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പെൺകുട്ടികൾ പാൻ്റോ നിക്കറോ ഇടട്ടെ, എന്താണ് ആൺകുട്ടികളെ ആരും സാൽവാര്‍ ധരിപ്പിക്കാത്തത്? അത്ര പഴഞ്ചനല്ല കേരളം

ലിംഗേതര യൂണിഫോം നടപ്പാക്കുന്നതു സംബന്ധിച്ച് സമൂഹമാധ്യമങ്ങളിൽ ചര്‍ച്ച നടക്കുമ്പോഴും അറുപഴഞ്ചൻ ചിന്താഗതിയോടെയാണ് ഒരു വിഭാഗം ഈ നീക്കത്തെ സമീപിക്കുന്നത്..

എന്താണ് ജെൻഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രൽ യൂണിഫോം

ആൺകുട്ടികള്‍ പാൻ്റ്സും ട്രൗസറും പെൺകുട്ടികള്‍ പാവാടയോ ചുരിദാറോ ധരിച്ചു സ്കൂളിലെത്തുന്നതാണ് കേരളത്തിലും ലോകത്ത് പലയിടത്തും കണ്ടു വരുന്ന രീതി. എന്നാൽ ഏതു ലിംഗക്കാര്‍ക്കും ഒരു പോലെ അണിയാവുന്ന യൂണിഫോമുകള്‍ സ്കൂളുകളിൽ നടപ്പാക്കണം എന്നതാണ് ലിംഗേതര യൂണിഫോം എന്ന ആശയം കൊണ്ട് ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നത്. പോലീസിലും സായുധസേനകളിലുമെല്ലാം വർഷങ്ങൾക്കു മുൻപേ യൂണിഫോം ജെൻഡർ ന്യൂട്രലാണ്. ഓടുമ്പോഴും കളിക്കുമ്പോഴും പാവാട പൊങ്ങുന്ന പ്രശ്നം പെൺകുട്ടികള്‍ക്ക് മറികടക്കുന്നതോടൊപ്പം ചെറുപ്രായത്തിൽ തന്നെ ലിംഗസമത്വം എന്ന ചിന്ത ഊട്ടിയുറപ്പിക്കാനും ജെൻഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രൽ യൂണിഫോം സഹായിക്കും. ആൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും പെൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും ഷര്‍ട്ടും ത്രീഫോര്‍ത്ത് പാൻ്റ്സുമായിരുന്നു വളയൻചിറങ്ങരയിൽ നടപ്പാക്കിയ രീതി. പല രക്ഷിതാക്കളും ഇതിനെ സ്വാഗതം ചെയ്യുകയും ചെയ്തിരുന്നു. എന്നാൽ കേരളത്തിനു മുൻപു ലോകത്തു പലയിടത്തും ജെൻഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രൽ യൂണിഫോം പല സ്കൂളുകളിലും നടപ്പാക്കിയിട്ടുണ്ട്. ആൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും പെൺകുട്ടികള്‍ക്കും ഒരേ തരത്തിലുള്ള ഷ‍ര്‍ട്ട്, ടിഷര്‍ട്ട്, പാൻ്റ്സ്, ഷോര്‍ട്സ് എന്നിങ്ങനെയാണ് പല സ്കൂളുകളും മുന്നോട്ടു വെച്ച ആശയങ്ങൾ. പലപ്പോഴും ഇത്തരം നീക്കങ്ങൾ വിവാദത്തിൽ കലാശിക്കുകയും ചെയ്തിരുന്നു.

വിവാദമെന്തിന്?

സ്ത്രീകളുടെ കാലുകള്‍ എക്കാലത്തും ഫാഷൻ ലോകത്ത് ഒരു അനാവശ്യവിവാദമായിരുന്നു. കേരളത്തിൽപ്പോലും സ്ത്രീകൾ ചുരിദാറിലേയ്ക്കും പിന്നീട് ജീൻസിലേയ്ക്കും ചുവടുമാറ്റിയത് സമൂഹം തുറന്ന മനസ്സോടെയായിരുന്നില്ല ഉൾക്കൊണ്ടത്. സമാനമായൊരു പ്രശ്നമാണ് പെൺകുട്ടികളും സ്കൂള്‍ യൂണിഫോമായി പാൻ്റ്സ് ധരിക്കുന്നതിനോടുള്ള എതിര്‍പ്പ്. പെൺകുട്ടികളെ ആൺകുട്ടികളുടെ വേഷം നിര്‍ബന്ധിച്ച് ധരിപ്പിക്കുന്നു എന്നതാണ് ഒരു വിഭാഗം ഉയര്‍ത്തുന്ന ആരോപണം. ആര്‍ത്തവ നാളുകളിൽ ഉള്‍പ്പെടെ പെൺകുട്ടികള്‍ക്ക് പാൻ്റ്സ് ധരിക്കുന്നത് ബുദ്ധിമുട്ടാണെന്നാണ് ചിലര്‍ പറയുന്നത്. സ്കൂള്‍ ക്യാംപിസിനു പുറത്ത് ജീൻസ് ഉള്‍പ്പെടെയുള്ള സൗകര്യപ്രദമായ വേഷങ്ങൾ ധരിക്കുന്ന പെൺകുട്ടികളുടെ മുന്നിലാണ് ഇത്തരം വാദമുഖങ്ങൾ നിരത്തുന്നത് എന്നത് അപഹാസ്യമാണ്.

