essay on corruption of pakistan

5 steps to curtail corruption in Pakistan

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“What kind of Pakistan do we want for our children?”, a civil society activist asked recently. “It has to be an inclusive state which is fair, honest and open to everyone.” The promise of this future lies in an entire generation standing-up for accountability and holding those in power responsible for their actions. This is not easy, of course, but it is essential- and it can be done in Pakistan as it can in other countries in South Asia and beyond.

At the Accountability Lab we’re learning a lot about how to do it - here are some ideas.

First, young people must lead change. The median age in Pakistan is now 22 years old, with 63% of the population under the age of 25 . Young Pakistanis are globalized, energized and full of ideas. They are less entrenched in patronage networks, more willing to question existing realities and better connected than ever before. But this doesn’t mean that suddenly everything is going to be different. They need support over time to sustain the change they want to see. Their creativity tends to exist in pockets and despite some recent mobilization politically, is largely delinked from policymaking. We need to build an ecosystem to support these young change-makers - mentorship, opportunities, collaborative spaces and communities - and to jointly maximize their efforts. Organizations like Seed Ventures and incubators like Plan 9 are doing it for entrepreneurs; we are doing the same for “accountapreneurs”.

Second, this is about more than creating organizations and enforcing rules. At the national level, Pakistan now has around half a dozen anti-corruption bodies, 10 different ombudsmen and a plethora of other agencies tasked in one way or another with accountability. But organizations set up to fight graft will not work if they are not aligned with the relationships, cultural norms and incentives that shape behaviours. If a dynamic of corruption is entrenched, it is too difficult - and arguably illogical - for brave individuals to stand-up alone and try and change the system. They need peers everywhere who will support them. This means Pakistan must think now about a long-term process to shift mindsets through investing heavily in civic education, leadership programs and values-based networks. Organizations like the Atlantic Council and the British Council are doing a great job, but there is much more to do.

Third, creativity is essential to fighting corruption because many stakeholders in the existing system are resistant to change. For too long - driven by an aid system that measures successes based on numbers of outputs and dollars spent - the response to corruption and patronage has been training and seminars. But all-day workshops with free lunches are not a substitute for real change. If we want to bring young people into this process effectively, we have to meet them where they are, not where we want them to be. This means using tools and platforms they enjoy - like the arts, media, film and technology - and deploying them in interactive ways. From creative visual arts with organizations like Morango Films , to ICT collaboratives like the Technology for the People Initiative , the potential intersections of innovation and integrity in Pakistan are easy to find.

Fourth, bring in the private sector as a key driver of change. Despite significant challenges, Pakistan’s business community is world class, with some incredible, values-based leaders who operate at the highest levels of global commerce. They lead companies that are thinking well beyond the bottom-line and draw on Pakistan’s rich culture of generous philanthropy. They know that integrity is good for business - ethical companies have higher valuations, lower costs and less risk. This energy can be harnessed to create a level playing field for economic development and collaborative efforts to shift accountability dynamics. Businesses came together to play a key role in the passage of the important Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) Bill of 2012 for example - which cleaned up the pharmaceutical industry. Businesses are driving the Open Government Partnership efforts in Pakistan and collaboratives like Open Lahore and CIPE are working to improve standards of transparency. We must support them further.

Finally, accountability requires a positive narrative that Pakistanis can buy in to and mobilize behind. Pointing fingers and shouting loudly at law-breakers is an easy way to vent some frustration - and there is no doubt that these people should be penalized. But when justice is not served the perception of helplessness is reinforced and momentum in the process of accountability building is lost. Instead, let’s make sure we celebrate the heroes, build on areas where success is clear and work to support those who are doing the right things - “naming and faming” is a useful substitute for “naming and shaming”. Last year, for example, we at the Accountability Lab organized a television and social media campaign around the world called Integrity Idol - which rewarded honesty in government and galvanized national conversations about what it means to be an accountable civil servant. This year we’ll run the competition in Pakistan too.

Building accountability is not about overcoming weaknesses - it is about a strengths-based approach that draws upon human, institutional, cultural and economic assets. Short-term fixes and anti-corruption tools might prove effective in battling graft in isolated ways. But if Pakistan - and other countries - are to truly create fair and open societies for everyone, it is going to take a much larger, generational process to build accountability. The time to start is now.

The report, Partnering Against Corruption Initiative - Infrastructure & Urban Development, is available here . Have you read? Corruption isn't just a developing world issue, and it’s time Western leaders did more This could save governments millions of dollars and tackle corruption

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Essay on Corruption in Pakistan

2022, corruption in pakistan

Since independence corruption is one of the biggest obstacles faced by Pakistan. Despite various institutions handling corruption it's not easy to control corruption. One form of corruption is bribery that prevails in our society strongly. Many corruption control institutions is trying for years to stop corruption but still citizens of Pakistan are uncomfortable with the judiciary system. Moreover, the dilemma is common and middle-class people are facing most of the problems. There was an anti-corruption strategy that was created in 2002 which purposed a comprehensive plan for controlling corruption. Also, the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) has the power to prosecute cases and investigate. However, the unpredictability of anti-corruption and lack of political will is the major obstacle. Pakistanis have to face many difficulties because of being a corrupted country. Even many people who are living outside Pakistan face criticism. The current government of Pakistan has taken several actions to overcome corruption and has reviewed the processes.

