essay on discrimination in nepal

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• Published: 01 November 2022

A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal

• Pranab Dahal 1 ,
• Sunil Kumar Joshi 2 &
• Katarina Swahnberg 1  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  2005 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Gender inequality and violence are not mutually exclusive phenomena but complex loops affecting each other. Women in Nepal face several inequalities and violence. The causes are diverse, but most of these results are due to socially assigned lower positioning of women. The hierarchies based on power make women face subordination and violence in Nepal. The study aims to explore participants' understanding and experience to identify the status of inequality for women and how violence emerges as one of its consequences. Furthermore, it explores the causes of sex trafficking as an example of an outcome of inequality and violence.

The study formulated separate male and female groups using a purposive sampling method. The study used a multistage focus group discussion, where the same groups met at different intervals. Six focus group discussions, three times each with male and female groups, were conducted in a year. Thirty-six individuals, including sixteen males and twenty females, were involved in the discussions. The study used constructivist grounded theory for the data analysis.

The study participants identify that a power play between men and women reinforce inequality and increases the likelihood of violence for women. The findings suggest that the subjugation of women occurs due to practices based on gender differences, constricted life opportunities, and internalization of constructed differences among women. The study identifies that interpersonal and socio-cultural violence can result due to established differences between men and women. Sex trafficking, as an example of the outcome of inequality and violence, occurs due to the disadvantageous position of women compounded by poverty and illiteracy. The study has developed a concept of power-play which is identified as a cause and consequence of women's subordination and violence. This power play is found operative at various levels with social approval for men to use violence and maintain/produce inequality.

The theoretical concept of power play shows that there are inequitable power relations between men and women. The male-centric socio-cultural norms and practices have endowed men with privilege, power, and an opportunity to exploit women. This lowers the status of women and the power-play help to produce and sustain inequality. The power-play exposes women to violence and manifests itself as one of the worst expressions used by men.

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Violence against women is identified as an attempt by men to maintain power and control over women [ 1 ] and is manifested as a form of structural inequality. This structural inequality is apparent with greater agency among men [ 2 ]. The differences between sexes are exhibited in the attainment of education and professional jobs, ownership of assets, the feminization of poverty, etc., and these differences increase the risk of violence towards women [ 3 ]. The global estimate identifies that thirty percent of women experience physical and/or sexual violence during their lifetime, illustrating the enormity of this problem [ 4 ]. From a feminist perspective, lending ideas of patriarchy [ 5 ] and gender performativity [ 6 ], the understanding of gender roles prescribed by male-dominated social structures and processes helps further explore the violence and abuse faced by women [ 7 ]. According to Heise [ 8 ], men who adhere to traditional, rigid, and misogynistic views on gender norms, attitudes, and behaviors are more likely to use violence towards women. The individual and collective attitudes of men toward different established gender norms, and their reproduction explain men’s use of violence toward women [ 9 ]. It is known that gender norms influence violence, but at the same time violence also directs and dictates gender performance with fear, sanction, and corrective measures for enacting respective prescribed gender functions [ 10 ].

It is difficult for women subjected to violence to enjoy legitimate rights, as most of the infringement of their rights and violence takes place inside a private sphere of the home [ 11 , 12 ]. Violence against women is the major cause of death and disability for women [ 13 ] and globally a major public health concern [ 14 ]. Establishing gender equality is fundamental for fostering justice and attaining sustainable development [ 15 ]; moreover, violence against women has to be acknowledged as a fundamental abuse of human rights [ 16 ]. A report on global violence has identified that violence against women exists at all levels of the family, community, and state. The report recommended the development of frameworks for respecting, protecting, and fulfilling women’s rights [ 17 ]. Fifteen years later, a review of the same identifies that violence continues with impunity, reaffirming violence as a major obstacle to the attainment of justice [ 18 ].

The inclusion of the gender lens to violence against women has provided more contextual evidence to explore these processes of violence. This requires the identification of unequal power relationships and an inquiry into the differences-producing various gender stereotypes [ 19 ]. This analysis of violence requires an understanding of behaviors that promote women’s subordination and factors that favor men to sustain these malpractices [ 8 ]. A closer look at the male-centric structural arrangements embedded in the social, political, and economic organization of life reveals that these structures provide lesser access and lower accountability toward women, promote systemic subordination, and create hierarchies, resulting in the increase of violence against women [ 20 ]. This unequal gender power relationship reinforced and manifested by social approval of men’s authority over women is found operative at multiple levels and helps to produce diversities of inequalities and violence [ 21 , 22 ].

The inequalities faced by women in Nepal majorly stem from socio-cultural, economic, and religious factors and influencers that define traditional roles and responsibilities between men and women [ 23 ]. The inequalities are more evident and pronounced in settings exhibiting prominent patriarchal norms restricting advantages and opportunities for the majority of women [ 24 ]. Women in Nepal are restricted inside their homes, have lesser access to life opportunities, and have limited or no involvement in decision-making on important issues directly affecting their lives [ 25 , 26 ]. Figures indicative of women’s inequalities in Nepal suggest that one-third of women have no education, fifty-two percent of women are involved in non-paid jobs, and women are less likely than men to own a home or land [ 27 ]. The men in Nepalese society are positioned higher and are expected to be the breadwinner and protectors of their families. Most of these men intend to earn respect and obedience from women and are socially expected to discipline women to achieve it [ 28 ]. Many societies across the world including Nepal, recognizes violence as a private affair requiring discussion only within a family. This has led to a serious underreporting of violence committed toward women in Nepal [ 29 ]. The national gender data in Nepal is scarce, the available Nepal Demographic Health Survey 2016 identifies that since the age of fifteen, twenty-two percent of women and seven percent of women experience physical and sexual violence, respectively in the past twelve months [ 27 ].

The contributing factors for violence against women in Nepal include the lower social status of women, illiteracy, economic dependency, patriarchal society, sex trafficking, alcohol-related abuse, dowry-related violence, infidelity, extramarital affairs of husband, unemployment, and denial of sex with husband [ 30 , 31 , 32 ]. Nepalese women have been repressing violence with silence due to the fear of breaking relationships, receiving less love and affection from family, fear of social norms by going against men, lack of faith in the justice system, and the threat of increased violence [ 33 ]. Women and girls in Nepal are sex trafficked to various countries. Sex trafficking in Nepal is prevalent due to persistent gender inequality, violence, stigma, and discriminatory socio-cultural structures; however, the actual extent of sex trafficking is still undetermined [ 17 , 34 , 35 ].

The recent trends in Nepal with the increasing number of out-migration of men for employment have provided women with temporary autonomy, and a shift in the gender roles. Earlier research has identified that migration of male spouses has provided a resistance to the power dynamics for women on the other hand it has limited their mobility, required them to share decision-making with household structures, face continued social vigilance on the money received from remittance, and get central attention with their personal sexual lives [ 36 , 37 ].

Morang district lies in the eastern region of Nepal. A district profile report based on a census survey [ 38 ] identifies that the place is inhabited by a close to a million population, out of which ethnic groups ( close to forty percent) live in the district with a majority (seventy-eight percent) of its population living in the rural areas. Tharu an ethnic group is one of the dominant population in the study area and all study participants for this study were from same Tharu population. A close to thirty-six percent of women in the district are illiterate and the average age of marriage is eighteen years. The report identifies that only twenty-three percent of women engage in economic activities apart from agricultural work and less than fourteen percent of women head the household. Almost eighty percent of the population in the district practice Hinduism.

This study is a part of a large intervention project and it was focused to establish a qualitative baseline of the gender status in the study area. This study aimed to explore participants’ experiences and understanding of gender inequality, violence against women, and information on sex trafficking in the Morang district of eastern Nepal. The selection of sex trafficking topic was motivated to assess the respondents’ general understanding of one of the consequences of inequality and violence faced by women. The study focused to explore factors that help to produce and sustain the practice of gender inequality and violence against women in the local community.

Participants

This study was part of a larger control-comparison project that used Forum Theatre interventions to promote gender equality, reduce violence against women, and increase awareness of sex trafficking [ 39 , 40 ]. The participants for the focus group discussion included the intervention population from one of the randomly sampled intervention sites. A multistage focus group discussion [ 41 ] was used involving the same participants discussing various emerging topics at different periods. The participants were recruited voluntarily during an earlier quantitative data collection for the project. The study used a purposive sampling method for the selection of participants. The local field staff at the study site facilitated the recruitment of the participants. The study formulated separate male and female groups. A total of six focus groups, three each with male and female groups were conducted over twelve months. Two inclusion criteria were set for participation. First, the participants had to be part of the population of the larger study. Secondly, they had to witness and/or participate in the Forum Theatre interventions conducted in between the study. The set inclusion criteria served a dual purpose of understanding the causes of inequality and violence and further helped to develop and determine the efficacy of participatory Forum Theater intervention for awareness-raising among the study intervention groups [ 39 ].

A total of thirty-six participants consisting of sixteen males and twenty females joined the discussions. The first discussion consisted of eight participants each from groups while the second and the third discussion missed two female and four male participants respectively. The majority of the participants were 20–29 years old. Tharu, an ethnic community of Nepal, is a dominant population in the study area, and all the participants belonged to the same Tharu community. Only one female participant was unmarried, and a single married male participated in the discussions. All participants were literate, with four males completing a bachelor's level of education. Seven female participants had education below the high school level. The nuclear family with parents and their children was the major family type identified in both male and female groups. Table 1 provides the detail of the participants.

The focus group discussions were conducted in January 2017, April–May 2017, and January 2018. The discussions were conducted in a place recommended by the participants. An isolated place in an open setting at the premise of a local temple was used for conducting all discussions. The participants were briefed about the objectives of the discussion and written consent was obtained for their participation. Verbal consent was taken for the audio recording of the discussions. Each participant was assigned a unique numerical code before the discussions to ensure anonymity during recording, note-taking, and analysis. The discussions averaged ninety minutes during each session. The discussions were conducted with the same participants and no new participants were added during the follow-ups. A single male and female participant were missing in the second follow up and two male participants missed the final follow-up. The reason for missing participants was due to their unavailability as they were out of the village due to personal reasons.

The discussions were conducted in the Nepali language. The first author moderated all six discussions, a support field staff member took the notes, and the last author observed the discussions. The audio recordings were translated into English, and the transcriptions were checked with the recordings to verify accuracy. The field and the discussion notes were used during various stages of data analysis. The notes provided information on the discussion setting, as well as the verbal and nonverbal expressions of the participants. The notes helped to assess the impressions, emphasis, and feelings of the participants during the discussions.

The discussions used pre-formulated discussion guides with open-ended questions on inequalities, gender practices, violence, and sex trafficking. The guiding questions were based on the theoretical premise of discrimination, patriarchy, oppression, hegemony, and participation of women. Three separate discussion guides were developed for each of discussions. The guides were developed by the first and last authors. Probing was done on several occasions during the discussion to gain more clarity on the issue. Cross-checking among the participants and between the groups was done to triangulate received information. Any topic deemed appropriate for discussions and/or any unclear issues identified during the initial data analysis came up subsequently in the discussion guide during the follow-ups.

