across the USA. 90% of the whole population, however, understands and uses English language, and most of the official businesses are managed in English as well. It is estimated that over 300 languages are commonly used in the USA. These languages are divided into several groups according to their prevalence across the territory of the country. 
• Another cultural aspect to be discussed is religion. The USA is known to practice almost every world religion, which is explained by the rights of US citizens to choose whatever religion they like. This phenomenon is known as religious freedom. Around 80% of the population identify themselves with Christian religion, while more than 10% of US citizens claim that they do not adhere to any religion at all. It was also found that the second most commonly identified religion in the USA is Judaism with nearly 2% of the population affiliating with it. At the same time, Islamic religion is not that common, with less than 1% of the population identifying themselves as Muslims.
• As for the American style of clothing, it varies according to the social status of a person, the region he/she lives in, his/her occupation and climatic conditions. Jeans, baseball caps, boots, sneakers and often cowboy headwear are among the pieces of clothing that are most commonly associated with the American style. Such American brands as Calvin Klein, Victoria Secret and Ralph Lauren have long become known all over the world being especially popular in their country of origin. American fashion is largely influenced by the style chosen by celebrities as well as the one reflected in mass media. The fashion sales in America reach nearly $200 billion a year.
• Another aspect to be analyzed is American food. This aspect raises concern among Europeans and other nations, because American food is known mostly for its unhealthy qualities and the use of genetic modification. Such American foods as hamburgers, potato chips, hot dogs and meat loaf are among the most widely known examples of traditional American meals. Apple pie is also very popular with Americans being an authentic part of the US cuisine. The types of foods vary depending on the region. Southern manner of cooking is commonly known as “ American comfort food ”. It includes such meals as fried chicken, corn bread and greens. The cuisine of Texas has been influenced by the Mexican and Spanish styles of cooking. It ranges from burritos to shredded cheese and chili. It is also common for Americans to eat various snacks such as dried meats and many more.
• As for such cultural aspect as sports, the United States is widely known as a sports-conscious state. Every region of the USA has thousands of fans who are fond of baseball, football, basketball and many other kinds of sports. It is common to consider that baseball is an inherently American kind of sports. It has been developed during the period of British colonization and has ever since become one of the most favorite pastimes for the American nation. It seems that the popularity of baseball in America will hardly ever wear out. In the USA, baseball is as popular as football in most European countries.
• Finally, there is a need to discuss the diversity of arts in the United States. The arts culture of the US extends far beyond television shows and movies. This can be proved by the fact that New York is known for being home to Broadway, and the whole American nation has a very distinct theatrical history. The folk art of Americans is revealed in the popularity of hand-made items. As for American music, it encompasses many styles and genres, including jazz, western and country music as well as rock ‘n’ roll and blues.

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Keywords for American Cultural Studies, Third Edition

Edited by bruce burgett and glenn hendler.

Keywords for American Cultural Studies, Third Edition is a hybrid print-digital publication that includes 150 essays, each focused on a single term such as “America,” “culture,” “diversity,” or “religion.” More than forty of the essays have been significantly revised for this new edition, and there are nineteen completely new keywords, including crucial additions such as “biopolitics,” “data,” “debt,” and “intersectionality”. The print volume includes 66 essays, 19 of which are new for this third edition. Another 48 essays appear on this site.

The site also includes “Keywords: An Introduction,” the list of works cited by all the essays, information about the contributors , a note on classroom use , sample syllabi and assignments , and a blog . Any page in the site can be printed or saved as a pdf,…

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• What Defines The American Culture?

• With over 300 million people of different races and ethnicities, The United States is one of the most culturally diverse countries in the world.
• There are over 300 languages spoken across the United States.
• The popular culture of the US (encompassing arts, sports, music, movies, and many other cultural aspects) is one of the most influential and recognizable phenomena in the world.

Defining American culture in simple terms is not as easy as it may seem. American culture is not only defined by its fast-paced lifestyle, fashion, and "to-go" coffee cups. It is also the culture of many diversity, different religions, races, and ethnicities. It is a culture that nourishes competition and political correctness, and also tries to enforce the freedom of speech. Some would say that American culture is contradictory, a flux of different people and values. Is there something that is uniquely American and recognizable as such? Probably Americana!

The Origin Of Diversity In The United States

The definition of culture is a subject of many academic debates, but most will agree that culture is many things and that it is embedded in how we behave, what we eat, how we tell right from wrong, what music we listen and clothes we wear. Culture is all those things and many more. More than 300 million people live in The United States, making it the third-largest country in the world, and also one of the most culturally diverse (racially and ethnically) countries.

Throughout its history, American culture has been influenced by many different cultures like Native American, Latin American, African, and others, and is often called a " melting pot ." Simply put, it is a metaphor that describes a heterogeneous society becoming more homogenous. Since every community had different ways of adapting to life in the United States, they might keep their cultural traditions, customs, and language.

Still, they will also absorb the American customs and their way of life in addition to their own. More than 300 languages are spoken in the United States , and while there is no official language per se, around 90% of the population understands the English language. Religion diversity is also another aspect of the American culture, and many different religions are practiced daily in the United States, with Christianity being the most prominent religion.

Kaleidoscope Of Different Influences

There is something unmistakably American in the cultural heritage of the United States, and Americana is a term that encompasses the history, geography, and folklore of a certain part of American culture. It is a period that idealizes diners, apple pies, baseball, and many other motifs, along with ideals of The American Dream, patriotism and nostalgia. America is also known for its mass media production and rich, popular culture.

Ever since the '50s, American television programs found a place in many homes across the globe. Even today, the popular culture of America is very influential and recognizable all over the world. The rise of Hollywood made people fall in love with movies and give birth to an industry of cheap entertainment. Truly many things define American culture, but the real beauty is in its diversity and contradictions, and all the different people and cultures that make it a unique country.

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American Culture: The Rich Tapestry

• Categories: American Culture American Identity

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What It Means To Be Asian in America

The lived experiences and perspectives of asian americans in their own words.

Asians are the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in the United States. More than 24 million Americans in the U.S. trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent.

The majority of Asian Americans are immigrants, coming to understand what they left behind and building their lives in the United States. At the same time, there is a fast growing, U.S.-born generation of Asian Americans who are navigating their own connections to familial heritage and their own experiences growing up in the U.S.

In a new Pew Research Center analysis based on dozens of focus groups, Asian American participants described the challenges of navigating their own identity in a nation where the label “Asian” brings expectations about their origins, behavior and physical self. Read on to see, in their own words, what it means to be Asian in America.

Table of Contents

Introduction.

No single experience defines what it means to be Asian in the United States today. Instead, Asian Americans’ lived experiences are in part shaped by where they were born, how connected they are to their family’s ethnic origins, and how others – both Asians and non-Asians – see and engage with them in their daily lives. Yet despite diverse experiences, backgrounds and origins, shared experiences and common themes emerged when we asked: “What does it mean to be Asian in America?”

In the fall of 2021, Pew Research Center undertook the largest focus group study it had ever conducted – 66 focus groups with 264 total participants – to hear Asian Americans talk about their lived experiences in America. The focus groups were organized into 18 distinct Asian ethnic origin groups, fielded in 18 languages and moderated by members of their own ethnic groups. Because of the pandemic, the focus groups were conducted virtually, allowing us to recruit participants from all parts of the United States. This approach allowed us to hear a diverse set of voices – especially from less populous Asian ethnic groups whose views, attitudes and opinions are seldom presented in traditional polling. The approach also allowed us to explore the reasons behind people’s opinions and choices about what it means to belong in America, beyond the preset response options of a traditional survey.

The terms “Asian,” “Asians living in the United States” and “Asian American” are used interchangeably throughout this essay to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

“The United States” and “the U.S.” are used interchangeably with “America” for variations in the writing.

Multiracial participants are those who indicate they are of two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Asian). Multiethnic participants are those who indicate they are of two or more ethnicities, including those identified as Asian with Hispanic background.

U.S. born refers to people born in the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, or other U.S. territories.

Immigrant refers to people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.S. citizens. The terms “immigrant,” “first generation” and “foreign born” are used interchangeably in this report.  

Second generation refers to people born in the 50 states or the District of Columbia with at least one first-generation, or immigrant, parent.

The pan-ethnic term “Asian American” describes the population of about 22 million people living in the United States who trace their roots to more than 20 countries in East and Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. The term was popularized by U.S. student activists in the 1960s and was eventually adopted by the U.S. Census Bureau. However, the “Asian” label masks the diverse demographics and wide economic disparities across the largest national origin groups (such as Chinese, Indian, Filipino) and the less populous ones (such as Bhutanese, Hmong and Nepalese) living in America. It also hides the varied circumstances of groups immigrated to the U.S. and how they started their lives there. The population’s diversity often presents challenges . Conventional survey methods typically reflect the voices of larger groups without fully capturing the broad range of views, attitudes, life starting points and perspectives experienced by Asian Americans. They can also limit understanding of the shared experiences across this diverse population.