Related Papers

Umbreen Javaid

Asian Profile, Canada

Corruption in Pakistan is a phenomenon that is widely reported in the press and electronic media. The level of public sector corruption is perceived to be one of the highest in the world. This paper strives to bring to light the exertions of the committee constituted in 1986 by the Government of Pakistan to study corruption and find ways to deal with the menace. While the Committee’s efforts were in vain insofar as practical policy measures were concerned due to a lack of political will and understanding, its report is one of the most important documents of Pakistan’s administrative history and has implications for political culture, political economy and the development of Pakistani society. The purpose of this paper is first and foremost to bring to light the research methods, findings and recommendations of the Committee as they help establish 1986 as a reference point in the story of the rise of corruption in Pakistan. Much of what the Committee discussed and prescribed 25 years ago is even more relevant to Pakistan today, a telling indicator ofthePakistanielite’sunwillingnesstotakeheedintimetoavertdisasters.

European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS)

No Pakistani Prime Minister has ever completed the five-year long government term, and essentially, this comes down to the fact that all Heads of Government have been dismissed due to charges of corruption. Corruption has proved to be an irreplaceable ingredient in the history of Pakistani democratic rule of law; corruption in general has plagued the country and has infiltrated the socio-economic and political landscape and has found itself to be present in many areas of Pakistan’s society.

M. Shahid Alam

In this chapter I present some preliminary results on the nature of corruption and countervailing action in Pakistan, drawing on data extracted from newspapers. Once it is recognized that corruption creates losers as well as winners, some dramatic implications for the theory of corruption emerge. This leads to an analysis of the countervailing action taken by losers to offset their losses from corruption. Countervailing action may take several forms.

European Scientific Journal ESJ

Corruption is a curse for any country, as it negatively affects the economic activities and drags the whole society to worst conditions by increasing the poverty and social inequities. Recently the most critical factor for doing business in Pakistan is corruption. In order to give a comprehensive picture of corruption in Pakistan this article (1) critically analyses the literature regarding corruption, its impact on society and the business environment specifically in Pakistan, (2) focuses on business-related factors of corruption, (3) presents various anti-corruption initiatives of Pakistani companies and foreign good examples. Based on our research this study emphasizes that the government should take corrective actions and strengthen institutions and should work in collaboration with the private and civil sector to control the uprising corruption problems. Awareness against corruption in business sphere and general public is very much needed and implementing possible anti-corruption tools, companies can positively contribute to the fight against corruption and Pakistan's economic and social development.

Global Social Sciences Review

Saranjam Baig, PhD

This article focuses on analyzing essential ingredients to initiate and sustain a successful anticorruption strategy. The basic objective of this policy paper is to recommend a set of policies based on the lessons drawn from the success of anti-corruption strategies in other countries. Taking Pakistan as the test-bed, it relates to the design, initiation, and pursuit of anti-corruption activities. The article elaborates a six-step anti-corruption strategy suggesting that to eradicate corruption effectively, the country must initiate these preconditions. It should: (1) restore the public confidence by showing political will to fight corruption; (2) restructure its main anti-corruption agency; (3) establish an anti-corruption inter-agency coordinating board; (4) reform the police, (5) initiate programs and curriculum for anti-corruption awareness; (6) establish a watchdog from the civil society with an advisory role. The strategies suggested in this article are based on the successes ...

akello stella

The Stigma Of Corruption And The Decline Of Good Governance In Pakistan

Syeda Hoor-Ul-Ain

The paper focuses on the contemporary governance and corruption issues of Pakistan and suggests a way forward for good governance to blossom in a corruption-free state. Pakistan stands at 126 th and 117 th position among 175 and 168 countries on the CPI ranking-in the years 2014 and 2015 respectively. Although, the country's score indicates a better perceived level of public sector corruption but this is still regrettably way down on this account. Corruptions of all magnitudes are perfused in all organs of government including the executive, legislature and judiciary. Corruption severely impacts the governance processes and pushed the state into the political turmoil. The study ascertains the menace and genesis of corruption in the politics of Pakistan from the British colonial era to date. A host of measures are suggested as a way forward to expunge this malaise. The need of deliberate awareness in the masses and emergence of an awakened civil society, raucous and honest media and, independent judiciary is contemplated to curb corruption up to the desired levels.

NAVEIÑ REET: Nordic Journal of Law and Social Research

Azam Chaudhary

The paper focuses on the contemporary governance and corruption issues of Pakistan and suggests a way forward for good governance to blossom in a corruption-free state. Pakistan stands at 126th and 117th position among 175 and 168 countries on the CPI ranking - in the years 2014 and 2015 respectively. Although, the country’s score indicates a better perceived level of public sector corruption but this is still regrettably way down on this account. Corruptions of all magnitudes are perfused in all organs of government including the executive, legislature and judiciary. Corruption severely impacts the governance processes and pushed the state into the political turmoil. The study ascertains the menace and genesis of corruption in the politics of Pakistan from the British colonial era to date. A host of measures are suggested as a way forward to expunge this malaise. The need of deliberate awareness in the masses and emergence of an awakened civil society, raucous and honest media and,...

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The Corruption Conundrum in Pakistan's Democracy

The dark side of Nawaz Sharif's ouster

Once again, a leader of Pakistan has been forced to leave office without completing a full term. On Friday, Nawaz Sharif stepped down as prime minister after the country’s Supreme Court disqualified him on corruption-related charges. For Sharif, this ends a 35-year career in politics that saw him elected prime minister and unceremoniously removed from office three times . For Pakistan, it marks a rare moment of accountability but also raises questions about the future of the country’s flailing democracy: Next year’s general elections will likely see one elected civilian government successfully transfer power to another for only the second time in the country’s history. But no prime ministers voted into power have lasted long enough to defend their records in front of the electorate.

The source of Sharif’s miseries is the release of the so-called Panama Papers last year, in which a consortium of investigative journalists around the world came into the possession of documents from a law firm based in the Central American tax haven. According to the documents, Sharif was one of 12 world leaders in Pakistan whose family or associates were found to own assets stashed offshore but never declared to the Pakistani people. Sharif’s revealed wealth includes companies scattered across continents, luxury apartments in London, and business connections with Persian Gulf royals. Over months of legal proceedings, Sharif faced intense pressure to vacate the prime minister’s hilltop residence in Islamabad.