ലിംഗേതര യൂണിഫോം എന്ന ആശയം നടപ്പാക്കാൻ രക്ഷിതാക്കളുടെ ഭാഗത്തു നിന്ന് മികച്ച പിന്തുണയാണ് ലഭിച്ചതെന്നാണ് വളയൻചിറങ്ങര സ്കൂളിലെ അധ്യാപകര്‍ പറയുന്നത്. യഥേഷ്ടം ഓടാനും കളിക്കാനും സ്പോര്‍ട്സിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കാനുമെല്ലാം ആൺകുട്ടികൾക്ക് ലഭിച്ചിരുന്ന ആഡംബരമാണ് ത്രീഫോര്‍ത്തിലൂടെ പെൺകുട്ടികള്‍ക്കും ലഭിച്ചത്. വര്‍ഷങ്ങൾക്കിപ്പുറം കേരളത്തിൽ സ്ത്രീകളുടെ വസ്ത്രധാരണരീതിയിലടക്കം വലിയ മാറ്റം വന്നിട്ടുണ്ട്. പ്രൊഫഷണൽ കോളേജുകളിൽ അടക്കം പാൻ്റ്സും ഷര്‍ട്ടുമാണ് യൂണിഫോം. ഈ സാഹചര്യത്തിൽ സ്കൂള്‍ യൂണിഫോമിലെ യാഥാസ്ഥിതിക ചിന്താഗതിയും അവസാനിപ്പിക്കേണ്ടതാണ്.

ഇത് എൻ്റെ ശരീരം

അതേസമയം, പാവാടയോ ചുരിദാറോ ധരിച്ചു ശീലിച്ച എത്ര കുട്ടികൾക്ക് ഷര്‍ട്ടിലേയ്ക്കും പാൻ്റ്സിലേയ്ക്കും മാറാൻ താത്പര്യമുണ്ടാകും എന്നതാണ് ചോദ്യം. ഇതൊരു ഇരുതലമൂര്‍ച്ചയുള്ള ചോദ്യമാണ്. കുട്ടികളുടെ വ്യക്തിപരമായ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിനെ ബഹുമാനിക്കുന്നതോടൊപ്പം സമൂഹം പെൺകുട്ടികളുടെ മേൽ കെട്ടിവെയ്ക്കുന്ന ശരീരത്തെപ്പറ്റിയുള്ള അപകര്‍ഷതാബോധം എന്ന പ്രശ്നവും മറന്നു കളയരുത്. ചെറുക്ലാസുകളിലാണ് ഇത്തരം മാറ്റങ്ങൾ ആരംഭിക്കേണ്ടത്. പെൺകുട്ടികൾക്ക് നല്ലത് ചുരിദാറാണെന്നും അവര്‍ക്കിഷ്ടം അതിനൊപ്പം ഒരു ഓവ‍ര്‍കോട്ട് കൂടിയുള്ളതാണെന്നും വാദിക്കുന്ന അധ്യാപകരുമുണ്ട്. സ്വന്തം ശരീരത്തെപ്പറ്റിയുള്ള 'നാണക്കേട്' കുട്ടികളിൽ കുത്തിവെക്കാനാണ് ഇവര്‍ പ്രേരിപ്പിക്കുന്നതെന്നു പറയേണ്ടി വരും.

പാൻ്റ്സ് പുരുഷന്മാരുടേതാണെന്നോ പാവാട സ്ത്രീകളുടേതാണെന്നോ ലോകത്ത് ഒരിടത്തും ഒരു നിയമവുമില്ല. കാലത്തിനും ദേശത്തിനും അനുസരിച്ച് ഇത്തരം നിയമങ്ങൾ മാറിക്കൊണ്ടിരിക്കും. സ്ത്രീകളെ ചുരിദാര്‍ ധരിപ്പിക്കാൻ ധൃതി കൂട്ടുന്ന എത്ര ആണുങ്ങൾ ആൺകുട്ടികൾക്ക് സ്കൂളിൽ യൂണിഫോമായി ചുരിദാരിനു സമാനമായ ഇന്ത്യൻ വേഷം സൽവാര്‍ വേണമെന്നു വാദിക്കുമെന്ന് കണ്ടറിയണം. ആത്യന്തികമായി ഒരു ലിംഗേതര വേഷമാണല്ലോ സാൽവാര്‍.

വേണം ചലനസ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം

നിലവിലെ യൂണിഫോമുകളുടെ പോരായ്മകളെ മറികടക്കുന്നതും ലിംഗസമത്വത്തെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുന്നതുമാകണം പുതിയ യൂണിഫോം സങ്കൽപം. ആൺകുട്ടികൾ ഒരു വേഷവും പെൺകുട്ടികൾ മറ്റൊരു വേഷവും ധരിക്കണമെന്ന് സ്കൂള്‍ നിര്‍ബന്ധിക്കുമ്പോൾ ഞാൻ എന്തു ധരിക്കണമെന്ന് ഒരു ട്രാൻസ്ജെൻഡര്‍ കുട്ടി ശങ്കിച്ചു നിൽക്കുന്ന സാഹചര്യവും ഒഴിവാക്കണം. ആത്യന്തികമായി കുട്ടികളുടെ ചലനസ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം കണക്കിലെടുത്തു വേണം യൂണിഫോമിൻ്റെ രൂപകൽപന.