Across all focus groups, some common findings emerged. Participants highlighted how the pan-ethnic “Asian” label used in the U.S. represented only one part of how they think of themselves. For example, recently arrived Asian immigrant participants told us they are drawn more to their ethnic identity than to the more general, U.S.-created pan-ethnic Asian American identity. Meanwhile, U.S.-born Asian participants shared how they identified, at times, as Asian but also, at other times, by their ethnic origin and as Americans.

Another common finding among focus group participants is the disconnect they noted between how they see themselves and how others view them. Sometimes this led to maltreatment of them or their families, especially at heightened moments in American history such as during Japanese incarceration during World War II, the aftermath of 9/11 and, more recently, the COVID-19 pandemic. Beyond these specific moments, many in the focus groups offered their own experiences that had revealed other people’s assumptions or misconceptions about their identity.

Another shared finding is the multiple ways in which participants take and express pride in their cultural and ethnic backgrounds while also feeling at home in America, celebrating and blending their unique cultural traditions and practices with those of other Americans.

This focus group project is part of a broader research agenda about Asians living in the United States. The findings presented here offer a small glimpse of what participants told us, in their own words, about how they identify themselves, how others see and treat them, and more generally, what it means to be Asian in America.

Illustrations by Jing Li

Publications from the Being Asian in America project

• Read the data essay: What It Means to Be Asian in America
• Watch the documentary: Being Asian in America
• Explore the interactive: In Their Own Words: The Diverse Perspectives of Being Asian in America
• View expanded interviews: Extended Interviews: Being Asian in America
• About this research project: More on the Being Asian in America project
• Q&A: Why and how Pew Research Center conducted 66 focus groups with Asian Americans

This is how I view my identity

One of the topics covered in each focus group was how participants viewed their own racial or ethnic identity. Moderators asked them how they viewed themselves, and what experiences informed their views about their identity. These discussions not only highlighted differences in how participants thought about their own racial or ethnic background, but they also revealed how different settings can influence how they would choose to identify themselves. Across all focus groups, the general theme emerged that being Asian was only one part of how participants viewed themselves.

The pan-ethnic label ‘Asian’ is often used more in formal settings

“I think when I think of the Asian Americans, I think that we’re all unique and different. We come from different cultures and backgrounds. We come from unique stories, not just as a group, but just as individual humans.” Mali , documentary participant

Many participants described a complicated relationship with the pan-ethnic labels “Asian” or “Asian American.” For some, using the term was less of an active choice and more of an imposed one, with participants discussing the disconnect between how they would like to identify themselves and the available choices often found in formal settings. For example, an immigrant Pakistani woman remarked how she typically sees “Asian American” on forms, but not more specific options. Similarly, an immigrant Burmese woman described her experience of applying for jobs and having to identify as “Asian,” as opposed to identifying by her ethnic background, because no other options were available. These experiences highlight the challenges organizations like government agencies and employers have in developing surveys or forms that ask respondents about their identity. A common sentiment is one like this:

“I guess … I feel like I just kind of check off ‘Asian’ [for] an application or the test forms. That’s the only time I would identify as Asian. But Asian is too broad. Asia is a big continent. Yeah, I feel like it’s just too broad. To specify things, you’re Taiwanese American, that’s exactly where you came from.”

–U.S.-born woman of Taiwanese origin in early 20s

Smaller ethnic groups default to ‘Asian’ since their groups are less recognizable

Other participants shared how their experiences in explaining the geographic location and culture of their origin country led them to prefer “Asian” when talking about themselves with others. This theme was especially prominent among those belonging to smaller origin groups such as Bangladeshis and Bhutanese. A Lao participant remarked she would initially say “Asian American” because people might not be familiar with “Lao.”

“​​[When I fill out] forms, I select ‘Asian American,’ and that’s why I consider myself as an Asian American. [It is difficult to identify as] Nepali American [since] there are no such options in forms. That’s why, Asian American is fine to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Nepalese origin in late 20s

“Coming to a big country like [the United States], when people ask where we are from … there are some people who have no idea about Bhutan, so we end up introducing ourselves as being Asian.”

–Immigrant woman of Bhutanese origin in late 40s

But for many, ‘Asian’ as a label or identity just doesn’t fit

Many participants felt that neither “Asian” nor “Asian American” truly captures how they view themselves and their identity. They argue that these labels are too broad or too ambiguous, as there are so many different groups included within these labels. For example, a U.S.-born Pakistani man remarked on how “Asian” lumps many groups together – that the term is not limited to South Asian groups such as Indian and Pakistani, but also includes East Asian groups. Similarly, an immigrant Nepalese man described how “Asian” often means Chinese for many Americans. A Filipino woman summed it up this way:

“Now I consider myself to be both Filipino and Asian American, but growing up in [Southern California] … I didn’t start to identify as Asian American until college because in [the Los Angeles suburb where I lived], it’s a big mix of everything – Black, Latino, Pacific Islander and Asian … when I would go into spaces where there were a lot of other Asians, especially East Asians, I didn’t feel like I belonged. … In media, right, like people still associate Asian with being East Asian.”

–U.S.-born woman of Filipino origin in mid-20s

Participants also noted they have encountered confusion or the tendency for others to view Asian Americans as people from mostly East Asian countries, such as China, Japan and Korea. For some, this confusion even extends to interactions with other Asian American groups. A Pakistani man remarked on how he rarely finds Pakistani or Indian brands when he visits Asian stores. Instead, he recalled mostly finding Vietnamese, Korean and Chinese items.

Among participants of South Asian descent, some identified with the label “South Asian” more than just “Asian.” There were other nuances, too, when it comes to the labels people choose. Some Indian participants, for example, said people sometimes group them with Native Americans who are also referred to as Indians in the United States. This Indian woman shared her experience at school:

“I love South Asian or ‘Desi’ only because up until recently … it’s fairly new to say South Asian. I’ve always said ‘Desi’ because growing up … I’ve had to say I’m the red dot Indian, not the feather Indian. So annoying, you know? … Always a distinction that I’ve had to make.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in late 20s

Participants with multiethnic or multiracial backgrounds described their own unique experiences with their identity. Rather than choosing one racial or ethnic group over the other, some participants described identifying with both groups, since this more accurately describes how they see themselves. In some cases, this choice reflected the history of the Asian diaspora. For example, an immigrant Cambodian man described being both Khmer/Cambodian and Chinese, since his grandparents came from China. Some other participants recalled going through an “identity crisis” as they navigated between multiple identities. As one woman explained:

“I would say I went through an identity crisis. … It’s because of being multicultural. … There’s also French in the mix within my family, too. Because I don’t identify, speak or understand the language, I really can’t connect to the French roots … I’m in between like Cambodian and Thai, and then Chinese and then French … I finally lumped it up. I’m just an Asian American and proud of all my roots.”

–U.S.-born woman of Cambodian origin in mid-30s

In other cases, the choice reflected U.S. patterns of intermarriage. Asian newlyweds have the highest intermarriage rate of any racial or ethnic group in the country. One Japanese-origin man with Hispanic roots noted:

“So I would like to see myself as a Hispanic Asian American. I want to say Hispanic first because I have more of my mom’s culture in me than my dad’s culture. In fact, I actually have more American culture than my dad’s culture for what I do normally. So I guess, Hispanic American Asian.”

–U.S.-born man of Hispanic and Japanese origin in early 40s

Other identities beyond race or ethnicity are also important

Focus group participants also talked about their identity beyond the racial or ethnic dimension. For example, one Chinese woman noted that the best term to describe her would be “immigrant.” Faith and religious ties were also important to some. One immigrant participant talked about his love of Pakistani values and how religion is intermingled into Pakistani culture. Another woman explained:

“[Japanese language and culture] are very important to me and ingrained in me because they were always part of my life, and I felt them when I was growing up. Even the word itadakimasu reflects Japanese culture or the tradition. Shinto religion is a part of the culture. They are part of my identity, and they are very important to me.”