Sharif was not convicted of corruption, which would have required a criminal trial. He may not face prison time, and will hold on to his allegedly ill-gotten wealth—he has only been forced to leave the office of the prime minister. After the court found that he had not satisfactorily accounted for his wealth, it invoked a vague and overbroad morality clause in the constitution that says leaders must be “truthful” and “trustworthy.” It’s the first time that the clause , introduced during the Islamizing military rule of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, has been used against a holder of public office in Pakistan.

The ruling sets a troubling precedent. Sharif’s most determined opponent is the former cricketer turned politician Imran Khan. From the moment Sharif returned to power in 2013, Khan has been campaigning for his removal, often taking to the streets for weeks of protests. But even Khan has criticized the morality clause in the past, not least when people have tried to use it against him. “Only an angel,” Khan said , could be deemed to meet the clause’s exacting standards.

In Pakistan, politicians have long courted allegations of venality. They never occupy their official residences in Islamabad for long, and yet many of them emerge with suspiciously deep pockets. The arbitrary nature of their rule, long resistant to transparency, gives them control of government contracts, the power to disburse other forms of patronage, and, in the most crude of cases, demand an “administrative fee” for even the most perfunctory pieces of government business. In more recent years, members of parliament, ministers, and other politicians, have become more innovative—using a series of shell companies, frontmen who work through shadowy middlemen, and secret auctions, where bids are privately entertained, before lucrative contracts are announced.

Jahangir Tareen, a reputedly “clean” businessman-turned-politician who has vigorously campaigned for Sharif’s dismissal, last year admitted to indulging in a bit of insider trading. In 2005, while serving as a minister, Tareen took over a rival sugar mill. While the deal was being finalized, he opened trading accounts in the name of his cook and gardener, buying stocks in the sugar mill he was set to acquire. Tareen was ultimately forced to return the profits he earned, but still insists he did nothing wrong.

In 2008, when democracy returned to Pakistan, I interviewed a freshly appointed minister at his office in Islamabad. I had a list of questions about how he was preparing to serve Pakistanis. When I arrived, I found he had already gotten down to business. A queue of supplicants was positioned strategically outside his office door, and ran down the hall. Inside, he was busily signing slips of paper, apparently handing out jobs in exchange for political support. Other ministers arrived, carrying files of their own. Then a member of his party walked through the door, a young woman on each arm. “Sir,” he bellowed, “these are two of my greatest supporters. They’ll make fine air hostesses.”

In Pakistan, everything can be negotiated—the rules are rarely fixed. For the right price, through the right connections, or in return for a favor, you can get things done. Many politicians who enrich themselves rationalize their corrupt practices as somehow serving a noble purpose: they justify their actions on the grounds that they are either helping out their constituents, their party, or even their own family.

Even the biggest fans of politicians don’t deny their leaders’ legendary avarice. Shrugging insouciantly, they say everyone is guilty of acquiring ill-gotten wealth. Their complaint is that it is only democratically elected leaders who are punished. The powerful military has acquired vast wealth of its own. Retired generals often enjoy lives of a splendor their career earnings could never justify, comfortable in the knowledge that they will never be dragged before a court to account for their gilded retirement.

Instead of implementing robust accountability, corruption charges have traditionally been wielded as a tool to weaken civilian leaders and ultimately lever them out of power. During the 1990s, rivals Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif each served as prime minister for two abbreviated terms. Each time , the dismissal of civilian-led governments was justified on the grounds of corruption.

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When Musharraf seized power in the 1999 coup, toppling Sharif’s second government, he famously declared , like dictators before him, that he would cleanse the country of corruption. The narrative he promoted was that grasping politicians were the biggest problem facing the country. Once they were cast aside, the country could embark on a prosperous future. It never happened. Soon after settling into office, he tried to end Sharif and Bhutto’s political careers, but peeled away their supporters to augment his ranks, including those accused of corruption.

Now in exile, having fled charges of high treason for suspending the constitution when he imposed a state of emergency in 2007, Musharraf spoke to the media of his satisfaction with Sharif's resignation. For anyone supportive of Pakistan’s fledgling democracy, it was a brazen show of hypocrisy. Musharraf was never held accountable for the coup that he mounted in 1999 or the other violations of the constitution he committed.

As Musharraf grew unpopular in 2007, supporters of democratic civilian rule were prepared to relax their standards when it came to choosing their next leaders. Other than the established political parties, there were no other vehicles to realize their democratic aspirations. Even Asif Zardari, a man once known as “Mr. 10%” for the kickbacks he allegedly favored on government contracts, became acceptable as a face of democracy. But over time, patience has worn thin. In an overwhelmingly young country, where a new generation fears for its own prospects, there is a deepening resentment of what they see as inept, distant, and venal elites.

The Supreme Court decision has, so far, proven wildly popular in Pakistan. At a mall in Peshawar, a group of men broke into a traditional dance against the backdrop of Pashto music. Sweets are thrust into the mouths of exultant opposition politicians as the cameras look on. Social media is aglow with young Pakistanis thrilled by the sight of a powerful politician brought low. But it is far from clear whether Sharif’s exit inaugurates an era of accountability and transparency in Pakistan, or reflects the persistence of an age where corruption charges are selectively applied and only unelected and unaccountable institutions decide the fate of the country’s rulers.

Pursuit home

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Why do anti-corruption campaigns fail in Pakistan?

To understand why anti-corruption campaigns fail in Pakistan, we must understand the role of kinship and the impact of periods of military rule

By Dr Nadeem Malik, University of Melbourne

Corruption is a universal phenomenon that’s present in all countries in varying forms and degrees. It’s also ancient.