എൽഡിഎഫ് സര്‍ക്കാരിന് ഒരു മൂന്നാംവരവ് ഉണ്ടാകുമോ എന്ന ചോദ്യത്തിന് ചരിത്രമാണ് മറുപടി പറയേണ്ടത്. എന്നാൽ വരുംതലമുറകളുടെ അവസരങ്ങളെയും തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളെയും സ്വാധീനിക്കാവുന്ന ഒരു ചര്‍ച്ചയാണ് സമൂഹമാധ്യമങ്ങളിൽ പുരോഗമിക്കുന്നത്. ഇക്കാര്യത്തിൽ ശാസ്ത്രീയമായ സമീപനം കൈക്കൊള്ളുക എന്ന ചരിത്രപരമായ ദൗത്യമാണ് കേരള സര്‍ക്കാരിനു മുന്നിലുള്ളത്.

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Gender Equality in Kerala

While good health and educational attainments are necessary for gender equality, the development experience in Kerala suggests that these accomplishments are insufficient to support gender equality – a Constitutional promise and a Constitutional right for all Indian men and women.  This note finds that women in Kerala do not have equal access to economic opportunities and resources or equal voice in political decision-making, necessary dimensions of gender equal development. Support for gender equality is often mistaken for “feminism” reducing demand among men and women, and there is little appreciation of the important function that gender equality plays in reducing poverty and in enhancing economic growth.  Given the unique and favorable human development context, Kerala is badly in need of a considered gender and development strategy to address the second generation of economic and political challenges.  The strategy needs to be developed through a democratic process, and usher in a shift from an approach of women’s empowerment to one of gender equality. In defining this strategy, the time has also come to recognize that men will need to play a critical and educated role if gender equality is to progress in Kerala.

This background note is prepared by Gita Gopal, Gender Coordinator, Janasree Sustainable Mission for Development at the request of Janasree Management (Sri MM Hassan and Sri BS Balanchandran).  A summary version has been published in a policy document issued by Janasree.  This draft has benefitted from detailed comments received from Ms. Malini Sekhar, Communications Consultant ( www.sahanacreative.com ), Ms. Aswathy SS, Strategy and Resource Coordinator, Ekatha Trust, and from Mrs. Valsala Sekhar, Social Activist and Civil Society Representative.

Gender Equality in Kerala: A Reality or A Myth?

Gender equality is not an alien concept to India – it is a part of the Indian Constitutional promise and represents a Constitutional right . Article 14 of the Indian Constitution confers equal rights and opportunities to both men and women in the political, economic and social spheres. Article 15 prohibits discrimination against any citizen inter alia on the grounds of sex.  Article 15(3) provides affirmative discriminations in favor of women to correct discrimination.  Article 16 provides for equality of opportunities in matter of public appointments for all citizens.  Article 39 (a) related to state policies towards securing all citizens, men and women, equally, the right to means of livelihood.  Article 39(d) requires public institutions to ensure equal pay for equal work. Article 42 directs the State to make provision for ensuring just and humane conditions of work and maternity relief.  Finally, the Constitution imposes a fundamental duty on every citizen through Articles 51 (A) (e) to renounce the practices derogatory to the dignity of women.

There is also adequate evidence in development literature, which demonstrates that gender equality is about increased productivity, improved development outcomes for the next generation, and making institutions more representative ( World Development Report 2012 (WDR) on Gender Equality ) . In simple terms, no nation or state can leave behind more than half the population and expect that the house will remain in order.  Development literature confirms linkages between improved poverty reduction and gender equality. For example, in India, giving power to women at the local level has led to increases in the provision of public goods, such as water and sanitation, which was of greater concern for women. The WDR calls for immediate action in four critical areas, namely reducing excess female mortality and closing education gaps where they remain; improving access to economic opportunities for women; increasing women’s voice and agency in the household and in society; and limiting the reproduction of gender inequality across generations.

Simple as the above prescription may seem, the WDR points out that constraints to gender equality exist at multiple levels.  They exist in markets in the form of barriers to entry and occupational segregation; in institutions in terms of failure to allow women’s voices to be heard, and within households through strongly-held beliefs and practices that undermine gender equality.  Consequently, seeking change in the area of gender is complex and challenging because gender outcomes are a result of the ways in which social norms interact with markets, institutions, and individual aspirations and beliefs, to shape opportunities and outcomes for women and men throughout their lives.

External forces can also help to catalyze gender change at all levels.   For example, with ten million men Americans fighting in World War II, the need for female labor at home was urgent especially in war-time industries that had emerged.  Markets and institutions (including the Federal Government) shaped and influenced household beliefs with incentives and cries of patriotism, coaxing married women out of their homes and into the labor markets.  Women’s participation in the US labor markets reportedly increased from about one quarter to one third during this period.   In India too, one specific point of great change was Mahatma Gandhi’s call to all men and women to participate in the Indian Independence movement.  He made it the responsibility of each man and woman to take up the charka and throw off the shackles of dependence.  This led to a Constitution that forbade discrimination on the grounds of sex among other things.

Without such external forces, initiating change is challenging, even when such change is known to be right and good for the community and for the country . It needs concerted effort at different levels – political, economic, and social, and even then such change can be slow.  Such actions broadly include improving access to justice for both men and women, gender-aware policies and programs emphasizing the economic role of women, enhancing public awareness of the importance of gender equality for economic growth, programs, enhancing demand for gender equality through interventions to incentivize families and communities to change mindsets about gender, and finally committed political leadership.

This review aims to provide participants with some background on the status of gender equality in Kerala, a state in the South of India.  Based primarily on a desk review, it is aimed to increase awareness among policy makers and NGOs on gender equality in Kerala and to facilitate better appreciation of the need to initiate a dialogue on gender equality. After this introductory section, the next section provides a 3-dimensional framework for discussing gender equality.  Sections 3-5 then discuss gender issues in Kerala around the 3 dimensions, before the final concluding section.

What does Gender Equality Mean?