–Immigrant woman of Japanese origin in mid-30s

For some, gender is another important aspect of identity. One Korean participant emphasized that being a woman is an important part of her identity. For others, sexual orientation is an essential part of their overall identity. One U.S.-born Filipino participant described herself as “queer Asian American.” Another participant put it this way:

“I belong to the [LGBTQ] community … before, what we only know is gay and lesbian. We don’t know about being queer, nonbinary. [Here], my horizon of knowing what genders and gender roles is also expanded … in the Philippines, if you’ll be with same sex, you’re considered gay or lesbian. But here … what’s happening is so broad, on how you identify yourself.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 20s

Immigrant identity is tied to their ethnic heritage

Participants born outside the United States tended to link their identity with their ethnic heritage. Some felt strongly connected with their ethnic ties due to their citizenship status. For others, the lack of permanent residency or citizenship meant they have stronger ties to their ethnicity and birthplace. And in some cases, participants said they held on to their ethnic identity even after they became U.S. citizens. One woman emphasized that she will always be Taiwanese because she was born there, despite now living in the U.S.

For other participants, family origin played a central role in their identity, regardless of their status in the U.S. According to some of them, this attitude was heavily influenced by their memories and experiences in early childhood when they were still living in their countries of origin. These influences are so profound that even after decades of living in the U.S., some still feel the strong connection to their ethnic roots. And those with U.S.-born children talked about sending their kids to special educational programs in the U.S. to learn about their ethnic heritage.

“Yes, as for me, I hold that I am Khmer because our nationality cannot be deleted, our identity is Khmer as I hold that I am Khmer … so I try, even [with] my children today, I try to learn Khmer through Zoom through the so-called Khmer Parent Association.”

–Immigrant man of Cambodian origin in late 50s

Navigating life in America is an adjustment

Many participants pointed to cultural differences they have noticed between their ethnic culture and U.S. culture. One of the most distinct differences is in food. For some participants, their strong attachment to the unique dishes of their families and their countries of origin helps them maintain strong ties to their ethnic identity. One Sri Lankan participant shared that her roots are still in Sri Lanka, since she still follows Sri Lankan traditions in the U.S. such as preparing kiribath (rice with coconut milk) and celebrating Ramadan.

For other participants, interactions in social settings with those outside their own ethnic group circles highlighted cultural differences. One Bangladeshi woman talked about how Bengalis share personal stories and challenges with each other, while others in the U.S. like to have “small talk” about TV series or clothes.

Many immigrants in the focus groups have found it is easier to socialize when they are around others belonging to their ethnicity. When interacting with others who don’t share the same ethnicity, participants noted they must be more self-aware about cultural differences to avoid making mistakes in social interactions. Here, participants described the importance of learning to “fit in,” to avoid feeling left out or excluded. One Korean woman said:

“Every time I go to a party, I feel unwelcome. … In Korea, when I invite guests to my house and one person sits without talking, I come over and talk and treat them as a host. But in the United States, I have to go and mingle. I hate mingling so much. I have to talk and keep going through unimportant stories. In Korea, I am assigned to a dinner or gathering. I have a party with a sense of security. In America, I have nowhere to sit, and I don’t know where to go and who to talk to.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in mid-40s

And a Bhutanese immigrant explained:

“In my case, I am not an American. I consider myself a Bhutanese. … I am a Bhutanese because I do not know American culture to consider myself as an American. It is very difficult to understand the sense of humor in America. So, we are pure Bhutanese in America.”

–Immigrant man of Bhutanese origin in early 40s

Language was also a key aspect of identity for the participants. Many immigrants in the focus groups said they speak a language other than English at home and in their daily lives. One Vietnamese man considered himself Vietnamese since his Vietnamese is better than his English. Others emphasized their English skills. A Bangladeshi participant felt that she was more accepted in the workplace when she does more “American” things and speaks fluent English, rather than sharing things from Bangladeshi culture. She felt that others in her workplace correlate her English fluency with her ability to do her job. For others born in the U.S., the language they speak at home influences their connection to their ethnic roots.

“Now if I go to my work and do show my Bengali culture and Asian culture, they are not going to take anything out of it. So, basically, I have to show something that they are interested in. I have to show that I am American, [that] I can speak English fluently. I can do whatever you give me as a responsibility. So, in those cases I can’t show anything about my culture.”

–Immigrant woman of Bangladeshi origin in late 20s

“Being bi-ethnic and tri-cultural creates so many unique dynamics, and … one of the dynamics has to do with … what it is to be Americanized. … One of the things that played a role into how I associate the identity is language. Now, my father never spoke Spanish to me … because he wanted me to develop a fluency in English, because for him, he struggled with English. What happened was three out of the four people that raised me were Khmer … they spoke to me in Khmer. We’d eat breakfast, lunch and dinner speaking Khmer. We’d go to the temple in Khmer with the language and we’d also watch videos and movies in Khmer. … Looking into why I strongly identify with the heritage, one of the reasons is [that] speaking that language connects to the home I used to have [as my families have passed away].”

–U.S.-born man of Cambodian origin in early 30s

Balancing between individualistic and collective thinking

For some immigrant participants, the main differences between themselves and others who are seen as “truly American” were less about cultural differences, or how people behave, and more about differences in “mindset,” or how people think . Those who identified strongly with their ethnicity discussed how their way of thinking is different from a “typical American.” To some, the “American mentality” is more individualistic, with less judgment on what one should do or how they should act . One immigrant Japanese man, for example, talked about how other Japanese-origin co-workers in the U.S. would work without taking breaks because it’s culturally inconsiderate to take a break while others continued working. However, he would speak up for himself and other workers when they are not taking any work breaks. He attributed this to his “American” way of thinking, which encourages people to stand up for themselves.

Some U.S.-born participants who grew up in an immigrant family described the cultural clashes that happened between themselves and their immigrant parents. Participants talked about how the second generation (children of immigrant parents) struggles to pursue their own dreams while still living up to the traditional expectations of their immigrant parents.

“I feel like one of the biggest things I’ve seen, just like [my] Asian American friends overall, is the kind of family-individualistic clash … like wanting to do your own thing is like, is kind of instilled in you as an American, like go and … follow your dream. But then you just grow up with such a sense of like also wanting to be there for your family and to live up to those expectations, and I feel like that’s something that’s very pronounced in Asian cultures.”

–U.S.-born man of Indian origin in mid-20s

Discussions also highlighted differences about gender roles between growing up in America compared with elsewhere.

“As a woman or being a girl, because of your gender, you have to keep your mouth shut [and] wait so that they call on you for you to speak up. … I do respect our elders and I do respect hearing their guidance but I also want them to learn to hear from the younger person … because we have things to share that they might not know and that [are] important … so I like to challenge gender roles or traditional roles because it is something that [because] I was born and raised here [in America], I learn that we all have the equal rights to be able to speak and share our thoughts and ideas.”

U.S. born have mixed ties to their family’s heritage

“I think being Hmong is somewhat of being free, but being free of others’ perceptions of you or of others’ attempts to assimilate you or attempts to put pressure on you. I feel like being Hmong is to resist, really.” Pa Houa , documentary participant

How U.S.-born participants identify themselves depends on their familiarity with their own heritage, whom they are talking with, where they are when asked about their identity and what the answer is used for. Some mentioned that they have stronger ethnic ties because they are very familiar with their family’s ethnic heritage. Others talked about how their eating habits and preferred dishes made them feel closer to their ethnic identity. For example, one Korean participant shared his journey of getting closer to his Korean heritage because of Korean food and customs. When some participants shared their reasons for feeling closer to their ethnic identity, they also expressed a strong sense of pride with their unique cultural and ethnic heritage.

“I definitely consider myself Japanese American. I mean I’m Japanese and American. Really, ever since I’ve grown up, I’ve really admired Japanese culture. I grew up watching a lot of anime and Japanese black and white films. Just learning about [it], I would hear about Japanese stuff from my grandparents … myself, and my family having blended Japanese culture and American culture together.”

–U.S.-born man of Japanese origin in late 20s

Meanwhile, participants who were not familiar with their family’s heritage showed less connection with their ethnic ties. One U.S.-born woman said she has a hard time calling herself Cambodian, as she is “not close to the Cambodian community.” Participants with stronger ethnic ties talked about relating to their specific ethnic group more than the broader Asian group. Another woman noted that being Vietnamese is “more specific and unique than just being Asian” and said that she didn’t feel she belonged with other Asians. Some participants also disliked being seen as or called “Asian,” in part because they want to distinguish themselves from other Asian groups. For example, one Taiwanese woman introduces herself as Taiwanese when she can, because she had frequently been seen as Chinese.

Some in the focus groups described how their views of their own identities shifted as they grew older. For example, some U.S.-born and immigrant participants who came to the U.S. at younger ages described how their experiences in high school and the need to “fit in” were important in shaping their own identities. A Chinese woman put it this way:

“So basically, all I know is that I was born in the United States. Again, when I came back, I didn’t feel any barrier with my other friends who are White or Black. … Then I got a little confused in high school when I had trouble self-identifying if I am Asian, Chinese American, like who am I. … Should I completely immerse myself in the American culture? Should I also keep my Chinese identity and stuff like that? So yeah, that was like the middle of that mist. Now, I’m pretty clear about myself. I think I am Chinese American, Asian American, whatever people want.”