There are references to bribery in many of our historic sources – the Babylonian Code of Hammurabi from the 22nd Century BC, Egypt’s 14th Century BC Edict of Horemheb and Kautilya’s Arthashastra from 14th Century BC India.

Corruption in Pakistan is not a new phenomenon.

Its roots date back to the colonial period when the British awarded lands and titles to their loyalists , leading to nepotism and corruption.

Two significant crises played a fundamental role in the genesis of corruption in this part of the world: defence-related purchases during and after World War II and the allotment of evacuee property after the partition of the Indian subcontinent .

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The nationalisation policy of the 1970s created new opportunities for corruption and gave birth to a new breed of corrupt government officers, lasting well into the 1980s.

Although public sector corruption was considered an impediment towards development, it gained a growing focus in developing countries as a result of the neoliberal idea of ‘good governance’ introduced by international donors.

This worked on the assumption that governments in developing countries were inefficient, and one of the primary causes of this was the rampant corruption in the public sector.

So, Pakistan’s then-president, General Pervez Musharraf introduced the draconian National Accountability Bureau (NAB) in 1999 in order to follow international donors’ good-governance prescriptions.

Although General Musharraf introduced NAB to ostensibly control corruption, Pakistan’s current Prime Minister, Imran Khan, took it a step further, initiating an ambitious anti-corruption plan (which was the main slogan of his election campaign in 2018).

Both have failed miserably and instead, corruption increased significantly .

Several significant corruption scandals have been reported during the hybrid rule of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party.

Corruption and Australia's Parliament

According to Transparency International , instead of overcoming corruption, PTI’s government significantly increased it in the past two and a half years.

So why have Imran Khan’s good intentions, when it comes to controlling the widespread corruption in state departments, failed?

This failure is a result of misunderstanding the nature, characteristics, patterns and organisational structure needed to devise anti-corruption strategies.

Since the 1950s, Pakistani politicians have been accused of being corrupt. They are singled out as ‘rotten apples’ ignoring social, political and economic structures and are primarily responsible for “ abuse of public authority for personal gains ” – a Western concept proposed by the famous German sociologist Max Weber .

But there are at least two preconditions required for the application of this concept of corruption.

Firstly, there has to be a sharp distinction between the state and society, implying that the state departments should be insulated from interest groups or kinship ties.

Secondly, kinship societies are ones where individuals exist in relation to others instead of as individuals, but this concept assumes individuals are free of their kinship ties.

For this reason, in countries like Pakistan which are kinship societies, people seek approval of their family members and, in some cases, even of their extended family members or a whole clan for their most critical decisions.

Principles aren't enough when human rights meet business

But when these relationships are translated into politics, individuals go through the same process, voting for kinship relations rather than associating themselves with the large unit of society, that is, the nation-state.

They do not vote for political manifestos but instead vote on what they get individually, as families or as communities, from the political candidates.

The system of non-party elections introduced during long periods of military dictatorships, especially for local governments, has had a long-lasting impact on Pakistani politics.

Political candidates could not mobilise people on party bases and, consequently, relied on their clans and castes to support local government elections.

As a result, local government elections led to politics based on clan and caste loyalties and a significantly segregated population along clan and caste lines. These loyalties ultimately strengthened the politics of patronage.

A new political elite emerged from these local councils and came to power through military patronage as well as the strength of their clan and caste.

After becoming members of national and provincial parliaments, these new politicians introduced politics based on their experience of local governance – that is, they introduced the politics of personalised patronage and then subsidised their clan-based constituencies by using development funds to boost their chances of re-election.

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Western societies have gone through several centuries of transformation, from kinship-based societies into nation-states. Many developing countries have yet to develop a sense of association with a larger nation-state beyond kinship loyalties.

This is truer for countries like Pakistan, where several decades of direct military rule has privileged non-party elections and there remains an ongoing military interference in politics.

In fact, the situation has significantly strengthened the kinship system of politics – at the detriment of establishing the state as a rational-bureaucratic entity accountable to people.

In a society where kinship ties have yet to be transformed, a state anchored by patron-client politics has prohibited a clear separation of the state and society – disempowering people to make the state accountable in overcoming corruption.

The military-controlled patron-client politics has also hindered state formation in the country, which still seems to be incomplete.

But again, language is important when it comes to Pakistan. Strictly speaking, there is no state in Pakistan; there’s only an administration, military and civil officials.

The term ‘state’ itself is an elusive one. It seems inappropriate to use the term regarding the institutions of the country. Although there is a ‘community’ with a monopoly over coercive ability, it has failed to devise institutions that confer legitimacy over the use of this force.

Rage Against Corruption

This is true even though there has always been an ongoing effort to build a state, initially by politicians and then by the military since 1958.

In short, unless state formation is insulated from the parochial interests of state institutions, especially the military bureaucrats and kinship-based electable candidates, controlling corruption won’t work.

Corruption in Pakistan is an effect of the incomplete process of state formation, which has failed to establish a sharp boundary between the state and society.

The only way to ensure a weeding out of corruption is to ensure the non-interference of non-political institutions in politics.

But this must be done alongside a sustained process of establishing and strengthening civilian-based democratic institutions and governance that is ultimately accountable to Pakistan’s people enabling them to move beyond their kinship loyalties.

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Blackouts, currency dives and corruption: Pakistan's economy is on the brink of collapse

• International Monetary Fund officials are in Islamabad for make-or-break talks over unlocking a $7 billion bailout fund.
• IMF officials want to see Pakistan's government implement fiscal reforms before releasing any of the funds.
• Pakistan only has enough foreign currency reserves to pay for roughly three weeks of imports. 

Pakistan's economy is on a cliff-edge. 

The South Asian country this week suffered a horrific bombing attack on a mosque that took at least 100 lives . On Jan. 24, the country's 230 million residents were hit with a nationwide blackout. At time of writing, the Pakistani rupee is at a record low against the dollar.  