Gender equality is a nebulous term, not often found in several languages including in Malayalam. It is a term used to describe socially-constructed relationships between women and men.  Gender differences are unlike ‘sex-based’ differences.  The Oxford English Dictionary defines sex as referring to “biological differences”, while gender refers to differences created by “cultural or social” grounds.  Sex-based differences are biologically determined, and do not change with time or space. Gender differences, on the other hand, are a social construct, a product of society, its values, and changes from locality to locality.  While biological differences cannot be changed by society, men and women can influence gender norms through actions they may decide to take or not take within their households and communities.  For example, through their actions, they can decide to replicate gender constructs and conform to socially and traditionally created expectations or instead decide to change them.

Gender equality is not about women alone.  It is about both men and women. It is not about equal numbers for men and women, although this may be important in some contexts.  It is also not about treating men and women equally because given the biological differences, sometimes they need to be treated differently.  It is about ensuring that both men and women have equal access to opportunities, that each can live fulfilling lives, and that each can contribute to the development of communities in which they live.

Figure 1:  The Indian Constitution and Gender Equality

For the purposes of this note, gender equality will be defined utilizing the framework from the Indian Constitution.  The Constitution gives importance to rights and opportunities in 3 dimensions: (i) equal rights and opportunities for both men and women in the social sphere; (ii) equal rights and opportunities for both men and women in the economic sphere; and (iii) equal rights and opportunities for both men and women in the political spheres.  The first dimension, the social sphere, covers equal access to health, education, training and skills development.  The economic sphere focuses on women’s rights to economic assets, resources, and opportunities and discussion in the political sphere will focus on the participation and voice of women in political and community matters.

Kerala presents a paradox when it comes to gender equality. With women constituting almost 52 per cent of Kerala’s total population of 333 lakhs, Kerala has achieved enviable social development indicators. Its achievements in the areas of universal primary education both for boys and girls, favorable female-male population ratios, high literacy rates for both men and women, and high life expectancy rates for both men and women are a pride not only to the state but also to the country. The high levels of social development indicators are laudable, and are a necessary condition for gender equality.  There is, however, significant concern that although they are necessary, they are not sufficient by itself. Women may be more literate (improved enrollments) and less pregnant (decreased fertility) than in other parts of the country, but they remain equally if not more powerless and poor.

Applying the 3-dimensional constitutional lens to gender equality, this becomes evident.  Kerala fares relatively well in the first dimension in terms of social development), but falls behind in the second (access to economic opportunities, resources, and assets) and third dimension (equal voice and participation in decision making in the state). Economic, political, and social factors interact leaving women disempowered and without equal rights, sometimes as much as their sisters in other states with lower human development indicators.

This is not a new finding .  The Kerala Human Development Result (2005) notes that gender discrimination poses perhaps one of two “most serious challenges to continued human development in Kerala, cutting across categories such as class, caste, religion and age.”  The Planning Commission’s Economic Review 2010 also warns that the hype around educated and healthy Keralite women may not be the whole story – the Review points out to the need to rethink the issue and to strategize on how to address some critical constraints to gender equality. The next few sections focus on the status of gender equality in Kerala in the three Constitutional spheres (social, economic, and political) and discuss to what extent women and men enjoy their constitutionally provided rights.

Strong Progress in Social Development in Terms of Education and Health

Literacy:  Kerala has the highest literacy rates in the country, and more than 90 per cent of its women are literate . Although the rates for men are slightly higher at 96 per cent (National Sample Survey Organization 63rd round (July 2006-June 2007), these rates and the extent of gender gap fare well when compared to national figures – 86 per cent for men and 66 per cent for women. At the national level, there is a higher level of disparity with a 20 per cent gender gap. (Table 1) [i]   The National Family Health Survey-3 (NHFS 2006) confirms this high level of literacy and low gender disparity. Literate persons were defined by the survey as those who have either completed at least standard six or ‘passed’ and a simple literacy test was conducted as part of the survey. The survey found that 93 per cent of women and 96 per cent of men age 15-49 are literate in Kerala. The 2011 Census estimate also indicates that 92 per cent of women and 96 per cent of men are literate.

Education:  At the primary level, enrollment is universal and gender parity has been achieved.   At the secondary level, coverage is not universal.  A recent paper published by CDS, based on the data of the 2006 NFHS-3 shows that during the period 1996-2006, only 45 per cent of the children made it to the higher secondary level or a related stage of education. However, even at this level, female children are ahead of male children in schooling except among Scheduled Tribes (at the primary and upper primary levels) and Muslims (at the higher secondary level). (Dilip, 2010)  Dropout rates are low for both boys and girls.

A larger proportion of women are enrolled at higher level educational institutions in Kerala (Table 2) .  At the tertiary level, about 70 per cent of students registered in arts, commerce, and sciences colleges during 2009-2010 were women. Girls are ahead in all fields (arts, sciences, medicine) falling behind only in engineering, technology, architecture, and design.  Girls constitute 83 per cent of the science students, but only 43 per cent of those in the engineering cluster.  While the numbers suggest a significant bias in favor of girls (7 out of 10 girls in these tertiary institutions are girls), there is a need to better explore and understand what is happening to gender parity at the tertiary level.