Data analysis

This study used the constructivist grounded theory method. This method adheres to a constructivist philosophical approach wherein both researchers and participants mutually co-construct the meaning of a phenomenon [ 42 ]. This interaction is important since it helps to impart the meaning of shared experiences [ 42 ]. The constructivist grounded theory made it possible to (re) discover gender issues, important for both the researcher and the study participants. This method allowed the study to progress with responsiveness to emerging issues with an in-depth exploration of the identified issues. This clarity was achieved through repeated interactive discussions, analysis of explanations, and sharing of emergent findings with the study participants.

The audio recordings were translated and transcribed into English. Six transcripts from discussions were initially analyzed using a line-by-line coding process. The coding process helped with the fragmentation of data through interactive comparisons. Fifty-two initial codes such as gender differences, restricting women, alcohol-related violence, underreporting of sexual violence, coping, etc. were identified. The later stage of focused coding helped to achieve categorized data, providing logical sense to the developed initial codes. Three focused codes, namely, the subjugation of women, violence, and chasing dreams were formulated during the analysis. The abductive reasoning from the codes, memos, and discussion notes helped to develop the theoretical concept. The development of conceptual abstraction involved an iterative comparison of the data, codes, categories, memos, and discussion notes.

The constant communication between the authors during the stages of data analysis such as the formulation of codes, explanations of concepts, and categories helped to refine the analysis. The shared experiences of the participants and the description of the data collection and analysis included substantial details, enabling comparisons for future research and application to other similar contexts. The reliability of the study is warranted by the theoretical saturation [ 42 ] achieved by this study. This is supported by prolonged engagement with the study participants with communication on the emerging findings, and triangulation.

Reflexivity has a greater significance for the constructivist approach. The first and the second author of Nepalese origin were aware of the socio-cultural norms, stereotypes, values, and stigmas associated with gender in the local context. This helped the study to ascertain the depth of inquiry within the acceptable local normative limits. The non-Nepalese author, familiar with the study participants and Nepalese contexts, witnessed the discussions as an observer. The prior knowledge of the authors helped to critically assess different schemas, perspectives, and explanations shared by the participants. The universality of gender inequality and violence against women and its re-examination in the local context helped the authors to build upon existing knowledge by providing contextual explanations. The diversities among the authors and research participants established a basis for co-creating the perceived and observed realities.

The section below describes the participants’ perceptions and understanding of inequality and violence. The section contains subheadings that were derived as themes in the data analysis. The first theme subjugation of women; discusses how norms, beliefs, and practices produce inferior status and positions for women. The second theme domestic and gender violence; provides a narrative of interpersonal and socio-cultural violence present in the study area. The theme of chasing dreams; discusses the process of sex trafficking as an outcome of violence. The theoretically abstracted concept of power-play identifies the cause for the generation of power imbalance producing inequality and the use of violence by men.

Subjugation of women

The subjugation of women reflected practices and beliefs imparting positional differences for women and their social situation compared to men. The participants shared a common understanding that belief systems adhering to male supremacy have positioned women in a lower status. They provided examples of social practices of male supremacy such as males being considered as the carrier of a family name, legacy, and heritage, while women were referred to as someone else’s property. The socialization of the idea that girls will be married off to a husband and relocate themselves to their homes was identified as the major reason for instilling and perpetuating early gender differences. The participants mentioned that discriminatory practices and seclusion have situated women at the bottom rung of the gender hierarchy, establishing them as socially incompetent individuals or groups. Moreover, they inferred that selective preferences provided preparatory grounds for inequalities, and they remain attached to women throughout their lives. The participants provided examples of unequal access to education and life opportunities as a practice of selective preferences occurring in the community. They mentioned that socialization with these discriminatory beliefs and their practice helped to develop specialized gender roles from an early age. The participants provided an example of how gender intersected with mobility and resource generation in the community, it was clear from the discussions that this has restricted women inside homes but provided freedom and opportunities for men. A female participant expressed,

A woman from a poor family is more than willing to work and support her family. But she is not allowed by the men in the family to work outside of the home.

The participants informed that differences between the sexes were visible for women from a young age. Sharing practical examples from the community, the participants from both groups stated that girls received education mostly in low-cost government and community schools, while boys were enrolled in expensive private schools. They raised concerns that this selective investment for education, cited as the ‘building block of life’ by the participants, installed lesser capacity, and negotiating abilities in girls. A female participant stated,

There are differences in educational opportunities for boys and girls in our community. Family provides more support for a boy’s education by enrolling him in private schools, while a girl mostly gets her education in a community school together with engagement in household work.

The discussions revealed that women required several male anchors for their survival during their various stages of life. The participants provided examples of the shift of anchors for women which traversed from a father to a husband during marriage and later to the male child during her old age. They believed that this tradition of transferring women’s identity established men as a higher social category and stripped women of their individuality and identity. A male participant added,

Women have to remain dependent on men throughout their lives, first with their fathers and later with their husbands. They remain completely dependent as they are not economically active. This makes men believe that they have higher authority.

The female participants provided an example of marriage to illustrate how someone else’s decision-making had been affecting women’s lives. A participant explained that women were held responsible for household activities after marriage and any support for career progression or education was restricted despite her desire for its continuation. It was inferred that women had to drop their hopes and aspirations as the husband and his family made decisions for them. The female participants agreed that this continuous exposure to the ideas of male supremacy makes them start to believe and internalize the idea that women have lesser cognitive abilities and intelligence compared to men. A female participant stated,

Men and women certainly have different mental abilities. Men think and act differently often in a smart way compared to women.

The participants from both groups expressed that youth in the community were developing flexible attitudes and beliefs towards gender roles and responsibilities. They agreed that both young men and women were observed altering their roles and responsibilities shifting from traditional gender ideologies. The participants expressed that instilling these fluidity and flexible approaches in the older generation was impossible as they strictly followed traditional beliefs and practices. Few of the female participants admitted that at times young women also fail to accommodate the situation and reap benefits from available opportunities. The discussions revealed that a few of the women in the community received opportunities for independence and economic empowerment. These women had received entrepreneurial training and various skill development activities for sustaining livelihoods with practical skill-based training in tailoring, beautician, and doll-making. The female participants expressed that opportunities for independence and growth slipped away from them due to a lack of family support, financial constraints, and self-passivity. They explained that starting a business required approval from a family which was difficult to obtain. Moreover, if women made a self-decision to start up on their own, they lacked the initial capital and had to rely on men for obtaining resources. The participants further explained that the denial of men to support women were majorly due to the fear that norms of staying indoors for women will be breached and economic independence may enable women to have a similar financial footing as men. The participants stated that self-passivity in women emerged due to their engagement in household multiple roles, dependency upon males, and lack of decision-making power and abilities. A female participant summed it up by stating,

Some of us women in the community have received entrepreneurial skills training, but we have not been able to use our skills for our growth and development. Once the training finishes, we get back to our household chores and taking care of the children.

The female participants admitted that acceptance of belief systems requiring women to be docile, unseen, and unheard were the reasons for this self-passivity. The female participants resonated that the external controlling and unfavorable environment influenced by practices of discriminatory norms and beliefs developed self-passivity for women. A female participant expressed the cause and consequence of self-passivity as,

Women have inhibitions to speaking their minds; something stops us from making our position clear, making us lose all the time.

The discussions identified that gender norms were deeply engraved in various social interactions and daily life, and any deviance received strict criticism. The participants shared common examples of sanctions for women based on rigid norms like restrictive movements for women, social gossiping when women communicated with outsider men, prohibition for opinion giving in public, and lesser involvement during key decision-making at home. The participants shared that norms dictating gender roles were in place for both men and women with social sanctions and approval for their performance. A male discussion participant who occasionally got involved with cooking which was a so-called “women’s job” faced outright disapproval from his female relatives and neighbors. The male participant stated,

If I cook or get engaged in any household jobs, it is mostly females from the home and neighborhood who make fun of me and remind me that I am a man and that I should not be doing a woman’s job.

The foreign migration of youth looking for job opportunities has affected the Tharu community. It was known that a large number of men were absent from the community. The participants stated that women in such households with absent men had gained authority and control over resources, moreover, these women have been taking some of the men’s roles. The participants disclosed that these women had greater access and control over resources and were involved in the key decision-making positioning them in a relatively higher position compared to other women. It was known that this higher position for women came with a price, they were under higher social vigilance and at higher risk of abuse and violence due to the absence of ‘protective men’. It was known that women's foreign employment was associated with myths and sexist remarks. The participants shared that women had to face strict social criticisms and that their plans for livelihood and independence were related to an issue of sexual immorality and chastity. The participants from both groups strictly opposed the norms that associated women with sexual immorality but lamented that it continues. A male participant provided an insight into the social remarks received by women if she dares to go for foreign employment,

If a woman wants to go for a foreign job, she is considered to be of loose character. The idea that she is corrupt and will get involved in bad work will be her first impression of anyone.

Although the participant did not explicitly describe what bad work referred to as but it was inferred that he was relating it to sex work.

Domestic and gender violence

The participants identified violence as control, coercion, and use of force against someone will occurring due to unequal status. They primarily identified men as the perpetrators and women as the victims of violence. They explained that two types of violence were observed in the community. The first type occurred in an interpersonal relationship identified as physical, emotional, and sexual violence. The second type, as explained by the participants had its roots in socio-cultural belief systems. They provided examples of dowry exchange and witchcraft accusations for the latter type. The participants identified women as primary victims and listed both men and women as the perpetrators of both types of violence. They reported that physical violence against women by men under the influence of alcohol was the most commonly occurring violence in the community. The participants from both groups confirmed that wife-beating, verbal abuse, and quarrel frequently occurred in the community. It was known from discussions that alcohol consumption among men was widespread, and its cultural acceptance was also increasing episodes of violence. One of the female participants clarified further,

The most common violence occurring in our society is wife-beating by a husband under the influence of alcohol. We see it every day.

The participants reported the occurrence of sexual violence in the community but also pointed out that people refrained from discussing it considering it a taboo and private affair. The participants had hesitation to discuss freely on sexual violence. During the discussions, participants from both groups informed only of rape and attempted rape of women by men as sexual violence present in the community. Despite repeated probing, on several occasions, none of the participants from either group brought up issues and discussions about any other forms of sexual violence. Participants from both groups confirmed that stories about incidents of rape or attempted rape emerged only after cases were registered with the local police. The participants presumed that incidents of rape and attempted rape were not known to the wider community. A female participant stated,

Sexual violence does occur in our community, but people mostly do not report or disclose it, but they tend to keep it amongst themselves and their families.