These are just the latest shocks amid months of crisis as endemic government corruption, depleted foreign reserves and crippling debt have sent Pakistan's economy spiraling. 

"What would you like to know? How a bag of flour, essential here as we eat roti or chapati on a daily basis, has more than doubled in price? How fuel prices nearly doubled in less than a year?" Mohammed Usman, a photographer living in Pakistan's capital Islamabad, told CNBC.

"Almost every discussion these days amongst friends or family is about how everything is getting more expensive," he said. "Add to it the political instability and one ends up in a hopeless situation."

International Monetary Fund officials landed in Islamabad on Tuesday for make-or-break talks with the Pakistani government. The goal of the talks? Unlocking desperately-needed funds from a $7 billion bailout package. 

And it couldn't come at a more critical time: Pakistan only has enough foreign currency reserves to pay for roughly three weeks of imports. 

Pakistan received a $6 billion bailout from the IMF in 2019 , to which another $1 billion was added in August of 2022, in the IMF's 23rd funding program for the country in its 75-year existence. 

But the money won't be unlocked so easily this time, as IMF officials want to see Pakistan's government implement fiscal reforms. Those include allowing a market-determined exchange rate for the country's currency, the rupee, and the reduction of fuel subsidies, which have become more costly amid the global rise in energy prices. 

Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif refused to make such changes for months, fearing popular backlash. 

But the prospect of national bankruptcy finally forced him to bend — in late January, Pakistan lifted the artificial cap on its currency, causing the rupee to plunge 20% against the dollar in a few days. The government raised fuel prices by 16%. And the Pakistani central bank raised its interest rate by 100 basis points to battle the country's highest inflation in decades, expected to be as high as 26% in January.  

How did Pakistan get here?

The crisis Pakistan finds itself in was a long time in the making, and goes far beyond electoral politics, people who study the country say.

"Pakistan's economic situation is a direct reflection of the misplaced priorities of the country for decades," said Kamal Madishetty, a researcher at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in New Delhi. He pointed to the overwhelming control of the military over all other institutions as a key factor.

"The country's military establishment continues to corner a disproportionate share of resources for itself, at the expense of ordinary citizens," he said, explaining that in 2022, as Pakistan cut spending on areas like infrastructure and education, military spending ballooned by 11%. 

"The public discourse may pin the economic difficulties on one government after another, but those really responsible are the class of people permanently in power."

Kamal Alam, a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, described a dysfunctional ruling class that for decades has misappropriated funds and prevented meaningful reform. 

"Mired in political, military, feudal corruption, Pakistan has now existed as a state that only survives due to the largesse of the Saudis, China, UAE and the U.S. in that order," he said. "But finally its patrons have also run out of patience due to lack of transparency of the impact of their actual donations."

Oil-rich Saudi Arabia has been a longtime ally of Pakistan, coming to its aid financially numerous times. But now even the Saudis are demanding to see serious improvement concerning governance and corruption before it loosens its purse strings. 

More recently, Pakistan has been a victim of climate change: catastrophic floods in June of 2022 put one-third of the country underwater, affecting 33 million people and causing billions of dollars of damage and economic loss. 

That combined with the already existing economic problems and the enduring impact of Covid-19 led the World Bank in early January to lower the country's growth projections from 4% last June to 2% for 2023, citing "precarious economic situation, low foreign exchange reserves and large fiscal and current account deficits" as key reasons.

Deep in China's debt

Pakistan is also close to China – and deeply in its debt. More than 30% of Pakistan's total foreign debt is owed to China, according to the IMF. That's three times what Pakistan owes the IMF and more than its loans from the World Bank and Asian Development Bank combined, says Madishetty.

These Chinese loans, he said, "are accompanied by opaque conditionalities, overlook long-term viability of projects, ignore environmental and social costs, and have interest rates that are usually 1-2 percent higher than those offered by OECD lenders." 

Despite all this and its current financial situation, Pakistan continues to borrow from China.

"Most recently, it has sought a $10 billion loan from China for a major railway project, ignoring debt concerns. Such decisions certainly push the country towards defaulting on its debt sooner rather than later," Madishetty said. 

Alam says that China's debt is actually "the least of Pakistan's problems, given the Chinese Pakistan alliance is primarily military and in that sense different to African states or other Southeast Asian states." The two countries need each other for military and strategic purposes, so debt to China may not be as urgent a liability yet as the rest of the country's issues.

For Usman, the photographer in Islamabad, the pressure to leave — for those who have the means, or relatives overseas — is becoming more and more real. 

"It's all been a blur," he said. "My sister called the night after the blackout asking me to renew my parents' passports. She wants them to leave Pakistan and come to Canada."

Corruption in Spotlight as Pakistan's Economy Spirals

Benedict vigers, hashim pasha.

Karachi, Pakistan. Photo by Kashif Afridi via Unsplash.

May 19, 2023

Perceptions of corruption in Pakistan hit all-time highs in 2022, preceding the recent arrest of ex-PM Imran Khan. With worsening economic conditions and the impact of devastating floods, millions are now grappling with fulfilling basic needs, writes Gallup’s Hashim Pasha and Benedict Vigers.

n the lead-up to last week’s arrest of Pakistan’s former prime minister, Imran Khan, on corruption charges, the percentages of Pakistanis who perceived corruption to be widespread in the country’s government (86%) and businesses (80%) had reached record highs.

Khan’s arrest—which spurred violent, deadly protests across the country—has since been ruled illegal by Pakistan’s Supreme Court, and Khan is out on bail.

Quick Summary: The recent political turmoil has emerged amid a long-running economic crisis in Pakistan. Khan, a former cricketer and philanthropist, rose to power on an anti-corruption platform in 2018. He was subsequently ousted in a parliamentary vote of no confidence in early 2022, triggering more political and economic upheaval. No democratically elected prime minister has ever completed a full five-year term in Pakistan’s 75-year history.