–U.S.-born woman of Chinese origin in early 20s

Identity is influenced by birthplace

“I identified myself first and foremost as American. Even on the forms that you fill out that says, you know, ‘Asian’ or ‘Chinese’ or ‘other,’ I would check the ‘other’ box, and I would put ‘American Chinese’ instead of ‘Chinese American.'” Brent , documentary participant

When talking about what it means to be “American,” participants offered their own definitions. For some, “American” is associated with acquiring a distinct identity alongside their ethnic or racial backgrounds, rather than replacing them. One Indian participant put it this way:

“I would also say [that I am] Indian American just because I find myself always bouncing between the two … it’s not even like dual identity, it just is one whole identity for me, like there’s not this separation. … I’m doing [both] Indian things [and] American things. … They use that term like ABCD … ‘American Born Confused Desi’ … I don’t feel that way anymore, although there are those moments … but I would say [that I am] Indian American for sure.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 30s

Meanwhile, some U.S.-born participants view being American as central to their identity while also valuing the culture of their family’s heritage.

Many immigrant participants associated the term “American” with immigration status or citizenship. One Taiwanese woman said she can’t call herself American since she doesn’t have a U.S. passport. Notably, U.S. citizenship is an important milestone for many immigrant participants, giving them a stronger sense of belonging and ultimately calling themselves American. A Bangladeshi participant shared that she hasn’t received U.S. citizenship yet, and she would call herself American after she receives her U.S. passport.

Other participants gave an even narrower definition, saying only those born and raised in the United States are truly American. One Taiwanese woman mentioned that her son would be American since he was born, raised and educated in the U.S. She added that while she has U.S. citizenship, she didn’t consider herself American since she didn’t grow up in the U.S. This narrower definition has implications for belonging. Some immigrants in the groups said they could never become truly American since the way they express themselves is so different from those who were born and raised in the U.S. A Japanese woman pointed out that Japanese people “are still very intimidated by authorities,” while those born and raised in America give their opinions without hesitation.

“As soon as I arrived, I called myself a Burmese immigrant. I had a green card, but I still wasn’t an American citizen. … Now I have become a U.S. citizen, so now I am a Burmese American.”

–Immigrant man of Burmese origin in mid-30s

“Since I was born … and raised here, I kind of always view myself as American first who just happened to be Asian or Chinese. So I actually don’t like the term Chinese American or Asian American. I’m American Asian or American Chinese. I view myself as American first.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 60s

“[I used to think of myself as] Filipino, but recently I started saying ‘Filipino American’ because I got [U.S.] citizenship. And it just sounds weird to say Filipino American, but I’m trying to … I want to accept it. I feel like it’s now marry-able to my identity.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in early 30s

For others, American identity is about the process of ‘becoming’ culturally American

Immigrant participants also emphasized how their experiences and time living in America inform their views of being an “American.” As a result, some started to see themselves as Americans after spending more than a decade in the U.S. One Taiwanese man considered himself an American since he knows more about the U.S. than Taiwan after living in the U.S. for over 52 years.

But for other immigrant participants, the process of “becoming” American is not about how long they have lived in the U.S., but rather how familiar they are with American culture and their ability to speak English with little to no accent. This is especially true for those whose first language is not English, as learning and speaking it without an accent can be a big challenge for some. One Bangladeshi participant shared that his pronunciation of “hot water” was very different from American English, resulting in confusions in communication. By contrast, those who were more confident in their English skills felt they can better understand American culture and values as a result, leading them to a stronger connection with an American identity.

“[My friends and family tease me for being Americanized when I go back to Japan.] I think I seem a little different to people who live in Japan. I don’t think they mean anything bad, and they [were] just joking, because I already know that I seem a little different to people who live in Japan.”

–Immigrant man of Japanese origin in mid-40s

“I value my Hmong culture, and language, and ethnicity, but I also do acknowledge, again, that I was born here in America and I’m grateful that I was born here, and I was given opportunities that my parents weren’t given opportunities for.”

–U.S.-born woman of Hmong origin in early 30s

This is how others see and treat me

During the focus group discussions about identity, a recurring theme emerged about the difference between how participants saw themselves and how others see them. When asked to elaborate on their experiences and their points of view, some participants shared experiences they had with people misidentifying their race or ethnicity. Others talked about their frustration with being labeled the “model minority.” In all these discussions, participants shed light on the negative impacts that mistaken assumptions and labels had on their lives.

All people see is ‘Asian’

For many, interactions with others (non-Asians and Asians alike) often required explaining their backgrounds, reacting to stereotypes, and for those from smaller origin groups in particular, correcting the misconception that being “Asian” means you come from one of the larger Asian ethnic groups. Several participants remarked that in their own experiences, when others think about Asians, they tend to think of someone who is Chinese. As one immigrant Filipino woman put it, “Interacting with [non-Asians in the U.S.], it’s hard. … Well, first, I look Spanish. I mean, I don’t look Asian, so would you guess – it’s like they have a vision of what an Asian [should] look like.” Similarly, an immigrant Indonesian man remarked how Americans tended to see Asians primarily through their physical features, which not all Asian groups share.

Several participants also described how the tendency to view Asians as a monolithic group can be even more common in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“The first [thing people think of me as] is just Chinese. ‘You guys are just Chinese.’ I’m not the only one who felt [this] after the COVID-19 outbreak. ‘Whether you’re Japanese, Korean, or Southeast Asian, you’re just Chinese [to Americans]. I should avoid you.’ I’ve felt this way before, but I think I’ve felt it a bit more after the COVID-19 outbreak.”

–Immigrant woman of Korean origin in early 30s

At the same time, other participants described their own experiences trying to convince others that they are Asian or Asian American. This was a common experience among Southeast Asian participants.

“I have to convince people I’m Asian, not Middle Eastern. … If you type in Asian or you say Asian, most people associate it with Chinese food, Japanese food, karate, and like all these things but then they don’t associate it with you.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 30s

The model minority myth and its impact

“I’ve never really done the best academically, compared to all my other Asian peers too. I never really excelled. I wasn’t in honors. … Those stereotypes, I think really [have] taken a toll on my self-esteem.” Diane , documentary participant

Across focus groups, immigrant and U.S.-born participants described the challenges of the seemingly positive stereotypes of Asians as intelligent, gifted in technical roles and hardworking. Participants often referred to this as the “model minority myth.”

The label “model minority” was coined in the 1960s and has been used to characterize Asian Americans as financially and educationally successful and hardworking when compared with other groups. However, for many Asians living in the United States, these characterizations do not align with their lived experiences or reflect their socioeconomic backgrounds. Indeed, among Asian origin groups in the U.S., there are wide differences in economic and social experiences. 

Academic research on the model minority myth has pointed to its impact beyond Asian Americans and towards other racial and ethnic groups, especially Black Americans, in the U.S. Some argue that the model minority myth has been used to justify policies that overlook the historical circumstances and impacts of colonialism, slavery, discrimination and segregation on other non-White racial and ethnic groups.

Many participants noted ways in which the model minority myth has been harmful. For some, expectations based on the myth didn’t match their own experiences of coming from impoverished communities. Some also recalled experiences at school when they struggled to meet their teachers’ expectations in math and science.

“As an Asian person, I feel like there’s that stereotype that Asian students are high achievers academically. They’re good at math and science. … I was a pretty mediocre student, and math and science were actually my weakest subjects, so I feel like it’s either way you lose. Teachers expect you to fit a certain stereotype and if you’re not, then you’re a disappointment, but at the same time, even if you are good at math and science, that just means that you’re fitting a stereotype. It’s [actually] your own achievement, but your teachers might think, ‘Oh, it’s because they’re Asian,’ and that diminishes your achievement.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in late 20s

Some participants felt that even when being Asian worked in their favor in the job market, they encountered stereotypes that “Asians can do quality work with less compensation” or that “Asians would not complain about anything at work.”

“There is a joke from foreigners and even Asian Americans that says, ‘No matter what you do, Asians always do the best.’ You need to get A, not just B-plus. Otherwise, you’ll be a disgrace to the family. … Even Silicon Valley hires Asian because [an] Asian’s wage is cheaper but [they] can work better. When [work] visa overflow happens, they hire Asians like Chinese and Indian to work in IT fields because we are good at this and do not complain about anything.”