Box 1: Women in the Media

Despite their high levels of education, women continue to be defined by marriage, dowry, and fairness in Kerala media.  “Fair and Beauty” creams, advertised on prime time television, promise a lighter skin to help women get that longed-for job and/or that sought-after husband.  Advertisements such as “Beauty meets Quality” and “men need women, women need gold” associate gold with heavily decked brides, rather than as a good financial investment. They help to influence and shape mindsets of the younger group in a state, where households hardly need any additional encouragement to pay or demand for dowry.  Andree Wright, who has recorded changes in the image of femininity as portrayed in the Australian Women’s Weekly through the war years finds that during the early war years, up to 1942, homemaking and motherhood remained the most important job.  As the need for increased supplies of female labour became paramount, the Australian Women’s Weekly began to change the image of its heroine and magazine propaganda painted an attractive image of the working woman.’ But as soon as the war was over, the ‘working woman’ ceased to exist for the Women’s Weekly, being replaced by ‘the bride.’  Kerala appears to be still in the prewar stage!

The high levels of education of women indicated above do not however appear to translate into marketable skills .  Women’s entry into, and participation, in the labor market is highly constrained as discussed in the next section.  The lowering of evaluation standards at the higher secondary level, instead of improving the quality of teaching and curriculum, is perceived by some as a key issue that constrains entry into labor markets.  The skills supply by universities may also not be relevant to meet the demands of a globalizing market.  Significant skills training are reported as having been conducted for women. Most activities are, however, related to ‘very stereotypical occupations like making of soaps, umbrella, foot wear, food processing, farming (mushroom, flowers etc)’ and result in little actual conversion of skills into income generating projects. Even when there were earnings, income is meager at Rs.30-Rs.50/-day.  Managerial, financial management and marketing skills were not integrated in these training sessions. Women’s limited ownership over physical assets (such as land and space for activities), and their lack of mobility further constrained outcomes. Where other skills were attempted (computer training and auto driving), such training was not coordinated with the support of financial and technical support, and they did not generate any additional income (Sakhi, undated)

Health:  Both men and women in Kerala have high life expectancies, equivalent to some European countries.  Kerala is one of the few States in the country where the female-male ratio is over one (1084 women for every 1000 men while the national rate is 940 according to the provisional data for the 2011 census).  Life expectancy is at 71 years for men and at 74 for women. ( http://www.kerala.gov.in )  A woman in Kerala is expected to have an average of 1.9 children in her lifetime.   Notably, fertility even in the rural areas of Kerala is below the replacement level of 2.1 children. The relatively high rates of maternal mortality are surprising given that all births in the state are attended by skilled attendants.  NHFS-3 found than almost all women who gave birth in the five years preceding the survey received antenatal care from a health professional, including 98 per cent from a doctor and one per cent from all other health personnel. Only one per cent of women received antenatal care from a traditional birth attendant or ICDS worker.  Interestingly, 90 per cent of fathers were present at least at one antenatal care visit.  Mortality rates are one of the best in India but remain relatively high when comparable to countries such as Sri Lanka – 95 per every 100,000 births [ii] compared to Sri Lanka’s 60. There is need to better understand the exact cause for even this level of mortality rates.

Inequalities in Access to Economic Assets, Resources, and Opportunities Remain Weak

For men and women in Kerala, there are three main ways of accessing economic assets and resources: (i) acquiring a share of the family property, (ii) participation in the labor markets, (iii) self-employment or establishment of small business enterprises or participation in the informal sectors.  In each area, women appear to be unequal partners in Kerala.  Access to economic services is also important because in societies where women are predominantly responsible for household chores, increased access to childcare services, water, electricity, and cooking gas helps women to balance their time between home and work.   These issues are discussed in this section.

Access to Family Assets

During a marriage, no spouse has rights over the property of the other spouse. [iii]   Any property held in individual names belongs to the legal owner, unless proved otherwise.  Upon divorce, each spouse is entitled to maintenance and any property in her name. The wife is also entitled to claim any stridhan she bought into the family, provided she can prove it to be so if it is not in her name.  Parents and either spouse can bequeath property registered in their individual names, thus depriving children or spouse of any share of the inheritance.  While there is no gender inequality, such equal laws were considered to have an unequal result when applied in contexts where property was mostly in the hands of male family members.  Thus in several countries, laws have been instituted which require household property (defined differently, but typically refers to property acquired after the marriage) to be divided equally between the two spouses, barring any reason specified at law such as infidelity by one party.  This is not the case in Kerala.

Despite a stringent law on the books that prohibits the taking or giving of a dowry, this criminal activity continues unabated . Further more the confusion between streedhana (the property of a woman) and a dowry (a consideration paid by a bride to the bridegroom for marriage) has exacerbated the situation.  A 2008 Planning Commission report notes that in the final quarter of the last century, dowry appears to be replacing inheritance as a mode of transfer of family property, although there is no guarantee that the assets stay in the wife’s name and under her control. [iv]   Dowry deaths are per se low in Kerala when compared to other states, but the number of dowry deaths have increased between 2007 and 2008 by almost 15 per cent, the highest levels of increase in the country.  Nevertheless, the practice is widely prevalent in Kerala, and consultation with relevant stakeholders suggests standard market prices for different categories of working men!

NFHS-3 findings appear to confirm women’s weak access to assets, particularly for married women in Kerala. Only 21 per cent of married women between the ages of 15-49 in the state have some money, which they control. This was less than half the national average of 44 per cent. Only slightly more than one-quarter of women (27 per cent) have a bank or savings account that they themselves use, although this is on the higher side than the national average (15 per cent) or that in other states, and could reflect the high availability of banking services in the state. [v]   As Table 3 indicates, patriarchal practices about women’s mobility are also strong in Kerala, and in many instances stronger that other Southern States.