In recent years, Pakistan’s economy has seen record inflation, soaring commodity prices, and significant declines in foreign investment and remittances. Catastrophic floods in the latter half of 2022, partly overlapping the timing of Gallup’s fieldwork in Pakistan, also caused an estimated $15 billion in economic losses.

Khan’s arrest—and the subsequent civil unrest it sparked—have added to the economic misery, as the rupee’s valuation against the dollar dropped to a historic low. Recent mass protests coupled with an ongoing constitutional crisis have compounded the already chronic sense of instability in the South Asian nation and have made its efforts to avoid a sovereign default more precarious.

Pakistanis Pessimistic That Living Standards Will Improve

At the start of Khan’s term in 2018, Pakistanis were far more likely to think their living standards were getting better (49%) than getting worse (20%). Pakistanis’ outlook has worsened every year since; fast forward to the most recent measure, and the tables have flipped. In 2022, 19% said their living standards were improving, and 48% said they were getting worse.

Over the same period, Pakistan has seen one of the largest drops worldwide (30 percentage points) in the percentage of adults saying their living standards are improving.

Perceptions of local economic conditions have followed a similar trend. The 16% of Pakistanis who said their local economy is getting better is one of the lowest points on record. Except for Afghanistan, where the economy has crumbled since the Taliban’s takeover, Pakistan ranks lower than all other countries in the Asia-Pacific region in perceptions of improving economic conditions.

The spiraling economy has left millions struggling to meet their basic needs. More than four in 10 Pakistanis (44%) said they found it difficult to afford food at times in the past year, with Pakistani women (51%) more likely to be affected than men (36%). The proportion of Pakistanis who struggled to afford shelter also shot up in 2022 to 32%, one of its highest points on record.

The economic downturn is being felt hardest in the southeastern province of Sindh, where a mix of high vulnerability to climate change and decades-long rule by the feudal dynasty of the Pakistan People’s Party has contributed to its lagging behind Pakistan’s other provinces.

Bottom Line

Pakistan has been embroiled in political and economic crises and has suffered from devastating floods that displaced around 8 million people in 2022. The country is on the brink of default, and its future is deeply uncertain. Khan’s arrest has created the most widespread public anger since the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in 2007 and has widened the gulf between civil society and state institutions.

Pakistan's democracy has proven resilient since the country’s return to civilian rule in 2008, but it now faces one of its toughest challenges to date. General elections are planned for later this year, yet opposing sides have been unable to agree on dates. As long as a sustainable political solution remains elusive, Pakistan’s leaders are unlikely to be able to improve the quality of its people’s lives or change the widespread perception that they live in a corrupt system.

For complete methodology and specific survey dates, please review Gallup's Country Data Set details .

Learn more about how the Gallup World Poll works.

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Digitalise to Curb Corruption

What the imf could not do in the current bailout package, the imf would do in the eff which would precede the budget in june..

Corruption has long been a deep-rooted challenge in Pakistan, imped­ing progress, eroding public trust, and hindering socio-economic de­velopment. However, the advent of digitalisation offers a glimmer of hope in the fight against corruption. By leveraging technology to streamline processes, enhance transparency, and promote accountability, Pakistan can pave the way for a more transparent and corruption-free society.

One area where digitalisation can play a transformative role is in the issuance of vital documents. Traditionally, obtaining passports, CNICs (Computerised National Identity Cards), and domicile certif­icates in Pakistan have been plagued by bureaucratic red tape, in­efficiencies, and opportunities for corruption. Manual processes in­volving multiple intermediaries provide ample room for bribery and fraud. However, by embracing digital systems, Pakistan can reduce the human interface and minimise corruption risks. Online application systems, secure document uploads, and digital payment mechanisms can empower ci­tisens to obtain these essential documents efficiently and transparently.

Pakistan Railways considers fare reductions for Eid special trains

One of the major breeding grounds for corruption is public procurement. The traditional procurement process, with its complex and opaque nature, creates opportunities for bribery, favoritism, and collusion. However, digital­isation can provide a transformative solution by introducing electronic ten­dering systems and centralised online platforms for procurement. By digitis­ing the procurement process, Pakistan can foster fair competition, increase transparency, and enhance accountability. As per World Bank report, Slova­kia’s eMarketplace, an online procurement platform, has effectively curbed corruption by providing real-time data on tenders, enabling efficient over­sight, and increasing competition. By implementing similar digital procure­ment platforms, Pakistan can ensure a level playing field, safeguard public re­sources, and enhance trust in government procurement processes.

Promoting digital financial transactions is another critical step in the fight against corruption. Cash transactions provide ample opportunities for brib­ery, money laundering, and illicit financial activities. By encouraging the adop­tion of secure digital payment platforms, Pakistan can minimise corruption risks, enhance financial transparency, and deter illicit financial activities. Swe­den serves as an exemplary case study, having transitioned to a predominant­ly cashless society. The increased adoption of digital payments in Sweden has significantly reduced corruption risks associated with bribery and money laundering. By providing accessible and user-friendly digital payment options for government services, tax payments, and utility bills, Pakistan can mitigate corruption risks and promote a culture of transparency and accountability.

Will Pakistanis enjoy six holidays on Eid?

In addition to digitalising processes, safeguarding the rights of whistle­blowers, and providing secure platforms for reporting corruption are vi­tal. Whistleblowers play a critical role in exposing corruption, but they of­ten face significant risks and reprisals. Establishing mechanisms to protect whistleblower identities and enable anonymous reporting can empower in­dividuals to come forward with crucial information without fear of retalia­tion. South Korea’s robust online whistleblower protection system, known as the “Kim Young-ran Act,” has been effective in detecting and prosecuting corruption cases reports Transparency International. Pakistan can learn from such examples and implement similar secure online complaint mech­anisms, thus encouraging citizens to report corruption, increasing account­ability, and acting as a deterrent to corrupt practices.