The participants explained the identity of the rape perpetrator and victim. They identified the perpetrator as a rich, influential, and relatively powerful man from the community. The victim was portrayed as a poor and isolated woman which lesser social ties. It was known from the discussions that most of the rape cases in the community were settled with financial negotiations and monetary compensations for the victim rather than finding legal remedies. It can be inferred that the victimization of women intersects with gender, wealth, social stature, and affluence. The participants feared that this practice of settlement of rape with money could make rape a commodity available for the powerful, rich, and affluent men to exploit and victimize women. A male participant clarifies,

Recently, a man in his sixties raped a young girl near our village. The victim's family was ready to settle with monetary compensation offered by the rapist, but the involvement of the community stopped it and the rapist was handed over to the police.

The participants shared available coping mechanisms against violence practiced in the community by women. It was learned that the victim of household violence mostly used community consultation and police reporting to evade further violence. They divulged that community consultation and police reporting resulted in decisions in favor of victim women, directing abusive husbands to show decency and stop committing violence. The fear of legal repercussions such as spending time in police custody and getting charged under domestic violence cases was understood as the reasons for husbands to stop abuse and violence. The discussions revealed that women who file a formal complaint about their husband’s violent behavior could face an increased risk of violence. The participants disclosed that sharing such incidents publicly brought shame to some of the men and increased their anger, and often backlashed with increased violence. The participants in both groups stated that not all women in the community reported violence. They identified that women tend to be quiet despite facing continuous violence due to the fear of encountering more violence and to keeping their families together. A female participant clarifies,

Lodging public complaints against the abusive husband can sometimes escalate the violence. The husband’s anger for being humiliated in public must be faced by the woman inside the closed doors of the house with more violence and the men’s threat of abandoning the relationship.

The participants stated that socio-cultural violence against women in dowry-related cases was widespread and increasing. The dowry exchange was explained as a traditional practice with the family of the bride paying cash and kind to the groom's family. The participants clarified that the practice of dowry in the earlier days must have been an emergency fund for the newly wedded bride in a newer setting. According to the participants, the system of dowry has now developed and evolved as a practice of forced involuntary transfer of goods and cash demanded by the groom’s family. The discussions disclosed that the demands for dowry were increasing with time and failing to provide as promised immediately resulted in violence for the newly wedded bride. The participants described that dowry-related violence starts with taunts and progresses to withholding of food, verbal abuse, and finally, physical violence. They added that perpetrators of such violence were both men and women from the groom’s family. They stated that due to poverty not all bride families in the community were able to supply all demanded dowry which has exposed a large number of women to face dowry-related abuse and violence. The discussions also informed of a newer trend among girls by demanding goods during their wedding. It was shared that this new emerging trend had increased a two-fold financial burden on the bride’s family with heavy marriage debts. The male participants when questioned about the dowry demands cunningly shifted the responsibilities towards family and stated that it was not the groom but their families who were making such dowry demands. The discussions verified that dowry practice was so engraved in the community that it was impossible to even imagine a marriage without any dowry. A male participant reflected,

If I marry without any dowry, my family, neighbors, and all whom I know would consider that I am insane.

The participants also discussed and identified harmful traditional practices present in the community. The participants informed a common practice of accusing women of as witches existed in the community. It was mentioned that women faced witchcraft allegations in different situations. They provided examples of witchcraft allegations in common situations such as when someone’s cow stops producing milk when a child has a sore eye, when someone is bedridden due to sickness for days, or when a woman undergoes a miscarriage, etc. The participants stated that women accused of witch were always elderly/single women living in seclusion, poverty, and with fewer social ties. They also shared that the witch doctors, who ascertain whether a woman is a witch or not, were surprisingly mostly always men and hold higher status, respect, and social recognition. The consequences of being labeled as a witch, as explained by the participants, haunted victim women with torture, name-calling, social boycott, and extremes of physical violence. The participants informed that inhumane practices such as forceful feeding of human excreta prevailed during the witch cleansing sessions. A female participant explaining the witchcraft situation stated,

Witchcraft accusation is very real in our community; I know someone who has tortured his mother, citing reasons for his wife being childless. The old woman was called names, beaten, and later thrown out of the home.

The participants felt that men’s use of violence and its legitimization primarily existed due to gender hierarchy and internalization of the belief that violence was the best method to resolve any conflict. They inferred that men’s use of violence was further reinforced by women's acceptance and belief that violence had occurred due to their faults and carelessness. The female participants shared examples of common household situations that could result in an episode of violence such as women cooking distasteful food, failing to provide timely care to children and the elderly due to workload, and forgetting to clean rooms. These incidents make women believe that violence majorly occurred due to their mistakes. Furthermore, the participants believed that this self-blaming of the victim resulted due to constant exposure to violence and a non-negotiable social positioning of women for raising questions. The participants stated that beliefs instilled by religion increased the likelihood of victimization for women. They explained that religious practices and ideologies required women to refer to their husbands as godly figures, and a religious belief that anything said or done against husbands was a disgrace bringing sin upon her and family positioned women in an inferior position. A male participant added,

We belong to a culture where females worship their husbands as a god, and this might be an important reason for men to feel powerful as a god to exploit and abuse women.

The discussions put forward the idea that the existence of discriminatory beliefs, reinforcement of such beliefs, and a blind following of such practices produced differences and violence. The male participants acknowledged that the idea of male supremacy not only produced violence but also established a belief system that considered violence as an indispensable way to treat deviated women. One male participant stated this idea of male supremacy and privilege as,

The language of the feet is essential when words fail.

The participants also discussed violence committed toward men by women. The male participants burst into laughter when they stated that some men were beaten by their wives when they were drunk. The male participants admitted that intoxication reduced their strength and they got beaten. The female participants, on the other hand, assumed that women hit intoxicated men due to frustration and helplessness. They further clarified that the act of husband beating was a situational reaction towards men who had spent all of their daily earnings on alcohol. They stated that women with the responsibility to cook and feed family find themselves in an utterly helpless situation by the irresponsible drinking behavior of men. The male participants shared incidences of violence against men due to foreign migration. It was revealed in the discussions that some of the migrating men’s wives had run away with remitted money, abandoning marriage, and breaking up the family. The male participants identified this as a form of victimization of men, furthermore, the spreading of rumors and gossip caused emotional instability in those men. The female participants confirmed that some returning men failed to find their homes, property, money, and/or their wives. The discussion participants in both groups identified that this practice was on the rise in the community. It became apparent from the discussions that this increasing trend of women running away with the money and breaking away from family was a personal issue requiring social remedies.

Chasing dreams

The participants referred to sex trafficking as the exploitation of women, arising from poverty, illiteracy, and deceit. Explaining the causes of trafficking, the participants stated that women living in poverty, having dreams of prosperity and abundance were tricked by the traffickers making them victims of sex trafficking. The participants mentioned that women who had dreams larger than life and yearned for a comfortable and luxurious life in a short time were at a greater risk for sex trafficking. The participants from both groups resonated that the traffickers had been manipulating the dreams of poor women and deceiving them into trafficking. A female participant elaborated,

Women in poverty can be fooled easily with dreams. She can be tricked by a trafficker by saying I will find you employment with good pay abroad, and she gets into the trap easily.

A male participant further clarified,

Women readily fall into fraud and trickery shown by the traffickers who assure of luxurious life with foreign employment and this bait often leads to sex trafficking.

They identified that false hopes for foreign jobs were primarily used as an entry point by the traffickers to trap potential victims. Besides, they stated that some traffickers tricked women with false romantic relationships and marriages to win over their trust enabling traffickers to maneuver women as they wished.

It was identified that traffickers were not always strangers but known and familiar faces from the community, allowing the traffickers to gain the victim’s trust. The discussions divulged that traffickers strategically chose women who were less educated and poor. The participants explained that sex trafficking mostly occurred among women from a lower caste (the caste system is hierarchy-based in Hindu society which is determined by birth and unchangeable). They further explained that if one of these lower caste women went missing, it seldom raised any serious concerns in society, making these women easy targets for the traffickers. The discussions revealed that life for the survivors of sex trafficking was difficult. They identified that the survivor had to face strong stigmas and stereotypes which further increased their risk for re-victimization. The participants explained that the social acceptance of the trafficking survivors was minimal and finding a job for survival was very difficult. It was reported that social beliefs, norms, and practices were rigid for sex trafficking survivors and provided lesser opportunities for complete social integration. A female participant stated,

The story of a sex-trafficked woman does not end after her rescue. It is difficult for her to live in society, and this increases her chances of being a further victim.

The discussions in both groups highlighted that education and awareness were important for reducing sex trafficking. The participants felt that securing a livelihood for women was essential, but they identified it as a major challenge. The female participants recommended the use of education and awareness for reducing sex trafficking. They demanded effective legal actions and stringent enforcement of the law with maximum punishment for offending sex traffickers. They mentioned that the fear of law with maximum punishment for culprits could help decrease cases of trafficking.

The theoretical concept of power play

The discussions identified that gender inequality and violence against women occurred as men possessed and exercised greater authority. The participants explained that the authority emerging from male-centric beliefs was reinforced through established socio-cultural institutions. It was known that oppressive practices toward women in both public and private life have led to the domination and devaluation of women. The differences between men and women were known to be instilled by evoking discriminatory beliefs and due to internalization of them as fundamental truths by women which further helps to sustain these created differences.

The concept of power-play developed from the study has its roots in the belief systems and was found constantly used by men to maintain created differences. The power-play rise due to patriarchy, guiding discriminatory norms and unequal gender practices. These norms and practices in the canopy of patriarchy positions women inferior to men and impose control and restrictions. The power play possessed multi-dimensional effects on women such as creating further barriers, restricted life opportunities, the need for men-centered anchoring systems, and exclusion from the public arena. The power play gains its strength from the strict enforcement of stereotypical practices and committed adherence to gender performances. This leads to internalization of subordination as a natural occurrence by women. These further isolate women putting them into several non-negotiating positions. The power play at an individual level provides restrictive movement for women, barring them from quality education and other life opportunities, and is exhibited in alcohol-related assault and sexual violence. At the structural level, this power play limits women from economic opportunities, access to resources, and decision-making, and induces socio-cultural inequality exhibited in dowry and cases of witchcraft. The socio-cultural acceptance of power-play allows men to use violence as a misuse of power and use it as an effort to maintain authority. The use of power-play for committing violence was identified as the worst display of exercised power play.

Figure  1 describes the concept of power-play developed from the study. The power-play model is based on discussions and inferences made from data analysis. The model provides a description and explanation of how women are subjected to inequality and face violence. The concept of power play derives its strength from the subjugated status of women which are based on selective treatment, self-embodiment of inferiority, imposed restrictions and due to lesser life opportunities. The power play gain legitimacy through social approval of the status differences between men and women and through social systems and institutions majorly developed and favoring men. The status difference between men and women and its approval by developed social institutions and processes give rise to the concept of powerplay. It identifies that status differences allow men to gain and (mis)use power play not only to maintain differences but also enable men to use violence. The use of power-play exists at both interpersonal and cultural levels. Further, the model elaborates on influencers causing subjugation of women, display of power-play, and violence. The model identified that lodging public complaints and seeking legal remedies are the influencers that suppress violence against women. The influence of Forum Theater was perceived to have greater influence for victim, perpetrator, and bystanders. The influencers that aggravate violence are fear of further violence, the nature of the interpersonal relationship, alcohol-related abuse, and remaining silent especially on sexual violence. The cultural violence mentioned in the model refers to dowry and witchcraft-related violence and stands as systemic subordination. In the model, sex trafficking is depicted as one of the outcomes of inequality and violence faced by women majorly occurring due to deceit and fraud.