–Immigrant man of Thai origin in early 40s

Others expressed frustration that people were placing them in the model minority box. One Indian woman put it this way:

“Indian people and Asian people, like … our parents or grandparents are the ones who immigrated here … against all odds. … A lot of Indian and Asian people have succeeded and have done really well for themselves because they’ve worked themselves to the bone. So now the expectations [of] the newer generations who were born here are incredibly unrealistic and high. And you get that not only from your family and the Indian community, but you’re also getting it from all of the American people around you, expecting you to be … insanely good at math, play an instrument, you know how to do this, you know how to do that, but it’s not true. And it’s just living with those expectations, it’s difficult.”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 20s

Whether U.S. born or immigrants, Asians are often seen by others as foreigners

“Being only not quite 10 years old, it was kind of exciting to ride on a bus to go someplace. But when we went to Pomona, the assembly center, we were stuck in one of the stalls they used for the animals.” Tokiko , documentary participant

Across all focus groups, participants highlighted a common question they are asked in America when meeting people for the first time: “Where are you really from?” For participants, this question implied that people think they are “foreigners,” even though they may be longtime residents or citizens of the United States or were born in the country. One man of Vietnamese origin shared his experience with strangers who assumed that he and his friends are North Korean. Perhaps even more hurtful, participants mentioned that this meant people had a preconceived notion of what an “American” is supposed to look like, sound like or act like. One Chinese woman said that White Americans treated people like herself as outsiders based on her skin color and appearance, even though she was raised in the U.S.

Many focus group participants also acknowledged the common stereotype of treating Asians as “forever foreigners.” Some immigrant participants said they felt exhausted from constantly being asked this question by people even when they speak perfect English with no accent. During the discussion, a Korean immigrant man recalled that someone had said to him, “You speak English well, but where are you from?” One Filipino participant shared her experience during the first six months in the U.S.:

“You know, I spoke English fine. But there were certain things that, you know, people constantly questioning you like, oh, where are you from? When did you come here? You know, just asking about your experience to the point where … you become fed up with it after a while.”

–Immigrant woman of Filipino origin in mid-30s

U.S.-born participants also talked about experiences when others asked where they are from. Many shared that they would not talk about their ethnic origin right away when answering such a question because it often led to misunderstandings and assumptions that they are immigrants.

“I always get that question of, you know, ‘Where are you from?’ and I’m like, ‘I’m from America.’ And then they’re like, ‘No. Where are you from-from ?’ and I’m like, ‘Yeah, my family is from Pakistan,’ so it’s like I always had like that dual identity even though it’s never attached to me because I am like, of Pakistani descent.”

–U.S.-born man of Pakistani origin in early 20s

One Korean woman born in the U.S. said that once people know she is Korean, they ask even more offensive questions such as “Are you from North or South Korea?” or “Do you still eat dogs?”

In a similar situation, this U.S.-born Indian woman shared her responses:

“I find that there’s a, ‘So but where are you from?’ Like even in professional settings when they feel comfortable enough to ask you. ‘So – so where are you from?’ ‘Oh, I was born in [names city], Colorado. Like at [the hospital], down the street.’ ‘No, but like where are you from?’ ‘My mother’s womb?’”

–U.S.-born woman of Indian origin in early 40s

Ignorance and misinformation about Asian identity can lead to contentious encounters

“I have dealt with kids who just gave up on their Sikh identity, cut their hair and groomed their beard and everything. They just wanted to fit in and not have to deal with it, especially [those] who are victim or bullied in any incident.” Surinder , documentary participant

In some cases, ignorance and misinformation about Asians in the U.S. lead to inappropriate comments or questions and uncomfortable or dangerous situations. Participants shared their frustration when others asked about their country of origin, and they then had to explain their identity or correct misunderstandings or stereotypes about their background. At other times, some participants faced ignorant comments about their ethnicity, which sometimes led to more contentious encounters. For example, some Indian or Pakistani participants talked about the attacks or verbal abuse they experienced from others blaming them for the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Others discussed the racial slurs directed toward them since the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. Some Japanese participants recalled their families losing everything and being incarcerated during World War II and the long-term effect it had on their lives.

“I think like right now with the coronavirus, I think we’re just Chinese, Chinese American, well, just Asian American or Asians in general, you’re just going through the same struggles right now. Like everyone is just blaming whoever looks Asian about the virus. You don’t feel safe.”

–U.S.-born man of Chinese origin in early 30s

“At the beginning of the pandemic, a friend and I went to celebrate her birthday at a club and like these guys just kept calling us COVID.”

–U.S.-born woman of Korean origin in early 20s

“There [were] a lot of instances after 9/11. One day, somebody put a poster about 9/11 [in front of] my business. He was wearing a gun. … On the poster, it was written ‘you Arabs, go back to your country.’ And then someone came inside. He pointed his gun at me and said ‘Go back to your country.’”

–Immigrant man of Pakistani origin in mid-60s

“[My parents went through the] internment camps during World War II. And my dad, he was in high school, so he was – they were building the camps and then he was put into the Santa Anita horse track place, the stables there. And then they were sent – all the Japanese Americans were sent to different camps, right, during World War II and – in California. Yeah, and they lost everything, yeah.”

–U.S.-born woman of Japanese origin in mid-60s

This is what it means to be home in America

As focus group participants contemplated their identity during the discussions, many talked about their sense of belonging in America. Although some felt frustrated with people misunderstanding their ethnic heritage, they didn’t take a negative view of life in America. Instead, many participants – both immigrant and U.S. born – took pride in their unique cultural and ethnic backgrounds. In these discussions, people gave their own definitions of America as a place with a diverse set of cultures, with their ethnic heritage being a part of it.

Taking pride in their unique cultures

“Being a Pakistani American, I’m proud. … Because I work hard, and I make true my dreams from here.” Shahid , documentary participant

Despite the challenges of adapting to life in America for immigrant participants or of navigating their dual cultural identity for U.S.-born ones, focus group participants called America their home. And while participants talked about their identities in different ways – ethnic identity, racial (Asian) identity, and being American – they take pride in their unique cultures. Many also expressed a strong sense of responsibility to give back or support their community, sharing their cultural heritage with others on their own terms.

“Right now it has been a little difficult. I think it has been for all Asians because of the COVID issue … but I’m glad that we’re all here [in America]. I think we should be proud to be here. I’m glad that our families have traveled here, and we can help make life better for communities, our families and ourselves. I think that’s really a wonderful thing. We can be those role models for a lot of the future, the younger folks. I hope that something I did in the last years will have impacted either my family, friends or students that I taught in other community things that I’ve done. So you hope that it helps someplace along the line.”

“I am very proud of my culture. … There is not a single Bengali at my workplace, but people know the name of my country. Maybe many years [later] – educated people know all about the country. So, I don’t have to explain that there is a small country next to India and Nepal. It’s beyond saying. People after all know Bangladesh. And there are so many Bengali present here as well. So, I am very proud to be a Bangladeshi.”

Where home is

When asked about the definition of home, some immigrant participants said home is where their families are located. Immigrants in the focus groups came to the United States by various paths, whether through work opportunities, reuniting with family or seeking a safe haven as refugees. Along their journey, some received support from family members, their local community or other individuals, while others overcame challenges by themselves. Either way, they take pride in establishing their home in America and can feel hurt when someone tells them to “go back to your country.” In response, one Laotian woman in her mid-40s said, “This is my home. My country. Go away.”

“If you ask me personally, I view my home as my house … then I would say my house is with my family because wherever I go, I cannot marry if I do not have my family so that is how I would answer.”

–Immigrant man of Hmong origin in late 30s

“[If somebody yelled at me ‘go back to your country’] I’d feel angry because this is my country! I live here. America is my country. I grew up here and worked here … I’d say, ‘This is my country! You go back to your country! … I will not go anywhere. This is my home. I will live here.’ That’s what I’d say.”

–Immigrant woman of Laotian origin in early 50s

‘American’ means to blend their unique cultural and ethnic heritage with that in the U.S.

“I want to teach my children two traditions – one American and one Vietnamese – so they can compare and choose for themselves the best route in life.” Helen , documentary participant (translated from Vietnamese)

Both U.S.-born and immigrant participants in the focus groups shared their experiences of navigating a dual cultural environment between their ethnic heritage and American culture. A common thread that emerged was that being Asian in America is a process of blending two or more identities as one.

“Yeah, I want to say that’s how I feel – because like thinking about it, I would call my dad Lao but I would call myself Laotian American because I think I’m a little more integrated in the American society and I’ve also been a little more Americanized, compared to my dad. So that’s how I would see it.”

–U.S.-born man of Laotian origin in late 20s

“I mean, Bangladeshi Americans who are here, we are carrying Bangladeshi culture, religion, food. I am also trying to be Americanized like the Americans. Regarding language, eating habits.”