Moreover, the power of data analytics and digital monitoring tools should not be underestimated in the fight against corruption. By leveraging big data and advanced analytics, Pakistan can identify patterns, anomalies, and high-risk areas prone to corruption. Hong Kong’s Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) has effectively utilised data analytics to detect sus­picious financial transactions, track corruption indicators, and proactively prevent corrupt practices. Implementing similar data-driven approaches can help Pakistan enhance its anti-corruption efforts, detect and prevent corrupt practices, and promote a culture of transparency and accountability.

Three robbers, citizen killed in Karachi incidents

However, it is important to note that digitalisation alone is not a panacea for corruption. To ensure its effectiveness, robust legal frameworks must be in place to govern digital processes, protect privacy, and prevent misuse. Fur­thermore, extensive public awareness campaigns are essential to foster a cul­ture of integrity, transparency, and responsible use of digital systems.

Nevertheless, digitalisation presents a significant opportunity for Pakistan to combat corruption. By digitalising document processes, implementing e-gov­ernance initiatives, promoting digital financial transactions, safeguarding whis­tleblowers, and harnessing the power of data analytics, Pakistan can pave the way for a more transparent and corruption-free society. However, these efforts must be accompanied by strong legal frameworks and comprehensive pub­lic awareness campaigns to ensure their effectiveness. Embracing digital solu­tions can help restore public trust, promote sustainable socio-economic devel­opment, and create an environment conducive to a corruption-free Pakistan.

Another abductee rescued as police continue operation in Katcha area

Jahan Zaib Brohi The writer is a CSS aspirant and a Freelance writer. He can be reached at [email protected]

Jahan Zaib Brohi

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Guest Essay

What Is Going On in Pakistan?

By Ayesha Siddiqa

Ms. Siddiqa is an expert on Pakistan’s military.

For decades, Pakistan’s military has been the country’s most vital institution. Although it frequently intervened to oust elected governments, many Pakistanis saw this as salvation from the country’s blundering politicians. The army, it was thought, was the only force capable of holding the country together.

The question now is whether the generals can keep themselves together.

The military has suffered a catastrophic loss of prestige after the populist former prime minister Imran Khan directly challenged its influence. In response, Mr. Khan was ousted and jailed, and his party — despite winning the most parliamentary seats in a divisive February election — was shut out of a new civilian government that took power this month with the blessing of the military leadership. The country remains deeply polarized.

But an even greater concern for Gen. Syed Asim Munir, the army chief, is that the polarization extends into the military itself. It is common knowledge in Pakistani political circles that significant portions of the military leadership, powerful military families and rank-and-file officers are sympathetic to Mr. Khan’s right-wing, anti-American vision for the country, which included aligning Pakistan more closely with China and Russia. Whether this internal rift can be healed will ultimately decide the direction and stability of Pakistan, which has nuclear arms and is the world’s fifth most populous.

These divisions could hardly come at a worse time for Pakistan. The economy is near collapse , and General Munir is working to repair relations with Washington that were badly frayed by Mr. Khan’s politics. Pakistan is beset by political and security challenges on all sides, including by its archrival, India, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist, as well as Iran and the Taliban-held Afghanistan. Iranian forces launched airstrikes on targets in Pakistan in January, prompting Pakistani counterstrikes. This month Pakistani military posts were hit by militant attacks in the country’s south and along the border with Afghanistan.

The military, of course, bears much of the blame for the country’s predicament. After the decade-long military regime of Gen. Pervez Musharraf ended in 2008, Pakistan returned to a fragile democracy. But the army leadership began to fear that the two dominant political parties, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz and the Pakistan People’s Party, were seeking to rein in military influence.

The generals faced other pressures, too. The United States imposed conditions on financial aid to Pakistan’s military in 2009 and killed Osama bin Laden on Pakistani soil in 2011. Later that year, 28 Pakistanis were killed in an accidental clash between NATO and Pakistani forces along the border with Afghanistan. A popular narrative gained ground, partly fanned by the army, that portrayed the United States as conspiring to undermine the nation’s sovereignty.

The military leadership sought a more cooperative political partner to help face these challenges and counterbalance the entrenched parties. It paired up with Mr. Khan, a popular cricket-star-turned-politician who had been a supporter of General Musharraf’s government and a harsh critic of Pakistan’s dynastic political families, which he accuses of corruption.

It backfired.

Mr. Khan, who was elected prime minister in 2018, inflamed Pakistanis with his calls to tear down the political establishment and reject American influence. But with inflation hitting double digits, he faced growing public criticism of his handling of the economy. He accused the military of conspiring with the United States to force him out, creating a rift. With a political crisis threatening to add to the economic problems, he was removed from office by a parliamentary no-confidence vote in April 2022 that bore the fingerprints of the military leadership.

When a high court ordered his arrest in May of last year, his supporters openly turned against the army, protesting in the streets and even attacking the residences of senior army officers and other military targets.

As last month’s elections approached, the military took steps to ensure Mr. Khan’s party would not win. He was sentenced just before the election to long prison terms on much-questioned charges of corruption and leaking state secrets, and severe restrictions were imposed on his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, that essentially barred its candidates from campaigning.

But Mr. Khan’s message — fanned by anger over the generals’ meddling — continued to resonate, and candidates aligned with his party stunned the military by winning the most seats in Parliament. The military kept them from power by engineering the current coalition government, which is headed by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and includes traditional parties that the generals once sought to marginalize by aligning with Mr. Khan.