The theoretical concept of power-play developed in this study identifies that inequality produces violence and violence further reinforces inequality, creating a vicious circle. The power play situates hierarchy based on gender as the primary cause and identifies violence as an outcome of this power asymmetry. The authority to use power by men is received by social approval from embedded structures and institutions. The functioning of associated structures and norms is designed and run by men helping to perpetuate the dominance and subjugation of women. The study identifies that both interpersonal and socio-cultural violence emerges due to the positional differences and use of power. The study found that an element of control exists in interpersonal violence. The findings show that few victim women in the community took advantage of consultations and rely on the law to evade and /or cope during the occurrence of interpersonal violence. A large number of victims women however suffer silently as they are unable and unwilling to take a stand on violence due to their perceived positional differences and strict norms following. The study finds that violence originating from socio-cultural systems is widely accepted and no established means of control exists. The practice of heinous acts against a fellow human during witchcraft allegations and dowry exchanges is prohibited by the law of Nepal but is widespread. This situates that practices which are based on belief systems are more effective than prevailing national laws which try to stop them. Sex trafficking as a form of sexual violence use deceit and fraud against women. Poverty and illiteracy compel women to search for alternatives, and they become easy victims of sex trafficking when their dreams of a better life are manipulated by the traffickers. The false promise of a better life and highly paid job put women in a non-negotiating position with traffickers. The cherished dream of escaping the prevailing status-quo of oppression, subordination, violence, and poverty mesmerizes women to take risky decisions, falling into the risk and trap of sex trafficking.

The socio-cultural norms are the unwritten script of social operatives and functioning. These social norms function as codes of operation and are a major determinant for behavior and interactions between people [ 43 ]. The study has found that these norms were skewed, and most favored men, giving rise to status differences and producing inequalities for women. This is observed with lesser life opportunities, lower participation in decision-making, and a constant need to anchor women. This further helps men to maintain their hierarchical positional status and use violence. The subjugation of women does not occur in a linear process, it is influenced by the internalization of discrimination resulting in lower self-esteem, suppression, and domination of women based on norms and unequal practices. Earlier research has identified that norms and beliefs encourage men to control women, and direct them to use force to discipline women which increases the risk of violence occurrence [ 44 , 45 ]. An earlier study shows that traits of masculinity require men to become controlling, aggressive, and dominant over women to maintain status differences [ 46 ]. The study confirms that men upon receiving both normative and social approval for using violence against women can do so without hesitation.

Violence against women in Nepal mostly occurs inside the home and is only reported when it reaches higher levels of severity. The acceptance of violence as a private affair has restricted women from seeking support and discourages them from communicating their problems with outsiders [ 47 ] this increases more likelihood for men to use violence. The study finds issues related to sex and sexual violence is a taboo and are seldom reported. The study could only identify cases of sexual assault registered with the police and other cases known to the wider community as sexual violence. A community with known incidents of rape may have other cases of abuse, harassment, incest, forceful sexual contact, etc. Failure to report incidents of sexual violence infer that a large number of women could be suffering in silence. Earlier research identifies that increased stigmatization associated with sexual violence, and fear of seclusion cause reluctance in victims to report or seek support [ 48 ]. This silencing of victims provides men with greater sexual control over women [ 49 ] increasing more likelihood of use of violence. Gender-based inequality and violence intersect structures, institutions, and socio-cultural processes, making inequality and violence visible at all levels. The dowry-related violence and witchcraft allegation intersect interpersonal and structural violence. This cultural violence forces women to be a victim of lifelong abuse and trauma. The intersecting relationship between gender norms, social structures, and individual is so closely knitted that it produces varieties of inequality and violence at all levels [ 50 ]. Emotional violence in this study only emerged as a type of violence, during discussions in both groups. It did not emerge as a major concern for the participants except for dowry-related violence and violence against men. The intertwined nature of emotional violence and its occurrence with each abusive, exploitative, and violent situation may have influenced the participants understand it as a result, rather than as a specific type of violence.

The power play between sexes was found in synchronicity with the established norms and prevailing stereotypes, helping to perpetuate gender power imbalance. The gender system is influenced and governed by norms and the social arena becomes the site of its reproduction through the interaction and engagement of people. This interaction provides approval to the institutions and processes that are based on constructed differences between men and women [ 51 ]. The power, as identified by Fricker [ 52 ], controls a social group and operates and operates through the agent or established social structures. A man can actively use the vested power to either patronize and/or abuse women while passively women’s internalization of social settings and embedded norms can put them docile. The social controls as reported by Foucault [ 53 ] work with the embedded systems of internalization, discipline, and social monitoring and uses coercion rather than inflicting pain. The internalization of status differences among women as indicated by the study confirms this schema of social control. The dominance of men over women with patriarchal beliefs establishes the significance of male-centered kinship. This requires women to constantly anchor with men providing grounds for inequalities to perpetuate further. This idealizes men and reinforces the belief that women are non-existent without their presence. The requirement for male anchorage has an attachment to prevailing structural inequality. The family property and resources are mostly controlled by men and it usually transfers from father to son limiting inheritance to women [ 51 ]. These glorified idealizations of men's competence as described by Ridgeway [ 54 ] idealize men as individuals with abilities, status, power, and influences. The need for women to rely on men as anchors, fear of going against the norms and social sanctions explains the positional difference and show that men possess greater competencies. The internalization of men-centric superior beliefs by women occurs due to self-passivity and devalues women creating false impressions of their abilities. The gender roles and responsibilities were strict for both sexes but provided greater flexibility, privilege, and opportunity for men. Earlier studies in congruence with this study find that socio-cultural expectations limit women from deviation, and strictly adhere to their prescribed role and expectations [ 55 , 56 ] providing an upper hand to the men. The unequal social positioning of women, as defined by a few of the participants, can help define men's use of violence. As inferred by Kaufman [ 57 ], the disadvantageous position of women and support from the established structures enable men to use aggression and violence with considerable ease. The concept of power-play derived from this study also reflects that inequalities not only create hierarchies, putting women into a subordinating position but also legitimize norms of harmful masculinity and violence [ 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 ] creating a vicious cycle of inequality and violence. The concept of power-play developed by this study requires further exploration of gender relations, injustice, and patriarchy to identify multiple operatives of power with an outcome of inequality and violence.

Strengths and limitations of the study

The study followed the same participants over a period, which helped the study to achieve clarity on the topics through constant engagement. The data collection and the initial data analysis of the study were conducted by the same person, which reduced the risk of misrepresented findings. The study used follow-up discussions, which provided an opportunity to meet the participants again to resolve any ambiguities. The constant engagement with the participants helped to develop rapport and trust, which is essential to enable meaningful discussions. The study gathered rich data for developing the theory of power play in the Nepalese context. The study has attempted to explain the interplay of men’s use of power play, gender inequality, and violence against women, which, in itself, is a complex, but important issue. The study helped to develop a platform by identifying a level of awareness and needs for a Forum Theatre intervention study, a first of its kind in Nepal.

The major limitation of the study is that it was conducted with only one of the ethnic populations of Nepal; thus, the findings from this study cannot be generalized to a completely different setting. However, the transferability of the study is possible in a similar setting. The incidences of inequality and violence shared by the participants were self-reported, and no other means of verification were available to crosscheck those claims. The differences among the participants both in and between groups based on education and marital status might have influenced the study participants to understand, observe, and experience the phenomenon. The possibility of social desirability bias remains with the study, as a constant engagement with the study participants might have influenced them to answer differently. Furthermore, the discussions were conducted in groups, and participants might have had hesitation to bring up any opposing views. The study relied on collecting information on social norms and individual experiences and the perceptions of the study participants. It cannot be claimed that the study is devoid of any data rigidity as participants were free to choose what they wanted to share and express.

Study implications

The study explains gender practices, norms, violence against women, and sex trafficking in Nepal. The study helps to increase the understanding of how gender systems are operative in the daily lives of the Tharu community in the Morang district of Nepal. Future studies can explore the established linkages of interpersonal and socio-cultural violence. Like the complex link existing between gender inequality and violence against women, interpersonal violence and socio-cultural violence cannot be studied in isolation. The study provides an opportunity for future research on exploring how changing norms have been altering the position and victimization of women. The study finds that changing gender norms and responsibilities have, on the one hand, provided agency and empowerment for women, but on the other hand, they have also increased their risk of being a victim, an area that requires further exploration. The study has identified that constant engagement with the study participants through follow-up studies ensures the richness of data, which can be useful information for a future research study design. The study can be helpful for policy development, social activists, leaders, and researchers as it discusses prevalent gender oppressions and victimization, which need to be addressed. The findings from the study can be helpful for dialogue imitation and for designing intervention projects aimed at providing justice and equality to women.

The study identifies the presence of gender inequalities and violence against women in the study area. The positional differences based on norms, institutions, and practices have assigned greater privileges to men. The concept of power-play devised by the study ascertains the maintenance of gender hierarchy to produce inequality further and victimization of women. The subjugation of women based on the social-cultural process, embedded belief systems, and norms prevent women from life opportunities and dignified life. It situates men at the highest rung of the gender and social ladder providing a comparative advantage for men to use power. Violence emerges as men’s use of power play and as a strategy for the continued subjugation of women. Sex trafficking as a consequence of inequality and violence has its origins in illiteracy and poverty with women falling prey to the deceit of traffickers. It is important that dreams for progression provide motivation for women to develop further but at the same time, dreams should not be exchanged with trickery and fraud offered by the traffickers. Awareness and attitudinal changes are imperative to challenge unequal norms, and practices, and reduce the risks of sex trafficking. This can help to develop negotiations for power-sharing which helps to reduce inequality, violence, and preparedness in chasing dreams. Changes at both individual and societal levels are necessary to develop a collective action for establishing belief systems and practices providing women with an equal position and reducing the risk of violence.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy but are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to all the focus group discussion participants. The authors are indebted to Bhojraj Sharma, Deekshya Chaudhary, Subham Chaudhary, and Dev Kala Dhungana for their coordination and facilitation in reaching the discussion participants.

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PD, SKJ, and KS were involved in the study design. PD and KS developed the discussion guides. PD was responsible for the data collection and the data analysis. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Dahal, P., Joshi, S.K. & Swahnberg, K. A qualitative study on gender inequality and gender-based violence in Nepal. BMC Public Health 22 , 2005 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-14389-x

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The caste struggle: Discrimination rife despite laws in place

Tika R Pradhan

In June last year Preeti Gaire, a junior technical assistant, was forced out of the cowshed of a local resident in Bhimsen Thapa Rural Municipality, Gorkha.