–Immigrant man of Bangladeshi origin in mid-50s

“Just like there is Chinese American, Mexican American, Japanese American, Italian American, so there is Indian American. I don’t want to give up Indianness. I am American by nationality, but I am Indian by birth. So whenever I talk, I try to show both the flags as well, both Indian and American flags. Just because you make new relatives but don’t forget the old relatives.”

–Immigrant man of Indian origin in late 40s

About this project

Pew Research Center designed these focus groups to better understand how members of an ethnically diverse Asian population think about their place in America and life here. By including participants of different languages, immigration or refugee experiences, educational backgrounds, and income levels, this focus group study aimed to capture in people’s own words what it means to be Asian in America. The discussions in these groups may or may not resonate with all Asians living in the United States. Browse excerpts from our focus groups with the interactive quote sorter below, view a video documentary focused on the topics discussed in the focus groups, or tell us your story of belonging in America via social media. The focus group project is part of a broader research project studying the diverse experiences of Asians living in the U.S.

Read sortable quotes from our focus groups

Browse excerpts in the interactive quote sorter from focus group participants in response to the question “What does it mean to be [Vietnamese, Thai, Sri Lankan, Hmong, etc.] like yourself in America?” This interactive allows you to sort quotes from focus group participants by ethnic origin, nativity (U.S. born or born in another country), gender and age.

Video documentary

Videos throughout the data essay illustrate what focus group participants discussed. Those recorded in these videos did not participate in the focus groups but were sampled to have similar demographic characteristics and thematically relevant stories.

Watch the full video documentary and watch additional shorter video clips related to the themes of this data essay.

Share the story of your family and your identity

Did the voices in this data essay resonate? Share your story of what it means to be Asian in America with @pewresearch. Tell us your story by using the hashtag #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewidentity on Twitter, as well as #BeingAsianInAmerica and @pewresearch on Instagram.

Methodological note

This cross-ethnic, comparative qualitative research project explores the identity, economic mobility, representation, and experiences of immigration and discrimination among the Asian population in the United States. The analysis is based on 66 focus groups we conducted virtually in the fall of 2021 and included 264 participants from across the U.S. More information about the groups and analysis can be found in this appendix .

Acknowledgments

Pew Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. This data essay was funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative DAF, an advised fund of the Silicon Valley Community Foundation; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation; the Henry Luce Foundation; The Wallace H. Coulter Foundation; The Dirk and Charlene Kabcenell Foundation; The Long Family Foundation; Lu-Hebert Fund; Gee Family Foundation; Joseph Cotchett; the Julian Abdey and Sabrina Moyle Charitable Fund; and Nanci Nishimura.

The accompanying video clips and video documentary were made possible by The Pew Charitable Trusts, with generous support from The Sobrato Family Foundation and The Long Family Foundation.

We would also like to thank the Leaders Forum for its thought leadership and valuable assistance in helping make this study possible. This is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of a number of individuals and experts at Pew Research Center and outside experts.

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About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

The Struggle Is Real: Understanding the American “Culture War”

by joelabrown | Jul 11, 2017 | July 2017 | 1 comment

The July issue of the  Forum features Russell Johnson’s (University of Chicago) essay, “The Struggle Is Real: Understanding the American ‘Culture War.’ ” Three recent books all claim the culture war is over, though they come to different conclusions about why. Their different points, this essay argues, illustrate not why the culture war is over, but rather why it is so endlessly fascinating. In response to these books, this essay clarifies what exactly the culture war is, and how to understand in what sense it is still a part of American life. The culture war brings together a diverse array of political, religious, and cultural ideas into a neat dichotomy that has managed to persist through decades of social change.

Throughout the month, scholars will offer responses to Johnson’s essay. We invite you to join the conversation by sharing your thoughts and questions in the comments section below.

• Andrew Hartman (Illinois State University), “ Culture Wars and Other Subterranean Historical Forces “
• Seth Dowland (Pacific Lutheran University), “ Where are the Culture Wars? “
• L. Benjamin Rolsky (Monmouth University), “ American Cultural Warfare and the Recent Religious Past “
• Russell Johnson, “ Author’s Response: War forms Its Own Culture “

An abortion rights advocate debated an anti-abortion campaigner at the March for Life in Washington on January 23, 2012. (Shawn Thew | European Pressphoto Agency)

by Russell Johnson

Three recent books all claim the culture war is over, though they give quite different explanations. I argue that their different interpretations illustrate not why the culture war is over, but rather why it is so endlessly fascinating. In response to these books, this article clarifies what exactly the culture war is, and how to understand in what sense it is still a part of American life.

First, Rod Dreher argues that the culture war is over and religious conservatives have lost, and cites as evidence the nationwide legalization of gay marriage. In response to this widely-shared sentiment, I argue that a closer look at the protean history of the culture war since the early 1960s shows that it cannot be reduced to any one issue, nor should we be too quick to declare it over.

Second, Philip Gorski writes that the idea of two warring sides does not accurately represent the American populace. Americans have both more in common and greater diversity than any attempt to specify two “sides” can capture. I agree with Gorski, but maintain that while the strict dichotomy of the culture war fails as a demographic description, we must nevertheless consider why moral discourse in America tends to fall into dichotomous culture war categories.

Third, historian Andrew Hartman concludes that the culture war is over and capitalism won. Economic factors, he writes, are now more determinative for American behavior and ideology than the two moral narratives of the culture war. I argue that, while it may be true that economic motives, racial motives, and foreign policy motives have recently—especially in Donald Trump’s campaign—been more prevalent than culture war motives, nonetheless the culture war framework is still salient for most Americans.

I will not engage these specific authors’ arguments in the depth they deserve; I will simply argue that the three positions they represent are each partly true and partly misleading. My conclusion is that anyone hoping to make moral arguments in contemporary America—even arguments about how we need to move beyond the culture war—still needs to take into account the dominant narratives of the culture war.

I. The Struggle to Define America

In Rod Dreher’s The Benedict Option , arguably this year’s most blogged-about Christian ethics book, the author minces no words about the culture war: “Today the culture war as we know it is over. The so-called values voters—social and religious conservatives—have been defeated and are being swept to the political margins.” 1 For Dreher, the values voters’ last stand was on the issue of gay marriage, and he declares that after Obergefell , “The culture war that began with the sexual revolution in the 1960s has now ended in defeat for Christian conservatives.” 2 When one understands the history of moral debate over the last half-century, however, it becomes clear that fixating too narrowly on gay marriage legalization underestimates the protean, persistent nature of the culture war.

America in the 1960s also saw the rise of another ethos. Liberation, self-expression, and revolution were the words on everyone’s lips (N.B. also “groovy”). Groups questioned whether established cultural mores, social roles, and artistic conventions stifle authenticity. One aspect of this revolutionary spirit came to be called “identity politics,” as second-wave feminism, the black power movement, and the gay rights movement were all emerging. Though these movements started independently—and in some cases distanced themselves from each other—they gave voice to a common message: groups that have been marginalized by the dominant political system need to stand against oppressive forces. The status quo, they reasoned, was sustained by violence and inequality, therefore efforts to shake things up were needed in the realization of a better world. This political message was expressed in the arts by a rebellious, non-conformist spirit. As Cat Stevens sang in 1970, “You can do what you want/ The opportunity’s on/ And if you can find a new way/ You can do it today/ You can make it all true/ And you can make it undo.” Music, legislation, philosophy, poetry, and activism were all blended together in sixties radicals’ efforts to “make it undo” and “find a new way.”

In different ways, then, both “sides” of the emerging culture war latched onto the idea that the personal is political and the political is personal. That is why so many different realms of culture—education, law, film and television, sex and family life, churches and synagogues, news media, symbols like flags and monuments—could all be framed as battlefronts in the struggle to define America. The two sides are really two narratives about America; we can call these two narratives “social justice” and “traditional values.” The “social justice” narrative is of uneven progress toward greater equality, inclusion, and freedom of self-expression. That narrative ends with a summons to choose for yourself, stand up for the marginalized, and question established norms. The “traditional values” narrative is of decline from religious faithfulness, independence, and moral absolutes. That narrative ends with a summons to cultivate virtue, return to time-tested wisdom, and preserve civilizing institutions. As they have been told since the sixties, both narratives presuppose that changes in one area of culture have effects—sometimes ripples, sometimes shockwaves—on all the others. One song can ignite a revolution. One pill can change a generation. One story can sustain a community. This wide scope, the high stakes, and the ability of the two narratives to connect seemingly disparate dots have contributed to the pervasiveness and longevity of the culture war framework.