Participation in the Labor Markets

Despite the high levels of educational achievement of women, participation of women in labor markets is low in Kerala , one of the lowest in India . The State HDR of 2005 points out that while over a quarter of the female population is recorded as economically active at the all-India level, the proportion is about 23 per cent in Kerala. This is despite the high levels of education attainment by Keralite women.  NFHS-3 indicates that only 29 per cent of married women aged 15-49 in Kerala were employed in the year prior to the survey, compared with 99 per cent of married men.  A 2009 paper sponsored by the Kerala State Planning Board finds similarly. It notes that the ‘the work participation rate of women in Kerala is lower than the national average as well as those of other Southern States.’ According to the 2001 Census, out of a labor force in Kerala of 10.3 million, 7.8 million are males and only 2.5 million are females.  Thisis lower than Sri Lanka and is similar to other more conservative countries such as UAE and Lebanon (see Figure 2 below).

There are no clear answers on the reasons for the low labor participation in a state where women are so highly educated .  However, there are several plausible explanations, which suggest that the issue stems from a number of complex factors.  A review by Mazumdar and Guruswamy (2006) finds inter alia conceptual problems in estimating women’s participation in the labor markets, increased migration and higher levels of household income, lower levels of female employment found in transitional and developing states in Asia and Latin America, weak links between labor demands and supply, proliferation of tertiary education and consequent changed expectations of ‘acceptable’ employment, decreased rice cultivation reducing the need for female labor, switch to cash crops and replacement of women’s labor by male immigrant labor, the stagnation of the household and small-scale industry, migration of industries to other states due to labor unions, and rigid gender roles.

While low participation rates do not necessarily reflect gender inequalities since women may elect to stay at home, unemployment rates are a clearer sign of gender inequality, given that the disparity is between men and women who are seeking employment .  According to the Economic Review 2010, women outnumber men seeking employment through employment exchanges in all the 14 districts of Kerala. Almost 60 per cent of total work seekers were women.  Educated unemployment has been also noted as a serious concern by the 2010 Economic Review.  While 18 per cent of educated men are unemployed, 71 per cent of educated women are unemployed.

The latest NSSO data provides an insight into where men and women work in Kerala (Table 4) .  About 40 per cent of both men and women are self-employed.  While 21 per cent of men are salaried workers, the numbers are higher for women at 30 per cent.  About half the men work as causal labor, while less than one-third of the women do so. This provides quite a contrast from the comparator states, where women’s participation as salaried workers is much lower than that of men.

Table 4: Participation in Labor Markets

A larger proportion of women, however, work in lower paying jobs and in the informal sectors .  Only 31.78 per cent of women are employed by the Government in Kerala, which is a more secure and better remunerated employment, but hereto the majority of women work in the lower rungs of the employment hierarchy as teachers, nurses, paramedics, secretaries, and stenographers. Seventy-one per cent of the school teachers in the state are women, while they constitute only 36 per cent of university teachers.  In the service sector, they work largely as domestic labor, beauticians, maids, and so on.  In the private sector, women constitute half of those employed, but more than 3/4ths of the women working in the manufacturing sector are in the informal sector. Also, private sector work is in general less secure and does not typically carry other benefits (Economic Review 2010).  There is also some evidence in the report that women work in a narrower range of occupations than men, partly because of the spatial limitations that affect women. The latest NSSO data for 2009-2010 indicates that there are more female salaried workers, but it also indicates that the average salary is lower than that of men despite the equal, if not superior, educational attainments.

Occupational segregation, another sign of gender inequality, is relatively lower in Kerala when examined against comparator states, although it is a problem in some districts .  Women predominate in the professional and technicians/associates categories, which does not occur in any of the other Southern States.  There is only a 3  per cent gender disparity in the elementary occupations, which is much less than in other Southern states.

Women, however, do not have equal decision making powers in their occupations even when compared to other Southern States.  A 2008 study on the ICT sector indicated that women mostly predominate in unskilled work and in work that require technical training and problem solving.  (Source) In areas requiring specific expertise and managerial authority, men predominate.  The NSSO data provided below in Table 6 indicates that women constitute only one-fourth of the men in positions of authority in Kerala. The numbers are higher in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu.  It is also lower than the national average, which is surprising given that Kerala continues to lead the human development index in India.

Self-Employment and Microenterprises

A large number of women in Kerala are in the private sector, but the quality of participation is weak .   About 22 lakhs work in the service sector enterprises in Kerala, with about 12 lakhs being own account enterprises [vi] and 10 lakhs in other establishments [vii] .  Forty-five per cent of these workers in the informal sectors in Kerala are women (highest after Orissa). About 51 per cent of all female workers work in financially weaker OAEs and about 37 per cent work in establishments. Women constitute 31 per cent of all permanent workers, while they are 82 per cent of all temporary workers.  Only 16 per cent of all worker owners are women, and it must be noted that this is the highest amongst the comparator states and higher than the Indian average (10 per cent).  However, this is much lower than in other countries and is equivalent to data in more conservative societies in the Middle East (World Bank), where also women have good human endowments but less than 20 per cent are enterprise owners.

 Gender neutral cumbersome regulations and procedures to start and maintain a business can be more cumbersome for women, because they have greater challenges in navigating in public places .  According to the World Bank’s Doing Business 2008, countries with more cumbersome business environments have smaller shares of women entrepreneurs, and simplifying business processes could create more first-time female business owners at a rate 33 per cent faster than that for their male. These are particularly tedious in Kerala when compared with other cities in India.  Among 17 cities in India, Kochi ranks as the 16 th in terms of the ease of doing business (Doing Business in Kochi, India 2009), just above Kolkatta.  Policy makers in Kerala may wish to keep this in view, given that such reform would benefit both men and women.