She was called to vaccinate the goats, but upon learning that she was a Dalit, the house owner with Poudel surname, did not allow her inside the shed where the goats were.

Gaire with the support of local Dalit leaders filed a complaint at the local police station but they were asked “to settle the issue” at the ward level. Later, the issue was “settled” after the Poudel family apologised.

“Even the school principal, who teaches social studies, said that such minor incidents keep on happening and such an issue should not be blown out of proportion,” Gaire told the Post over the phone from Gorkha. “Poudel had asked her to vaccinate the goats but when I entered the shed, she chided me and told me to step out, saying Dalits are not supposed to enter.”

Such discrimination against Dalits happens across Nepal on a regular basis, and not all the cases are reported. Gaire’s mother is a ward member and she says even she has faced discrimination at the hands of the so-called upper caste people.

“Once my mother was invited to a wedding party of a Newar family along with four other members of the ward. While others were allowed into the room, she was asked to stay outside,” Gaire shared. “When she was eating in the verandah, others left the party, saying she had touched the food.”

Although Nepal has made remarkable achievements to ensure the rights of Dalits, discriminatory practices are still prevalent, even in urban centres.

In June last year, Rupa Sunar, a mediaperson, was denied to rent an apartment in Kathmandu after the house owner learned about her caste. The house owner was arrested after she filed a complaint with police. The case then drew media attention after the then sitting minister minister Krishna Gopal Shrestha himself reached the police station to release the house owner.

Dalit rights activists and experts say there clearly is state complacency and abolition of untouachability and discrimination still remains a pipedream.

“There is a tendency among Nepali rulers to agree to speak and write on the issues related to untouchability only when they are compelled to do so. They, however, have failed to internalise the issue,” said Hira Vishwakarma, a researcher, writer and Dalit rights activist.

Exactly 16 years ago—on June 4, 2006— Nepal was declared an untouchability and discrimination free country.

Eleven years ago, on May 24, 2011, Nepal enacted a law criminalising caste-based discrimination. The Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability [Offence and Punishment] Act prohibits any discrimination on the basis of caste in any public or private sphere.

Section 2A (1) of the Act says each person shall have the right against untouchability and discrimination while Section 3 prohibits untouchability and discrimination. Section 3(1) says no one shall commit, or cause to commit untouchability and discrimination.

The Constitution of Nepal 2015 also has provisions against discrimination.

Article 24 (1) states that no person shall be subjected to any form of untouchability or discrimination in any private and public places on grounds of his or her origin, caste, tribe, community, profession, occupation or physical condition.

Clause 5 of the Article states that any act of untouchability and discrimination in any form committed in contravention of the constitutional provision shall be punishable by law as a severe social offence, and the victim of such act shall have the right to obtain compensation in accordance with law.

Also, Article 40 ensures economic, social and political rights of Dalits.

The Muluki Ain drafted 59 years ago didn’t have any punitive provisions for untouchability and caste-based discriminations. In 1991, it was amended including a punishment of three months of jail term and up to Rs30,000 fine after the 1990 constitution outlawed untouchability.

Dalit rights activists say on paper Nepal may look extremely progressive but in reality, the Nepali society continues to remain regressive as discrimination against Dalits continues even today.

The country has a constitutional body also to look into and protect Dalit rights.

“Just like Dalits, the National Dalit Commission also faces discrimination from the government,” said Devraj Bishwakarma, chairperson of the commission. “We don’t have any legal officer or any investigating officer. We have assigned office bearers to monitor cases of discrimination but they may not have legal knowledge.”

He said with no proper human resources, complaints filed at the commission are sent to the Nepal Police but most of the time, they do not respond about the progress made.

“We receive around 40-50 complaints each year but we lack human resources to look into them,” said Bishwakarma. “In most of the cases, authorities try to patch up cases through mediation.”

Existing laws, however, do not allow anyone except the National Dalit Commission to settle such cases through mediation. There are concerns from Dalit activists that even the National Dalit Commission should not have been given such an authority and the provision should be scrapped.

Removing caste-based discrimination is the most crucial issue for Nepal’s Dalits, who make up around 13 percent of the total population as per the 2011 census.

Rights activists say that laws now are in place—for several years—the focus should be on action, and concerted efforts are needed to ensure a just and equitable society where all persons can live without fear and lead a dignified life.

According to the advocates of the Dalit movement, incidents of violation are rife and many go unreported for the lack of a support system and even in cases which are reported, the offenders are not punished, thereby giving rise to the culture of impunity.

A survey by Samata Foundation, an organisation advocating for the rights of the Dalit community, shows that out of 78 cases of caste-based discrimination reported in the fiscal year 2019-20, only 40 were reported to the police and the number of reported cases in the previous year was half of that.

According to Nepal Police, 39 cases of untouchability were registered during the last fiscal year-2021/22 and 30 cases in 2020/21. Spokesperson of Nepal Police Senior Superintendent Bishnu Kumar KC said there are Women, Children and Senior Citizens Cell at all the 77 District Police Offices which records the incidents of untouchability as well. Police have started to keep the record of untouchability since 2013.

The Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability [Offence and Punishment] Act was adopted in 2011. The original bill had recommended that the government introduce an overall plan of action, like National Action Plan, to eradicate caste-based discrimination. But not much has been done to formulate such an action plan which could have provided an institutional tool to implement the legal provisions and commitments.

A report entitled “Human Rights situation of Dalit Community” by the National Human Rights Commission in October 2020 had recommended that the government and political parties devise a long-term national work plan as the existing laws were not properly implemented.

The report stated that even elected representatives of political parties face caste-based discrimination.

According to the yearly report of the National Human Rights Commission published in 2021, nine cases related to untouchability were registered in the previous fiscal year and officials said five cases were reported this fiscal year 2021-22.

Loknath Bastola, assistant spokesperson of the commission, said the rights body has encouraged authorities concerned to register cases against untouchability and caste-based discrimination with the police and the Dalit Commission. Only those cases land at the rights commission which police or the Dalit Commission refuse to register, therefore the number seems to be less, according to Bastola.

Dalit rights are violated in various ways in Nepal—they are routinely denied access to temples and religious sites, they are not allowed to fetch water from public taps and they face resistance to inter-caste marriages , among others. The most undignified act at the hands of the so-called upper caste people, however, is refusal to eat or drink food and water touched by Dalits.

Bishwakarma, the chairman of the Dalit commission, says cases of discrimination never came down even after the laws were put in place.

“Incidents of caste-based discrimination have continued unabated. It’s just that these days due to the media and social media, more cases come to public domain,” he said. “Despite that, society does not seem to feel any pressure to change.

JB Biswokarma, a researcher, says Dalits have continuously been suffering because the state has been negligent and irresponsible.

“Political parties are also equally responsible. Their prejudice and a lack of effort to end caste-based discrimination also perpetaute disdavantage for Dalits,” said JB, who goes by the initials. “They tend to divert the attention by linking cases of untouchability with other offences and instead engage in victim blaming.”

For example, according to him, a Dalit youth in Humla , who eloped with a so-called upper caste girl in December last year, was accused of marrying a minor.

Political analysts say declaring the country free of untouchability without any vision or plan to end the scourge of caste discrimination is meaningless.

“The declaration was just a ploy to create an illusion among the public,” said Rajendra Maharjan, a political commentator. “Since the so-called upper caste people occupy the high offices, I don’t think there will be any substantial changes in the near future. But the Dalit movement must continue to wipe out the caste-based discrimination which is an affront to society.”

Tika R Pradhan Tika R Pradhan is a senior political correspondent for the Post, covering politics, parliament, judiciary and social affairs. Pradhan joined the Post in 2016 after working at The Himalayan Times for more than a decade.

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More ‘can and must be done’ to eradicate caste-based discrimination in Nepal

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Shocked over the killing last weekend of five men in Nepal, who had planned to escort home one of their girlfriends from a higher caste, the UN human rights chief on Friday stressed that ending caste-based discrimination is “fundamental” to the overall sustainable development vision of leaving no one behind.

“It is distressing that caste-based prejudices remain deeply entrenched in our world in the 21st century, and I am filled with sadness for these two young people who held high hopes of building a life together despite the obstacles presented by their accident of birth” said High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet, referring to the couple at the centre of the tragedy.

Last Saturday, a 21-year-old man from the ‘untouchable’ Dalit caste, known as Nawaraj BK, and his friends, traveled some 32 km from Jajarkot district, to Western Rukum district, the home of the man’s girlfriend, who belongs to a higher social caste.

They intended to escort the young woman back to their home district, reportedly at her request, but were attacked and chased into a river. Five men, four of whom were also Dalits, were later found dead, while another is still missing.

🇳🇵 #Nepal: UN Human Rights Chief condemns Dalit killings, incl. 5 men and a 12-year old girl. Shocked by incidents of caste-based discrimination & violence that have taken place during #COVID19, @mbachelet calls for an independent investigation 👉 https://t.co/s0M8KoShyP pic.twitter.com/tllawTFg55 UN Human Rights UNHumanRights

“Caste-based discrimination remains widespread, not only in Nepal but other countries, and often leads to serious harm and, as in this case, even loss of life”, lamented Ms. Bachelet. 

Dalits under attack

Nawaraj’s case is not an isolated one.

Dalits, formerly known as “untouchables”, have suffered for generations of public shaming at the hands of upper-caste Hindus and continue to face widespread atrocities across the country, with any seeming attempts at upward social mobility, violently shut down.

In a similar case, disturbing reports have also emerging about a 12-year-old Dalit girl who was killed in a separate attack in the village of Devdaha, in the Rupandehi district in southern Nepal.

She is said to have been forcibly married to her alleged rapist from a dominant caste. The girl’s body was reportedly left hanging from a tree on Saturday.

The High Commissioner called for an independent investigation into the attacks, underscoring that the victims and their families have the right to justice, truth and reparations.

Searching for justice

The killings have triggered outrage in Nepal, prompting the federal Ministry of Home Affairs to establish a five-member “high-level investigation committee” to look into the incident. 

On Tuesday, police reportedly filed a complaint against 20 alleged perpetrators. 

“Despite constitutional guarantees, impunity for caste-based discrimination and violence remains high in Nepal”, according to the UN human rights office ( OHCHR ). 

And while the country has taken “big strides to address this scourge”, she maintained that “so much more can and must be done, to eradicate this blight on society”.

The Nepali Parliament’s Law, Justice and Human Rights Committee has asked authorities to immediately investigate two cases of gang-rape of Dalit women, as well as other caste-based cases involving murder, enforced disappearances and forced abortion.

Although Nepal is party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination , the Committee tasked with monitoring the treaty observed that despite the abolition of “untouchability” in Nepal, Dalits continue to face deep-rooted discrimination, including issues surrounding inter-caste marriages.