Mark Twain once said that history does not repeat itself, but it rhymes. This has certainly been the case with the culture war. Over the last fifty-five years, the two narratives have been used to interpret a panoply of events and provide perspectives on a range of issues. So, a college freshman in 2013 who says that Miley Cyrus is not a good role model is unknowingly rehashing criticisms made about the Beatles in the sixties, The Doors in the seventies, Madonna in the eighties, 2 Live Crew in the nineties, and Britney Spears in the aughts. He may have never even heard of Twisted Sister (millennials…) but his criticisms, as it were, rhyme with those made before he was born, and the same could be said of most of the conflicts that make up the culture war. Debates over the HB2 “bathroom bill” in North Carolina rhyme with debates about women in the military. The rhetoric surrounding Colin Kaepernick’s protest rhymes with the rhetoric surrounding the 1968 Mexico City Olympics protest. Some of the original controversies that sparked the culture war (over prayer in public schools, for example) are no longer hot-button issues, and some new issues (preteens sexting, for example) were never imagined by sixties culture warriors. The frameworks of moral progress toward freedom and moral decline from truth can accommodate changing circumstances, so no single battle is decisive.

Of course, Dreher and others can accept that the culture war is ongoing but maintain that the victories have overwhelmingly been for one side. The shift from prayer in schools to sexting in schools, and from mop-tops to twerking, show that even if the traditional values voters are still fighting, they have lost ground. But many of the issues that have been disputed for decades—abortion laws, teaching evolution and intelligent design, the Western canon in universities, First Amendment rights, school choice—are still hotly contested. If nothing else, the question of the status of Muslims in America—typically framed in culture war terms—is proof that culture war rhetoric is still galvanizing opinions. When one takes all of these debates, old and new, into account, it is not obvious that one narrative has triumphed over the other in the struggle to define America. (I will add that even attempts to move beyond the culture war, like Dreher’s own “Benedict Option,” sound suspiciously like strategic retreats in the culture war instead of concessions of defeat.)

II. Fighting Words

Philip Gorksi , in American Covenant , argues that the idea of two ideological monoliths does not do justice to the web of overlapping traditions that make up the American moral imagination. 7 Like Gorski, many sociologists have pointed out that the culture-war-as-demographic-reality idea does not accurately represent present-day America. 8 When polled or interviewed, Americans show a remarkable diversity of views on social issues, and at the same time show widespread agreement on moral principles. To isolate two opposing sides does injustice to both the diversity and unanimity of opinion in the U.S. This is not a disproof of Hunter’s original thesis, it is in fact a key part of Hunter’s argument. “Without a doubt,” Hunter writes, “public discourse is more polarized than the American public itself.” Hunter argues that the culture war is more characteristic of institutions and the media than individuals’ beliefs, writing, “It is through these media that public discourse acquires a life of its own; not only do the categories of public rhetoric become detached from the intentions of the speaker, they also overpower the subtleties of perspective and opinion of that vast majority of citizens who position themselves ‘somewhere in the middle’ of these debates.” 9

The narratives function as what ancient Greeks call topoi , commonplaces that serve as bridges between the customary and the new. Rhetorician Kenneth Burke argues that humans use topoi to create identifications: this is like that, so think and feel about this the way you think and feel about that . We make sense of unfamiliar events by using symbols to connect them to familiar ones. For example, the current investigation of President Trump is framed as either a “witch hunt” or a “Watergate moment.” In a similar fashion, the two opposing narratives of the culture war provide readymade frameworks through which people interpret current events. Through the ways we talk about them, new developments become only the latest instances of familiar trends—of liberation, of perseverance, of injustice, of decadence. A person who finds one of these narratives compelling will tend to respond positively to advocacy that presupposes that narrative. Hence, advocacy for a moral position on an issue often gets framed in terms of one of these two narratives. As speakers and writers appeal to them to create identifications in their audiences’ minds, these narratives are nourished and transformed through continued use. As Hunter says, public discourse takes on “a life of its own.”

Now, it is worth mentioning that few people adhere exclusively to one of these two narratives. Even among the most fervent culture warriors on both sides, some things are getting better but others are getting worse. There are some timeless moral truths but there is some room for innovation and reinterpretation. It is perfectly reasonable to believe in both identity politics and family values. Individuals can thus reject the way events get framed, or find themselves telling different narratives for different issues.

Of course, we also spend most of our daily lives without thinking about these moral narratives, so middle-class Americans on opposing sides of culture-war-as-demographic-description tend to live remarkably similar lives. We drive to work, pet dogs, celebrate birthdays, buy shoes, and watch basketball. We bake cupcakes, listen to Adele, and think about jogging but decide not to. Polarization thrives, not in our everyday lives, but in the media we consume and produce. When we read the news, get in arguments on Facebook, make signs for a protest, watch late night comedy, or listen to stump speeches, we find ourselves on the front lines of the culture war.

Given that people have so many different moral and political commitments, why is it that two and only two narratives set the agenda for moral discourse in America? Why is it that even people who want to promote alternate moral visions have to position themselves in relation to these two sides? In trying to answer this question, Hunter emphasizes that the culture war is a product of elites and institutions, and that alternate visions often lack the cultural capital to make themselves heard. I do not dispute this, but talking in terms of elites and institutions can give the impression of a conspiracy. These politicians, lobbyists, writers, and advocacy groups are the primary agents of culture war polarization, but they, too, are swept up in patterns of discourse that have taken on “a life of their own.” Drawing on political theory and social psychology, I will now give a brief outline of how this binary is sustained.

In the 1950s, a sociologist named Maurice Duverger theorized that in a winner-takes-all political system, a multiplicity of viewpoints will tend to condense into two major parties. People with varying concerns form coalitions in order to improve their chances of securing at least some of their goals. We see the Duverger effect quite clearly in the American primary system and the continued pressure to abandon third party candidates. A vote for Jill Stein is a vote for Trump, pundits warned, and a vote for Evan McMullin is a vote for Hillary. Americans have widely diverse political concerns, but because only one candidate can win, the system tends toward two alternatives simply because people think pragmatically about how to avert their own worst case scenarios.

A yard sign in my neighborhood

The culture war follows an analogous logic. People form strategic coalitions to defeat the ideas and institutions they believe to be harmful. People intuit connections between one issue and another issue in an effort to persuade others, and issues become linked in their minds. As people take public stands on these issues, there is pressure to preserve a relatively stable front lest the other side gain any ground. Uncertainties, ambiguities, concessions, and middling positions get pushed aside as the pressure to be either “for” or “against” grows stronger. Individuals borrow arguments, slogans, and ideas from public figures on their side in order to persuade others, in the process absorbing some of the assumptions of those authors even if these assumptions are at odds with an individual’s convictions. As psychologists have observed, we tend to accept the attitudes and beliefs of those we spend time with and consider part of an “us.” What starts out as a loose coalition becomes more cohesive and uniform through continued social interaction. 10 As other contested issues emerge and new events call for interpretation, these coalitions adapt, expand, and reinforce their own narratives for the sake of consistency, relevance, and steering public opinion. By exposure to each other’s arguments and stories, as well as social pressure to conform, members of an intellectually diverse group come to share attitudes and beliefs on a range of issues. Even when there are intramural disagreements, the felt need to present a unified front makes members sound like one another in public. Since we typically come to believe what we argue for, this too has a homogenizing effect on the speakers. 11 All of these factors are at work in the rhetorical phenomenon Hunter describes, “However individuals or organizations align themselves on particular issues, they become subservient to, and if unwilling must struggle against, the dominating and almost irresistible categories and logic of the opposing visions and rhetoric of the culture war .” 12

Thus, though Gorski and others are correct to insist that Americans are both more ideologically diverse and more ideologically unified than the strict bipolarity of the culture war framework, culture war rhetoric nonetheless dominates the media. Recognizing that the culture war is primarily a media phenomenon does not make it any less real. After all, the Spanish-American war was largely prompted by the media. Those tempted to dismiss the culture war as “mere rhetoric” would do well to remember the Maine . The culture war as a rhetorical phenomenon has the potential to mobilize, convert, divide, and provoke, and the stark dichotomy of culture war rhetoric is contributing factor to the negative opinions people have of their political opponents. 13 To say that people are not actually polarized even though they feel that way is like saying people are not actually sad even though they feel that way. Feelings, attitudes, and impressions are politically significant realities. Even if, as we will discuss next, one believes that culture war rhetoric is a façade that covers deeper motivating forces, the fact that people express their commitments in culture war terms and respond to culture war rhetoric cannot be dismissed as window-dressing.