In Kerala, a large percentage of the women, who are principally housewives, are willing to work on their household premises – 43 per cent in rural areas and 33 per cent in urban areas .  They need either ‘initial finance on easy terms’ or ‘training’ or ‘working finance facilities’ to take up their desired work (NSSO data 2004-5). Seventy two per cent of these women preferred part-time work, while full-time work was acceptable to another 25 per cent.  Access to microfinance appears to be a constraint in Kerala. [viii]   Among women willing to start an economic activity on their homestead, 62 per cent cited the lack of initial finance on easy terms was cited as a reason.  Another 11 per cent cited training as a limitation.  NFHS-3 also indicates that access to microfinance may be an issue.  Although all women respondents had heard of microfinance, only eight per cent of women in Kerala have availed of the facility.

Domestic workers are another group of women who are highly vulnerable in Kerala.  They work without any contracts, no clear terms or conditions, and without any security of employment.  In 2010, the State Government had established minimum wages for Kerala, but there is little monitoring of its implementation.

Women continue to be predominantly responsible for household chores and child and/or elder care (Table 6) . They are responsible for collecting water and fuel for domestic consumption, for ensuring that food is on the table, and for looking after the needs of the children, the husband, and extended family members.  For working women, typically, this is in addition to their other responsibilities in the workplace.  The NHFS-3 indicates that 69 per cent of households use an improved source of drinking water (77 per cent of urban households and 65 per cent of rural households), but only 13 per cent have water piped into their dwelling, yard, or plot and 12 per cent get drinking water from a public tap or standpipe.”  Access to LPG (cooking gas) is limited to only 22 per cent of the rural population and 59 per cent of the urban population. The rest depend on firewood and other sources of energy (NSSO data 2008).  In urban Kerala, dependence on firewood and chips for cooking is highest in India (41 per cent).   Such limited access to water and fuelwood is still a problem for a sizeable proportion of women in Kerala, although the situation appears to be better than in other states.  Few affordable childcare facilities and services to look after the elderly family members must also deter women from seeking jobs.

About a quarter of households in Kerala are female headed (NFHS-3 and Census of India 2003).  Discrimination against women could adversely affect these households, but there is inadequate information on their status.  In general, given the higher educational status of women, remittances from male members who are abroad, and a proliferation of government programs for women, they cannot automatically be considered to be at a disadvantage.

The Constitutional Promise in the Political Sphere Still Remains a Mirage

Educated they may be, good health they may have, but a meaningful role in decision making as well as equal participation in  community development appears to have slipped Keralite women . Three dimensions are reviewed here: inclusion in decision making at the political and household level, social cohesion in terms of violence, and accountability of political institutions.

Inclusion in Political Decision Making: Women are not a significant part of the decision making process in the state – governance continues to be male dominated in a state renowned for its matrilineal groups.   Despite the 30 per cent women’s representation in panchayats, a single lady minister in a cabinet of more than 20 and seven women legislators in a group of 144 is low by any standard.  Patriarchal practices of political parties and male defined ways of engagement (aggressive and adversarial) combined with social attitudes to women have brought only a few talented women into the political arena.  Public defamatory statements of women by respected leaders further add to the negative environment and women’s apprehension.  Even at the local levels, reserved seats are rotated every five years, and commentators note that as soon as a woman learns the rope of job, the rug is pulled out from under her feet.  Nevertheless, there is some emerging evidence that such reservations at the local level are leading to changed perceptions about women in positions of leadership, at least in some states (World Bank, WDR 2012).  But the progress is slow and insufficient for women to have meaningful participation in key decision making areas.

Judicial Power : Representation on the judiciary is weak, another male-dominated decision making body.  In India, on average, there are about seven per cent women in the judiciary. In Kerala, where 20 per cent of the advocates in the court system are women [ix] , representation has not been much better in its apex body despite the fact that the first woman to be a Supreme Court judge in 1989 was Justice Fathima Beevi from Kerala.  At the time of writing this paper, 2 out of a total of 29 judges on the Kerala High Court are women. The implications of such an all male institution for high court decisions can only be imagined because it has not been studied in depth; it remains a concern that justice at the apex level is meted out through a dominantly patriarchal lens.  In the civil services as a whole, women constitute about eight per cent of the total workforce in 2010 in India.  In 2009, they constituted about 13 per cent of all Indian Administrative Officers.  There appears to be an effort to increase women’s representation and the average intake into the IAS was about 22 per cent between 2004-2009. [x]

Women’s ability to move outside the home is highly constrained.  NHFS-3 suggests that only half the women in Kerala are allowed to go by themselves to the market (52 per cent) or to a health facility (54 per cent) but less than half (41 per cent) have freedom to travel alone outside their own village or community.  Only 35 per cent are allowed to go alone to all three places.

Violence against women [xi] , another highly disempowering factor, is prevalent in Kerala despite its superior levels of women’s educational attainments .  Statistics from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) indicate that Kerala is among the top six states in terms of rates against women (crimes per 100000) (Kerala also has the third highest rate of incidence of violent crimes in 2010, next only to Jammu and Kashmir and Manipur). Although Kerala accounts only for 2.75 per cent of the total population, it accounts for 4 per cent of the crimes committed against women in 2009.  In terms of rate of cruelty by husbands and relatives, Kerala has a the 6 th highest  crime rate in the country, lower than Andhra Pradesh, but higher than Karnataka or Tamil Nadu according to crimes registered in 2010.  NFHS-3, however, finds that violence against wives by husband is lower than Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka or Tamil Nadu in the 2006 survey.  One way to reconcile these conflicting figures might be that a larger proportion of those suffering cruelty are registering crimes in Kerala.