Discrimination at every turn

And the risks for this vulnerable caste has only increased during the COVID-19 pandemic. 

On Monday, the parliamentary committee directed the Government to investigate all incidents of caste-based discrimination and violence during the coronavirus lockdown. 

Dalits in Nepal and other countries experience discrimination at every level of their daily lives, limiting their employment and educational opportunities, the places where they can collect water or worship, and their choice of who to marry, says OHCHR.

Structural barriers and discrimination force Dalits to continue low-income and dehumanizing employment, such as manual scavenging, disposing of dead animals, digging graves or making leather products.

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The long road to gender equality in Nepal

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From Prejudice to Progress: Combating caste and LGBTQ+ discrimination in Nepal

Gauri Nepali had always known that she was different from other children in Kabri, a small village in Nepal. She belonged to a lower caste, and as a result, was constantly reminded of her place in society.

One day, when she was just a child, Nepali went to her friend's house. The kitchen had a tap under which utensils were stacked on top of one another. When she ran over towards the tap, her friend's family members forbade her from accessing that part of the kitchen. They claimed that if she touched the water it would become polluted. Nepali was confused and hurt, and that experience had scarred her ever since. 

“I stopped making friends and going out. I would play at home alone. My parents became my friends,” the 33-year-old told FairPlanet. She said that the lack of communication and interaction with her peers caused her to become introverted. 

As she grew up, Nepali’s social and networking opportunities remained limited - both because she was Dalit and LGBTQ+. After completing her Master's in Nepali literature, Nepali had found the courage to come out to her best friend. Unfortunately, her friend has not spoken to her for over three years since that time.

“My psychology and mental health were impacted during those years, because I felt that even a close friend of mine thinks in the way of society,” she said. 

Caste discrimination and LGBTQ+ marginalisation are both prevalent in Nepal and often intersect, which results in unique challenges for those who belong to both communities. And while discrimination based on one's caste or sexual orientation is considered a violation of human rights according to the country’s constitution, queer people and Dalits continue to face difficulties in accessing education, employment opportunities and social integration. 

Activists and members of Nepal’s LGBTQ+ community remain adamant that solutions exist to create a more inclusive society for all. However, they have yet to see them implemented in Nepalese society. 

Double Discrimination

Caste discrimination is rooted in Nepal’s history and culture, and the hierarchical caste system continues to affect the lives of millions, particularly those from lower castes, in areas such as education, employment, healthcare and justice.

In contrast, Nepal has made notable progress when it comes to LGBTQ+ rights, with a 2007 Supreme Court ruling recognising them as fundamental human rights. However, despite the passing of laws protecting LGBTQ+ rights and the country's reputation as being queer-friendly, deploy-held negative social attitudes and prejudice against queer people continue to inspire stigma and discrimination towards the community.

This ongoing marginalisation is experienced separately by members of both communities, except for in cases where intersectionality is at play: some members of the LGBTQ+ community also belong to lower castes, and thus experience “double discrimination.” 

“Society has excluded Dalits or lower-caste people anyways. But when you reveal that you are transgender or part of the LGBTQI+ community, the chances of double discrimination are higher,” Pinky Gurung, President of the Blue Diamond Society of Nepal, told FairPlanet. “Society discriminates when you are a Dalit. But when you are part of the LGBTQI+ community, society and family both discriminate.” 

rights violated

Nepal has enacted several policies to eradicate both caste discrimination and LGBTQ+ rights infringements. 

The Caste-Based Discrimination and Untouchability Act of 2011 criminalises caste-based discrimination and untouchability practices, and prescribes penalties for related offences. The Muluki Ain, originally drafted six decades ago, was amended in 1991 to include a punishment for discriminatory acts. The 2015 Constitution of Nepal prohibits discrimination based on caste, gender and sexual orientation, and recognises queer rights as fundamental rights, including the right to obtain a citizenship certificate that corresponds to one’s gender identity. 

But despite these broad legal protections, many LGBTQ+ Nepalis continuously face challenges in accessing education . Many transgender youths, for instance, are being compelled to drop out due to increased bullying incidents, which subsequently leads to decreased employment opportunities and participation in public life, according to a report by Blue Diamond Society (BDS) and the Heartland Alliance for Human Needs & Human Rights - Global Initiative for Sexuality and Human Rights.

“While applying for a job, [candidates are expected to have a university degree] - but that is a disadvantage for us, as Dalit and queer do not have a strong education. Companies also look for people strong in English or Nepali language. But the access to the language has not been given to the Dalit community,” said Nepali from Kabri.

A 2015 report by the Dalit Civil Society Organizations' Coalition for UPR, Nepal and International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN) found that the literacy rate among Dalits stood at 52.4 percent, which was lower than the national average of 65.9 percent. A different report from 2009 by the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies had found that only 15 percent of the Dalit population has educational credentials, which is nearly half of the national average. 

The same report also revealed that nearly 50 percent of enrolled children fail to complete primary education due to caste-based discrimination by non-Dalit students and teachers, parents’ insistence that children prioritise household chores, schools being located far from Dalit communities, as well as general frustration and depression.

“On top of that, if you add the LGBTQI+ community, very few transgender and queer people have been allowed to study. Most of the people in my network have left studying after the 12th grade,” Nepali said. 

Furthermore, the significant obstacles in accessing education among Dalits lead to a lack of exposure to LGBTQ+ issues, which undermines their understanding and acceptance of the community. A  study  conducted in Nepal by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Blue Diamond Society found that individuals with higher levels of education were more likely to have positive attitudes towards LGBTQ+ people and their rights. 

The same report also revealed that queer Nepalis face discrimination in public healthcare facilities, with doctors denying treatments and privately-owned transportation businesses denying them access to rides. 

They have also been the target of attacks and harassment, which at times result in  murder .

Mental health affected

This engenders a prevalent sense of inferiority among queer Nepalis, which often prevents them from coming out and embracing their identity, according to Rabina G. Rasaily, Executive Director at the Nepal-based Feminist Dalit Organization.

“We don’t have that kind of environment at the household, family or community level. I think that is a very basic problem in terms of identification,” she added. 

Nepali seconds Rasaily. Based on her own experiences and interactions with other community members, she has observed that individuals who carry a dual identity are generally not outspoken.

“We have come from a marginalised background. We don’t have an environment where we can put our points strongly about how we feel or what we want,” she said. 

Potential solutions

Nepali activists argue that the first step in addressing the discrimination of Dalits and LGBTQ+ people in the country is raising public awareness. “In Nepal’s society, people need to show equal behaviour irrespective of caste, physical status or geography. They should treat everyone as an equal and human. That’s the thought people should have,” said Nepali.

They point out, however, that this would be no easy task, particularly in cases of caste and LGBTQ+ intersectionality, which would require the unlearning of deep-seated prejudices.

“In our Hindu society, the caste system is still prevalent where the Dalits and other marginalised castes have been facing discrimination and exclusion from the society every day,” said Rasaily. 

They further point to the importance of implementing existing policies designed to protect these minorities and expanding their scope. 

“It has been over 70 years of the Dalit movement in Nepal, but there are a lot of drawbacks in the movement despite that. All the policies made to target the Dalit community have taken into account only the binary genders. That’s also true for every other policy,” said Nepali, who believes that policies protecting sexual and gender minorities should be considered alongside laws protecting other types of minorities, including lower caste members.

“The ultimate beneficiaries are our [communities], and for that we need legal recognition of such communities in terms of accessing the basic rights like health care, education and employment opportunities so that they can also live a dignified life,” said Rasaily, who believes that a multi-sectoral, integrated approach is key in addressing discriminatory sentiments and practices.

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Advancing social justice, promoting decent work

Ilo is a specialized agency of the united nations, equality and discrimination in nepal.

Within the current DWCP, improved labour market governance and industrial relations have been identified as one of the key priority areas in Nepal. A set of new legislations related to the world of work is being drafted which ensures gender equality at the workplace, in terms of employment opportunity, promotion, training and access to information and benefits.

The draft new Labour Act (bill) incorporates provision for gender equality and non-discrimination in the world of work. Some new provisions are added which are directly related to women workers. For example, women workers are given public holidays on 8 March (International Women's Day) and maternity leave has been extended to 98 days. While employment contracts based on discrimination and against the freedom of association will be nullified.

Policy reform initiative of the ILO consistently advocated with the Ministry of Labour and Employment (MOLE) to ensure participation of women and other disadvantaged groups when conducting stakeholders' consultation for the National Employment Policy. The process has been fruitful in mainstreaming gender and social inclusion issues in the Policy. The National Employment Policy has been endorsed by the Government of Nepal in March 2015.

The ILO has been closely working with the employers’ and workers’ organizations to promote gender equality and non-discrimination in the world of work in Nepal. The Federation of Nepalese Chamber of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) has been promoting gender sensitive human resources policies through a series of training activities. Trade unions have been well sensitized on the issues of gender equality and non-discrimination through various training courses on trade union education and ILO Conventions.   They have also been sensitized on recommendations related to gender equality as well as other tools like gender mainstreaming and analysis, sexual harassment at the workplace, HIV and AIDS Education at the workplace and gender audit.

As a part of its Work in Freedom project, the ILO developed community awareness and women empowerment modules for prevention of trafficking in Nepal. The strategy adopted by the programme is benefiting women directly and indirectly even men of the same community—in providing conceptual clarity on why women have to be empowered.

The ILO Office in Nepal was one of the first field offices to conduct the ILO’s Participatory Gender Audit in October 2001. It conducted the “Gender Audit Facilitators” Training Workshop for its constituents. The Workers’ and Employer’s organizations have requested technical support to conduct Gender Audits in their respective organizations.

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Sustainable development requires global awareness and local action, development and cooperation, entwicklung und zusammenarbeit, caste-based discrimination, nepal must do much more to protect most vulnerable community, rukamanee maharjan.

For a relatively small country of 29 million people, Nepal has a wealth of ethnic and caste diversity. The government counts a total of 126 ethnic groups and social castes – hereditary groups with a fixed ritual status – according to its most recent census in 2011.

Nepal’s Hindu caste system has four main social strata, ranging from the Brahmins at the top to the Sudra, also known as Dalits or Untouchables, at the bottom. Separately, more than one-third of the population consists of indigenous peoples, known collectively as the Adibasi Janajatis, which include 63 ethnic groups. Over the centuries, the non-Hindu indigenous groups were incorporated into the Hindu caste system, although they did not adopt all of its practices. Things are similar in India.

Ethnic and cultural diversity can be a strong point for a country. But diversity can also be a great weakness when it involves discrimination and violence between groups. Unfortunately, Nepal’s caste system continues to foster such discrimination and violence, especially against Dalits.

Nepal’s first written law – the Muluki Ain (National Code) – took force in 1854 and was based on the caste system. A new Muluki Ain was promulgated in 1963. It used more caste-neutral language and outlawed some forms of discrimination. Nepal, moreover, signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, which took effect in 1969. The country thus committed to equal rights and dignity for all. Nonetheless, progress stayed very slow. Despite various legal reforms, traditions of discrimination persisted.