III. Different Frames

Our third and final book is Andrew Hartman’s 2015 A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars. Hartman gives a sweeping, readable history of the key figures and debates that make up the culture war. Though the book’s title comes from Pat Buchanan’s speech, Hartman does not limit his analysis to politicians and Religious Right figures. The reader not only encounters Falwells and Dobsons, but professors, lawyers, filmmakers, museum curators, and Ice-T. At the end of this wide-ranging survey, Hartman writes, “This book gives the culture wars a history—because they are history. The logic of the culture wars has been exhausted. The metaphor has run its course.” The culture war has lost its energy, he observes, and leaves only “lingering residues.” 14

Of course, one could argue that economics and economic culture has always been more determinative for American politics than the culture war. Remember that the same year Pat Buchanan gave his “cultural war” speech, the Clinton campaign mantra was “it’s the economy stupid”… and Clinton won. Some go further and argue that the culture war was always a distraction from the class war, and that capital is the moving force in American history regardless of the moral narratives we tell ourselves. I will not address these arguments here. Rather, in this final section, I will argue that the culture war framework is one among several frameworks, each of which is necessary but not sufficient to make sense of American public opinion. Even if the culture war framework is less useful than it once was for accounting for contemporary political, artistic, and social behavior, it still has salience for the majority of Americans.

To illustrate this point, let us focus solely on voting and specifically on the Republican Party. The culture war continues to set the terms of the moral debate over, as Hunter puts it, “the meaning of America: what it has been, what it is, and what it should be.” But moral considerations about the meaning of America are not the only concerns people have in mind when they go to the polls. There are a range of concerns that incline people’s opinions, and any candidate with a chance at winning needs to address several of them. It must be remembered that both of the major political parties in America are coalitions of different groups with different principal concerns. The present-day Republican Party in America, for instance, is a coalition of: (1) advocates of libertarian freedom and self-reliance, (2) believers in free market economics, (3) interventionist neoconservatives, (4) white nationalists, and (5) evangelical traditionalists. This is only a partial list, and a deeper typology would involve anti-Communism, isolationism, fiscal responsibility, and Trumpism, not to mention single-issue voters of various stripes and voters who just despise Democratic leaders. Despite substantial overlaps, these groups bring different concerns into their voting booths. A candidate hoping to win the support of these groups has to address their disparate concerns.

Donald Trump’s campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again,” is a brilliant piece of persuasive rhetoric. 16 This slogan—necessarily vague—can be interpreted in different ways by different groups. To free market enthusiasts, it means “make America prosperous again.” To neoconservatives, it means “make America a global powerhouse again.” To white nationalists, it means “make America white again.” Most importantly for our purposes, to believers in the traditional values narrative, it means “make America virtuous again.” Anyone hoping to understand Trump’s victory needs to understand how his campaign appealed to these various groups, including those for whom this moral narrative is particularly salient . And anyone hoping to understand how this current presidency is affecting Americans’ moral imaginations needs to consider what being a part of this coalition does to “traditional values” advocates.

In Trump’s campaign, the rhetoric of the culture war was less important than language that appealed explicitly to voters’ economic interests, racial prejudices, or foreign policy aspirations. But it was still omnipresent in conversations surrounding his candidacy, as values voters questioned whether Trump would represent their commitments. If we define “culture warrior” as a person who regularly draws on the rhetoric of the culture war narratives to interpret events and influence opinions, then Trump is at best a half-hearted culture warrior. But even if culture war reasoning was on the back-burner, it was never wholly absent from Trump’s campaign. In fact, the priorities of the contemporary American Right may be symbolized by the fact that the president is a big-business caricature while the vice president is a traditional culture warrior. This lends credence to Hartman’s hypothesis that economic concerns are more determinative of public opinion than culture war morality. But though culture war rhetoric has taken a back seat for those on the right (and it is not as clear that the same has happened on the left), it still emerges when people talk about morality and the meaning of America.

In conclusion, even if we are in the midst of a new realignment, akin to the one that happened in the sixties, the narratives and categories of the culture war are still setting the moral agenda for churches, schools, and advocacy in the media. A survey of the history of this conflict—which, again, has roots that go back centuries— indicates that these narratives will persist in American public discourse. The question that remains is whether these narratives’ interaction needs to persist as a culture war , or whether a less oppositional way through cultural conflict is possible. Can we, as Gorski advocates, come together over a shared civil religion and disagree with one another in a more constructive, sympathetic way? Should we, as Dreher advocates, focus our energy less on winning the soul of the nation and more on investing in local communities? Is the next step, as Hartman suggests, to turn our attention to economic ideology and the power it has over our moral imaginations? Though these authors are too quick to declare that the culture war is over, they are helpful to the extent that they envision ways to go on for culture warriors beyond simply continuing to fight. ♦

• Rod Dreher, The Benedict Option: A Strategy for Christians in a Post-Christian Nation (New York: Sentinel, 2017), 79. ↩
• Dreher, The Benedict Option , 3. ↩
• Hunter details this in Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991), 67-106. ↩
• http://buchanan.org/blog/1992-republican-national-convention-speech-148 ↩
• Hunter, Culture Wars , 63. ↩
• Hunter, Culture Wars , 161. ↩
• Philip Gorksi, American Covenant: A History of Civil Religion from the Puritans to the Present (Princeton, NJ: Princeton, 2017). ↩
• See, among others, Alan Wolfe, One Nation, After All (New York: Viking Penguin, 1998); Morris Fiorina, Samuel Abrams, and Jeremy Pope, Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America (New York: Pearson Longman, 2005); and Irene Taviss Thomson, Culture Wars and Enduring American Dilemmas (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2010). Hunter talks about a “small cottage industry” of books and articles pointing out that the culture war does not accurately represent the American populace; for an overview see Is There a Culture War? , James Davison Hunter and Alan Wolfe (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 2006). ↩
• Hunter, Culture Wars , 159-160. ↩
• See, for example, the Dynamic Social Interaction Theory of Bibb Latané. ↩
• See the classic study by I.L. Janis and B.T. King, “The Influence of Role-playing on Opinion Change” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology , 49 (1954), 211–218. ↩
• Hunter, Culture Wars , 291. ↩
• https://mobile.nytimes.com/2017/06/15/upshot/how-we-became-bitter-political-enemies.html ↩
• Hartman, A War for the Soul of America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 285. ↩
• Hartman, A War for the Soul of America , 289. ↩
• To see the two competing narratives of America’s past on stark display, watch the following segment from The Daily Show, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uVQvWwHM5kM . ↩

I disagree, to an extent, that economic issues are more important today than moral values issues. While voters, in the heyday of labor unions and heavy industry in the US, like steelmaking, for example, were known to “vote their pocketbook”, I am not so sure that is the case now. In his book “What’s the Matter with Kansas” author Tom Frank expressed incredulity that so many Kansans voted Republican when, in his opinion, they were voting against their own best economic interests. I believe that is b/c some things are more important than money. What good is it to be the wealthiest country in the world if its moral underpinnings are crumbling? Or, to use the words of Jesus, “How does a man profit if he gains the entire world yet loses his immortal soul?”

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Adaptations Area: Midwest Popular Culture Association/Midwest American Culture Association Annual Conference

CALL FOR PAPERS, ABSTRACTS, AND PANEL PROPOSALS

Midwest Popular Culture Association/Midwest American Culture Association Annual Conference: Adaptations Area

Friday-Sunday, 4-6 October 2024

DePaul University—Loop Campus, Chicago, IL

Address: DePaul Center, 1 E. Jackson Blvd. Chicago, IL 60604 Phone: (312) 362-8000

The Adaptations area of the Midwest Popular Culture Association/Midwest American Culture Association is now accepting proposals for its 2024 conference in Chicago. We welcome submissions that consider any aspect of adaptation (or textual interrelationships more broadly) from any time period. Suggested topics for paper or panel proposals include, but are not limited to:

• Adaptations across media broadly defined (film, television, literature, theatre, music, video games, board games, theme parks, comics, animation, fan productions, etc.)
• Specific types or forms of adaptation such as parody, remakes, transnational adaptations, “subversive” adaptations, nonfiction adaptations, and so on
• Adaptation-adjacent forms of intertextuality including appropriation, citation, pastiche, sequels/prequels/spin-offs, and so on
• Adaptation and genre
• Adaptation and authorship
• Adaptation and reception/audiences
• Adaptation and representations of race, gender, sexuality, and class
• Adaptation and taste politics (e.g., adapting “high” cultural texts into popular forms or vice versa)
• Adaptation and ongoing questions of “fidelity” and/or authorial intent  
• Adaptation as social/political critique

Please upload 250 word abstract proposals to the Adaptations Subject Area on the Submissions website at https://www.mpcaaca.org/submit-panels .

Individuals may only submit one paper. Do not submit the same paper to more than one Area.

Deadline for receipt of proposals is May 15, 2024.

If you have any questions about the Adaptations Subject Area, please email Jamie Hook at [email protected] .

For more information on the 2024 conference, please visit https://www.mpcaaca.org/2024-mpca-aca-annual-conference .