In addition to a withering economic and security landscape, that government now also faces large swaths of Pakistanis who feel the election was stolen. The military, which is propping up the government, is powerful enough that it might very well weather the damage to its reputation, but it needs to get its own house in order.

Serving and retired officers have explicitly called for General Munir to take a softer approach toward Mr. Khan, and it is widely known in Pakistan that members of some military families participated in last May’s protests over how Mr. Khan was being treated.

General Munir is busy trying to extinguish that fire, reminding officers that the violence last May targeted the military and moving to gag dissent within the armed forces to stop pro-Khan sentiments from spreading further.

He may succeed in the short term, but this story is far from over.

General Munir’s three-year term expires in November of next year, and many officers expect that his successor could be more sympathetic to Mr. Khan — the enmity between the two men is widely believed to stem from a personal rivalry — perhaps even leading to new elections and Mr. Khan’s return to the political stage. This would not be unprecedented: Pakistan has a history of backroom machinations resulting in ousted leaders being brought back. (The prime minister’s brother Nawaz Sharif was removed three times as prime minister and twice went into exile. He returned ahead of the February elections and is expected to exert behind-the-scenes influence over his brother’s government.)

This is where things could get dangerous for Pakistan. Mr. Khan has remained intransigent, refusing to negotiate with his rivals in the military and political establishment. Many fear where a vengeful Mr. Khan could lead Pakistan if he were to return. And yet if General Munir tries to extend his tenure to retain the status quo, military disunity could flare.

Army unity looks likely to hold for the time being. But all is not well in the military fraternity. Unless Pakistan’s generals can patch the rift over Mr. Khan, the country’s political stability, its security and its future will be difficult to predict.

Ayesha Siddiqa (@iamthedrifter) is a political scientist at King’s College, London, and the author of “Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy.”

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• Says no interference to be allowed in ‘major surgery’ undertaken for collective good of Pakistan
• COAS assures military’s unwavering support for economic recovery of country

ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif on Friday said the government will not allow any political or bureaucratic interference in the campaign to curb smuggling, corruption, power theft and tax evasion in the country.

“No political and bureaucratic influence will be allowed to interfere in this major surgery which we have to undertake collectively for the good of Pakistan and its 250 million people,” the prime minister said while chairing a meeting on the agenda of: “Measures against Spectrum of illegal activities & Criminal Mafias,” according to Radio Pakistan.

Members of the Federal Cabinet, Chief of the Army Staff (COAS), General Syed Asim Munir, NI (M), Provincial Chief Ministers and high-level government officials were present in the meeting.

The PM said it was very important to understand the real challenges of the country and then immediately fix them to revive and stabilize the economy.

For this, he said all stakeholders including the provinces, institutions, and armed forces will have to collaborate with the federal government to tackle one of the most important challenge of revival of economy.

PM Shehbaz said illegal trade and smuggling were the biggest challenges that had badly dented the country’s economy.

He recalled that in 2022, the coalition government allowed export of 250,000 tons of sugar, but it had to withdraw its decision “because we were told that the surplus target was not up to that level”. However, he said the same amount of sugar was later exported to Afghanistan.

Similarly, the prime minister pointed out that the country had to face loss of around Rs400 to 500 billion annually in term of power theft, whereas leakages, transmission losses and line losses of electricity were other than that.

As regards tax revenues, he said the government’s target this year was Rs9 trillion. But it has the potential of collecting Rs4 trillion extra revenues by streamlining the tax system and by curbing corruption and tax evasion.

He said a tax amount of Rs2.7 trillion was still under litigation either in tribunals or in appellant courts. The government, he said would try its best to recover this amount.

Appreciating the efforts of Chief of Army Staff in curbing smuggling and power theft, the prime minister said during the nine months of interim government, an amount of Rs58 billion was saved in power sector.

Similarly, a significant improvement was witnessed in smuggling in the country due to the commitment, will to do, and cooperation of all provinces, and the personal commitment and interest of the Chief of Army Staff, the prime minister added.

Besides initiating reforms in certain sectors, he said the government was also committed to promote industry and agriculture sector in the country.

He informed that the government had chalked out a plan to fully digitize the system of Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) to boost the tax revenues in the country.

He said the well reputed and honest officers will be encouraged while the corrupt element will be discouraged.

As regards law and order situation, the prime minister said the government was determined to foil the evil designs of the enemy.

The Chief of the Army Staff assured unwavering resolve of Pakistan Army to support government’s initiatives aimed at economic recovery of the country.

During the meeting, the participants acknowledged the importance of such actions and their positive impact on the economy and wellbeing of the people of Pakistan.

The meeting showed firm resolve to take action against smugglers, hoarders and market manipulators, who have impacted the economic trajectory and to provide immediate relief to common citizens.

The meeting gave approval to agreements among Federal and Provincial governments on Anti-Power Theft policy, restructuring of Power Distribution Companies on modern lines, installation of Smart meters for full eradication of Power Theft and ordered strict action against the corrupt officers.

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Election Commission of Pakistan allots election symbols for by-elections on April 21

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The commission has completed the scrutiny of nomination papers submitted by the candidates.

The polling for by-elections, scheduled for April 21, will cover six national assemblies and 17 provincial assemblies, ARY News reported.

The electoral body will hold elections on six National Assembly seats, two seats each in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan assemblies , and 12 vacant seats in the Punjab Assembly.

According to ARY News, People's Party's Aseefa Bhutto Zardari returned unopposed to the National Assembly seat of Nawabshah, which was vacated after Asif Ali Zardari's election as the President of Pakistan

The election commission announced its schedule of by elections on vacant assemblies' seats across the country on March 13.

On March 29, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) hinted at postponing Senate elections if the provincial assembly speaker keeps on dragging his feet on administering the oath to MPAs elected on reserved seats amid the controversy over a delay in the oath-taking of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly members, Dawn reported. (ANI)