In May 2011, Nepal’s parliament passed the Caste-based Discrimination and Untouchability (Crime and Punishment) Act. This law specifically prohibits discrimination based on custom, tradition, religion, culture, rituals, origin, caste, race, descent, community, occupation or business. It imposes punishment for caste-based discrimination, as do provisions of the country’s Civil and Criminal Codes of 2017. The Constitution of 2015 also guarantees fundamental rights to Dalits.

In practice, caste-based discrimination and violence persist nonetheless. A centuries-old caste consciousness continues to determine identity and social status. This consciousness permeates all levels of society. Even public officials and educated people hold caste-based prejudices and practice discrimination.

Ostracism and violence

The brunt of the discrimination is felt by the Dalits, the Untouchable people – a general category that comprises some 20 different groups. Dalits comprise 13.6 % of Nepal’s population, or about 3.6 million people, according to the 2011 Census. The idea of untouchability arose centuries ago when privileged classes came to regard aboriginal tribes with “uncertain means of livelihood” as impure.

That view eventually translated into a generalised ostracism. Dalits today face physical and psychological abuse in almost all areas of life. They suffer poverty, landlessness, segregation and discrimination in public and private spheres. They are not allowed to enter places of worship. The so-called upper castes will not accept food or water that has been touched or handled by them. Dalits who qualify as medical practitioners have trouble getting jobs. Inter-caste marriages involving Dalits face strong disapproval.

Often Dalits are subjected to violent attacks and even killings. Dalit women are vulnerable in particular. All too often, they become victims of trafficking and sexual slavery. In 2007, around 400 Dalit women from the Badi community came to the capital, Kathmandu, to protest against a widespread practice of forcing girls from their community into prostitution. They also demanded better housing, land to establish farms and free education for children. Their pleas went unheeded.

Discrimination and violence against Dalits continues to the present day. The murders of six young Dalit men in May 2020 in Nepal’s mid-western region attracted worldwide attention due to the caste hatred involved. Nawaraj Bishwakarama, a 21-year old Dalit man, and five of his friends were killed while trying to bring Bishwakarama’s 17-year old upper-caste girlfriend from her village to theirs. The girl’s family and neighbours reportedly attacked and killed the young men.

On the same day in western Nepal, 13-year-old Angira Pasi, a Dalit girl, was found hanging from a tree. On the previous day she reportedly was raped by 25-year-old Birendra Bhar. Instead of referring the rape case to the police, local residents and their ward representative decided that the young girl would be married to Bhar. Due to the stigma attached to rape, Angira’s mother agreed to this arrangement and sent her to the Bhar family home.

At the Bhar home, however, Birendra Bhar’s mother refused to let her in, and beat her instead. After she was found dead, police initially refused to bring a case against Bhar; they relented only after a public outcry.

Such incidents are unfortunately widespread. The catalogue of shame is a long one. In September 2020, for example, a 12-year-old Dalit girl was raped and murdered. In June 2018, a 21 year old female Dalit social activist was gang-raped and murdered. Also in 2018, Mana Sarki, a Dalit ward representative, was beaten to death in her home. In 2016, Ajit Mijar, an 18-year old Dalit man, was murdered for marrying a girl from the so-called upper caste.

According to media reports, over two dozen Dalits have been killed for breaking caste-based norms since 2011. Many of those killings were related to inter-caste marriages. In one year alone – the fiscal year that ended in mid-July 2020 – 30 crimes related to untouchability were registered with police officials in Nepal.

Justice denied

These figures are the tip of the iceberg. Many incidents go unreported due to Dalit people’s fear of reprisals and worries about being shunned even within their own communities. A veil of silence hides systematic denial of justice to Dalit victims and their families. Police are sometimes suspected of turning a blind eye to crimes against Dalit people.

The UN’s Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) – a group of experts that monitors member states’ implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination – has repeatedly expressed concerns over caste-based discrimination in Nepal. In May 2018, it cited Nepal for poor implementation of its anti-discrimination laws. The Committee said Dalit people are still barred from places of worship, public spaces, public sources of food and water, educational facilities and housing areas used by other castes.

The CERD called on Nepal to ensure that the police records all complaints of race-based discrimination. Cases must be thoroughly investigated, prosecuted and sanctioned. The UN experts also insisted that Nepal ensures that victims receive appropriate compensation.

Unfortunately, Nepal has made little progress towards meeting those goals. The government is failing to meet its obligation to protect Dalits and to ensure accountability for caste-based crimes. This gives perpetrators a sense of impunity, with the result that Dalits continue to face a wall of discrimination and violence.

In January 2021, the UN Human Rights Council made recommendations in the context of the third cycle of its Universal Periodic Review. What impact that will have, remains to be seen. Deep-rooted social attitudes tend to change slower than new legal principles are adopted.

Rukamanee Maharjan is an assistant professor of law at Tribhuvan University in Kathmandu. [email protected]

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Caste-based attacks spur outcry over social discrimination

Despite a legal ban on caste-based discrimination, experts say that prejudice is still rampant in Nepalese society. Two fatal attacks on members of the lowest Dalit caste have sparked a new wave of protests.

Two incidents of caste-based discrimination, which led to the murder of seven people, have rocked Nepal, leading to a new wave of street protests, and highlighted the Himalayan nation's deeply entrenched social inequalities.

Both cases related to marriages between a member of the lowest Dalits caste, and a person belonging to a higher caste. On May 23, Nawaraj BK, a 21-year-old Dalit boy of Jajarkot District's Bheri Municipality, along with 18 of his friends, went to Soti village of West Rukum district in order to marry a 17-year-old girl from the higher Malla clan.

Read more:   How a farming project in Nepal is smashing caste bigotry

When Nawaraj and his friends reached Soti, the girl's relatives and local villagers brutally attacked them, leaving six youths dead and 13 others injured. Their bodies were found next to the nearby Bheri River in the days following the incident. According to police, the villagers had thrown the bodies of the boys into the river after killing them.

Three separate charges – murder, attempted murder, and crimes of caste-based discrimination – were filed against 31 people, including an elected representative, on Sunday. Three others were charged with complicity in the murders, including the girl and her mother, according to local newspaper Kantipur .

The prime factor leading to the crime in Soti was clearly the prevailing caste differences between the two families, according to Umesh Shrestha, a journalist who recently visited the scene of the crime in West Rukum district.

"If the boy was from a caste higher than the Dalit, the villagers in Soti wouldn't have attacked them in such a way," Shrestha told DW.

Just a day before the Soti incident, in Rupandehi district of southern Nepal, a 13-year Dalit girl, Angira Pasi, was allegedly raped by a 25-year-old neighbor of a higher caste, Birenda Bhar. Residents of the village and a local representative, Amar Bahadur Chaudhary, decided that Pasi should be married off to the rapist, and sent to live with the perpetrator.

Local media reported that Bhar's family members severely beat the minor, and two days later, she was found dead, hanging in a tree. Pasi's family has claimed that Bhar's family beat her to death and framed the girl's suicide.

Ongoing discrimination

The caste-system classifies people into four social hierarchies in Hindu tradition: Brahmin , Kshatriya , Vaishya , and Sudra . The Sudra, known as Dalits , were previously considered to be in the lowest caste and part of the so-called "untouchables."

Read more:   Dalit caste protests in India hit Mumbai

Nepal legally abolished the caste-system and criminalized caste-based discrimination, including "untouchability" – ostracism of a specific caste – in 1963. That ban was reiterated in the new criminal code, enacted in August 2018. The new constitution, which was signed into law in 2015, provisions the "right against untouchability and discrimination" as a fundamental right.

However, despite the ban on such discrimination, Dalits still face prejudice when entering sacred places and temples, gathering water, and at social gatherings. They are also still barred from marrying people from higher castes.

'A pandemic of the caste system'

Such incidents are a "pandemic of the caste system," said Dalit rights activist and former National Women Commission member Dhana Kumari Sunar.

As social distancing has become a standard method of containing the spread of coronavirus, people like Sunar fear that it could strengthen the relevance of the deeply-rooted caste system. "We have long faced caste-based discrimination," she told DW. "Now, the social-distancing norms could be a pretext to justify the pariah practice."

The cases of Pasi and Nawaraj are among almost two dozen cases of caste-based violence and discrimination that the Nepal Monitor (nepalmonitor.org) has recorded since the nationwide coronavirus lockdown was implemented on March 23.

Such incidents are not new, however. In August 2016, Ajit Mijar, a local of Kavre district, was found hanging in Dhading district, northwest of Kathmandu, just a week after he married a woman from a higher caste. Officials reported that he took his own life, but his family still refuses to retrieve his body from the hospital in Kathmandu, because they believe he was murdered.

Read more:   Two Dalit children beaten to death in India for defecating in open

Fighting Nepal's caste system

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Protests and calls for justice

The latest incidents have drawn severe condemnation from various groups, including the National Dalits Commission, the National Human Rights Commissioner (NHRC) and the United Nations (UN).

The Soti incident was "yet another manifestation of the continued prevalence of caste-based discrimination in Nepal," UN resident coordinator Valerie Julliand said in a statement. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, also called for an impartial probe of both events.

The events also sparked street protests organized by Dalit groups, in defiance of the social distancing and lockdown measures in the capital city Kathmandu. Political parties have also ushered in the formation of a government fact-finding committee to investigate the two cases.

Janardhan Sharma, who represents Western Rukum district for the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP), claimed that Soti villagers may have become furious and confronted the groom and his friends as they approached the village, because he was coming to marry an underage girl. Dalit communities and opposition parties, however, have accused Sharma of trying to defend the perpetrators, some of whom are reportedly his relatives and political allies.

The ruling party came to power with the promise of providing justice for communities such as the Dalit. Western Rukum was also previously considered the heartland of the Maoist insurgency, which had the objective of ending social discrimination and structural inequalities. Almost 17,000 people died in the decade-long rebellion, before the NPC came into power through a peace accord in November 2006.

Read more:   Ram Nath Kovind as India's Dalit president - symbolism and reality

Pressure from above

Despite the ban on such discrimination, the legal measures to stamp it out are not enough to end such violence, if authorities do not take swift action against the perpetrators, according to Mohna Ansari, a spokeswoman for the National Human Rights Commission of Nepal.

"Those who have the power to take action are those from higher castes. Until authorities take this seriously, nothing will change," Ansari told DW, adding that Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has been silent on the incidents, despite having made several public appearances in the last weeks.

Sunar aslo believes that people of higher castes have the power to speak up for Dalits and end caste-based discrimination. "Until and unless higher-caste people actively support our movements to end this, cases like what happened in Soti will continue to take place," she said.

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Rwanda's post-genocide lessons: we must speak out against discrimination and prejudice

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On 7 April, it will be 30 years since the start of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. To commemorate this anniversary,  Amb.  Ernest Rwamucyo , the Permanent Representative of Rwanda to the United Nations in New York, shares insights with  Africa Renewal’s Kingsley Ighobor  on lessons learned, Rwanda's remarkable economic growth and advancements in women's empowerment, among other topics. The following are excerpts from the interview:

The United Nations designated 7th April as the International Day of Reflection on the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Can you share with us the significance of this date?

The date is significant because it marked the beginning of a tragedy of unimaginable proportions. When the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi started, within 100 days over 1 million Tutsis were massacred. 

It is now 30 years, but the memory is deep; the horrors that the victims and the survivors faced are still fresh. By remembering, we dignify those massacred and the survivors. 

It is also important for the survivors to reflect on the tragedy that befell them and their families. 

As Rwandans, it is a time when we call on our collective conscience to reflect on this tragedy and how we can rebuild our country. 

Over the last decade, in remembering we have focused on the theme,  Remember, Unite and Renew . 

We focus on how we rebuild afresh so that genocide never happens again. In renewing, we look into the future with hope. 

How do commemorative events here at the UN headquarters, back home in Rwanda and around the world, promote reconciliation? 

First, over a million Tutsis were massacred. By remembering them, we give them the dignity and the humanity that their killers denied them. 

We do that as a Rwandan society and as part of the international community. We share the lessons of that tragedy with the rest of the world in the hope that we can work to prevent future genocide. 

We do it with members of the international community to reawaken the world to the real dangers of genocide. 

Are the lessons from Rwanda on detecting the early stages of conflict reaching other countries?

We hope they do because the dangers are real. Any form of discrimination, prejudice, hatred, or bigotry can happen in any society, which is the beginning of genocide. 

We cannot be bystanders when there is discrimination or antisemitism, or when there is prejudice or hatred. 

How do you raise awareness internationally and among young people in particular? 

It is through commemorative and remembrance events. 

We also proactively engage our youth. For example, in collaboration with the UN, we host an event called  Youth Connekt , where we bring young people from different parts of the world to Rwanda to witness the country’s rebuilding efforts and how we are empowering the youth to contribute to the process. The aim is to promote peace and tolerance and to demonstrate that after tragedy, rebuilding a nation is possible through hard work. 

We emphasize that tolerance and peaceful co-existence is very important. We have also worked to empower our women to participate in rebuilding efforts. 

How does Youth Connekt impact young people in Rwanda and other parts of Africa? 

President Paul Kagame spearheads the initiative, and we partner with the UN. It started as a Rwandan initiative, but because of its potential to make young people creative and entrepreneurial, we have extended it to the rest of Africa and by extension the rest of the world. 

Young people come together to share innovative ideas; they come up with projects they can implement, and we give them access to opportunities and resources. 

They create technology-driven startups that uplift the welfare of societies. Some of these startups create significant jobs. 

What challenges have you faced in the rebuilding process and how have you addressed them? 

First, our society was traumatized by the genocide. So, we had to rebuild hope for our people. 

Second, genocide denial is a significant danger as it not only seeks to evade accountability but is also a process of continuation of the genocide. 

We have many genocide fugitives in different parts of the world, including in Europe and different parts of Africa, who have yet to face justice. We hope to work with the rest of the international community to hold them accountable so that the victims and survivors of the genocide can see justice served within their lifetime. 

Third, we face the challenge of hate speech. Sometimes, people fail to recognize the dangers posed by hate speech and discrimination. 

We are a developing country. We have worked to rebuild our country, including its infrastructure, but we still have a long way to go. A new Rwanda built out of the ashes of the 1994 genocide is a beacon of prosperity and hope for our people. 

When you say genocide deniers, are there people who believe genocide did not happen? 

There are people, especially perpetrators of genocide, who trivialize what happened or want to rewrite history. That is dangerous. 

Are you getting the support of the international community as you try to bring perpetrators to justice?

For sure, we get the support of the international community. Internally, we established a tribunal to try genocide perpetrators. 

We also had our restorative justice system, which is called Gacaca, aimed at using homegrown solutions to try perpetrators in a way that enables society to heal, while building a foundation of unity and reconciliation. 

Many individuals are being tried in other jurisdictions. Still, more needs to be done because thousands more are evading accountability. 

How is Rwanda achieving impressive economic growth despite the genocide? 

After the tragedy, Rwanda took ownership of its development strategy. We realized that Rwandans killed Rwandans. Of course, there is a long history before that: colonialism, bad leadership and bad governance. We could not allow our society to remain in the abyss of despair after the tragedy. 

Rwandans spearheaded the rebuilding of our nation based on unity, reconciliation, forgiveness, and the resilience that enabled us to pick up the pieces. 

We rebuilt our infrastructure and provided social protections to uplift the welfare of citizens. Today, Rwanda’s growing economy is creating wealth and prosperity for its people. 

We are building a new democratic society with functioning institutions.  

How does Rwanda address the challenge of high youth unemployment, often leading to impatience with the government, especially in post-conflict situations?

We are creating opportunities for young people. The Rwandan economy has been growing above 8 per cent over the last decade or so. We ensure that economic growth leads to poverty reduction and creates jobs and opportunities for young people. 

We have invested heavily in education, to ensure that our youth are skilled. We've also created a market economy that allows entrepreneurs to be innovative and creative. 

Rwanda has the world’s highest percentage of female parliamentarians, along with significant women representation in the cabinet. How do these factors impact economic development? 

Women's empowerment is at the forefront of Rwanda's post-genocide reconciliation and development. That our girls, mothers, and sisters feel included is something we are proud of. 

As President Kagame often says, no nation can develop if 50 per cent of its population is not included in the development process. It's for that reason that Rwandan women have been empowered and given opportunities to play a role in rebuilding the country. 

Women are well represented across our institutions—parliament, cabinet, local government, entrepreneurship, and other areas of decision-making in our society. 

The quality of women’s contributions and their level of engagement have been excellent. 

Rwanda is also a champion for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). If fully implemented, how do you think the AfCFTA can catalyze the African economy to benefit particularly young people and women? 

Africa has not optimized its full potential due to fragmented markets. We have some 54 countries with significant barriers to cross-border. 

The AfCFTA creates a market of over 1.3 billion people, with reduced barriers and free movement of people, goods and services. 

This will foster the growth of the continent, making it competitive in global trade. So, AfCFTA’s implementation is vital. We are already beginning to see some of the benefits. 

As we commemorate the 30th anniversary of the genocide against Tutsis, what final message do you have for Africans and the rest of the world? 

One, don't be a bystander when you see any form of discrimination, bigotry, or prejudice. Because that could build into a genocide. You must speak out. 

Second, you have to address the root causes of conflict that might grow into a tragedy. For example, hate speech. 

Third, we have to build institutions that provide a voice for the people, accountability and justice. 

Lastly, we must build free and fair societies. 

The lessons of Rwanda should be taken very seriously. The tragedy that befell Rwanda could befall any country.

Also in this issue

Football saved me from genocide; now I promote peace with it

Kwibuka30: Learning from the past, safeguarding the future against genocide

REMEMBER.UNITE.RENEW.

Claver Irakoze: Bridging Generations Through the Memory of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda

We must confront the legacy of slavery, tackle systemic racism

Reflecting on the brutal Transatlantic Slave Trade

More from africa renewal.

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Guest Essay

José Andrés: Let People Eat

By José Andrés

Mr. Andrés is the founder of World Central Kitchen.

In the worst conditions you can imagine — after hurricanes, earthquakes, bombs and gunfire — the best of humanity shows up. Not once or twice but always.

The seven people killed on a World Central Kitchen mission in Gaza on Monday were the best of humanity. They are not faceless or nameless. They are not generic aid workers or collateral damage in war.

Saifeddin Issam Ayad Abutaha, John Chapman, Jacob Flickinger, Zomi Frankcom, James Henderson, James Kirby and Damian Sobol risked everything for the most fundamentally human activity: to share our food with others.

These are people I served alongside in Ukraine, Turkey, Morocco, the Bahamas, Indonesia, Mexico, Gaza and Israel. They were far more than heroes.

Their work was based on the simple belief that food is a universal human right. It is not conditional on being good or bad, rich or poor, left or right. We do not ask what religion you belong to. We just ask how many meals you need.

From Day 1, we have fed Israelis as well as Palestinians. Across Israel, we have served more than 1.75 million hot meals. We have fed families displaced by Hezbollah rockets in the north. We have fed grieving families from the south. We delivered meals to the hospitals where hostages were reunited with their families. We have called consistently, repeatedly and passionately for the release of all the hostages.

All the while, we have communicated extensively with Israeli military and civilian officials. At the same time, we have worked closely with community leaders in Gaza, as well as Arab nations in the region. There is no way to bring a ship full of food to Gaza without doing so.

That’s how we served more than 43 million meals in Gaza, preparing hot food in 68 community kitchens where Palestinians are feeding Palestinians.

We know Israelis. Israelis, in their heart of hearts, know that food is not a weapon of war.

Israel is better than the way this war is being waged. It is better than blocking food and medicine to civilians. It is better than killing aid workers who had coordinated their movements with the Israel Defense Forces.

The Israeli government needs to open more land routes for food and medicine today. It needs to stop killing civilians and aid workers today. It needs to start the long journey to peace today.

In the worst conditions, after the worst terrorist attack in its history, it’s time for the best of Israel to show up. You cannot save the hostages by bombing every building in Gaza. You cannot win this war by starving an entire population.

We welcome the government’s promise of an investigation into how and why members of our World Central Kitchen family were killed. That investigation needs to start at the top, not just the bottom.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said of the Israeli killings of our team, “It happens in war.” It was a direct attack on clearly marked vehicles whose movements were known by the Israel Defense Forces.

It was also the direct result of a policy that squeezed humanitarian aid to desperate levels. Our team was en route from a delivery of almost 400 tons of aid by sea — our second shipment, funded by the United Arab Emirates, supported by Cyprus and with clearance from the Israel Defense Forces.

The team members put their lives at risk precisely because this food aid is so rare and desperately needed. According to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification global initiative, half the population of Gaza — 1.1. million people — faces the imminent risk of famine. The team would not have made the journey if there were enough food, traveling by truck across land, to feed the people of Gaza.

The peoples of the Mediterranean and Middle East, regardless of ethnicity and religion, share a culture that values food as a powerful statement of humanity and hospitality — of our shared hope for a better tomorrow.

There’s a reason, at this special time of year, Christians make Easter eggs, Muslims eat an egg at iftar dinners and an egg sits on the Seder plate. This symbol of life and hope reborn in spring extends across religions and cultures.

I have been a stranger at Seder dinners. I have heard the ancient Passover stories about being a stranger in the land of Egypt, the commandment to remember — with a feast before you — that the children of Israel were once slaves.

It is not a sign of weakness to feed strangers; it is a sign of strength. The people of Israel need to remember, at this darkest hour, what strength truly looks like.

José Andrés is a chef and the founder of World Central Kitchen.

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