While the extent of violence may be unclear, what is interesting is that sixty-six per cent of women surveyed in Kerala believe that spousal beating is justified if there is a sufficient cause such as disrespect for in-laws or neglect of household or children (NHFS-3) .   Fifty-five per cent of the men are of a similar opinion.  This figure is consistent with views of men and women in other parts of South India, but different from a state such as Himachal Pradesh where much fewer men and women felt violence was acceptance even with reason.

* Rate of Crime against Women means number of crimes against women per one lakh population

Despite the protected afforded by the “Law on Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act” (2005), NHFS-3 found that about half of the women (46 per cent) have neither sought help nor told anyone about the violence . [xii]   Only 36 per cent of women who have ever experienced violence have sought help to end the violence through institutional remedies.  Abused women most often seek help from their own families. Thus state institutions and services do not have an opportunity to address the majority of the cases.  Moreover, women often do not have the economic independence to take recourse and prefer to silently bear the violence.

Kerala men may not be violent by nature even if more than half of them may justify beating their spouse with reason.  T hey appear to need the help of alcohol to be violent. The 2006 NFHS indicated that in Kerala 64 per cent of married women, whose husbands often get drunk, report experiencing violence, compared with 10 per cent of women whose husbands do not drink any alcohol.  (Kerala Human Development Report 2005).   Each year, Keralites consume 8.3 liters of liquor per person, three times the national rate, and the state has the ignominious distinction of having the highest levels of per capita liquor consumption. The Russian experience illustrates the dangers of alcoholism.  A study published in the Lancet finds that 52 per cent of all deaths of adults between the ages of 15 and 54 between 1990 and 2001 in three Siberian industrial towns were the result of alcohol abuse.  A U.N. National Human Development Report shows that Russian males born in 2006 had a life expectancy of just over 60 years, 17 fewer than western Europeans, while Russian females could expect to live thirteen years longer than their male counterparts. Mikhail Gorbachev’s efforts initiated in 1985 with a massive anti-alcohol campaign including severe penalties against public drunkenness and alcohol consumption, and restrictions on sales of liquor helped to reduce per capita alcohol consumption and improve the quality-of-life measures such as life expectancies and crime rates despite the fact that it was deeply unpopular among the population.  While the nexus between politics and alcohol may be unbreakable without electoral reforms, it may be important at minimum to raise awareness on the risks of alcoholism, at the community-level.

Kerala has the second highest suicide per capita rates among states, double the national rate. [xiii]   In 2010, about 25 people on average committed suicide every day (NCRB data). With a population of 2.75 per cent of the total population, Kerala accounts for 6.9 per cent of all suicides in the country (NCRB 2009).  Almost three-fourths of those who committed suicide in Kerala in 2010 were men and the higher one’s education, the lesser the chance of committing suicide – in Kerala 83.7 per cent had not passed the 10 th grade in 2009.  The higher numbers for men warrants investigation but part of it may perhaps be attributable to the stress on men to be the sole providers of the family needs – clearly a ‘male gender issue’.

So What Does All this Mean?

A prosperous Kerala needs its women and men to be equal partners, socially, economically, and politically .  Economic growth and the prosperity of Kerala in this globalizing world will depend on the availability of a sufficiently large workforce with a range of relevant skill levels and the ability to adapt to the changing needs of the labor market.

Kerala has already taken its first big step towards the constitutional promise of gender equality.   It has succeeded where many other states have failed – to educate its women and ensure access to basic services. But, while it has invested in the human development of women, it is not reaping the benefits of this investment.   At an economic level, women are still to find equal access to, and control over resources, be it through employment or access to household assets.  The higher proportion of women on the unemployment list is a testimony of the fact that even those women who seek jobs are unable to find them.   At a political level, women have started to speak at the panchayat level, but their voices have not found a place in key decision making arenas, which are almost completely male dominated.  Violence against women within the home appears to be increasing, although it is unclear to what extent this is because of higher levels of reporting.  Clearly, there are miles to go before the Constitutional promise can be said to have been achieved.

The context of gender in Kerala is, however, unique – women are educated and healthy, but apparently poor and powerless when assessed by typical indicators of women’s empowerment in the economic and political sphere.  Additionally, there is insufficient demand for gender equality, even among women.  In such a context, top-down policies and programs have not been sufficient. While it would be important for the Government to establish a considered strategy for women’s empowerment and to support gender mainstreaming in its work, three findings make it imperative that the demand-side for gender equality be also urgently addressed.  Key findings are:

• There is a need to develop a collective ownership of the gender equality or the women’s empowerment agenda and for more people to become aware that a gender equality agenda is not a feminist obsession, but is a Constitutional vision, one that will protect both men and women, and one that is necessary for Kerala to emerge as a prosperous and modern state. Awareness must be raised to ensure a demand at the grassroots level for gender equality, much as this is surprising in a state where matrilineal norms were prevalent.  While the Government has a key responsibility in this regard, equal responsibility lies with other development partners such as NGOs and civil society representatives.
• An approach to achieving gender equality should focus on both men and women.  Women’s empowerment is an essential first step before one can effectively implement gender equality and achieve the Constitutional promise in the State.  At the same time, it is important to recognize and better understand the decreasing enrolments of men in the primary and tertiary education levels and to examine the need to address this issue.
• Finally, and perhaps most importantly, it is important to bring men into this equation and garner their involvement in supporting women’s empowerment and gender equality.  In forging solutions to achieve the constitutional promise, it is important that the solutions help to preserve the family, and this can be achieved only if men are part of finding the solution.   If the social change is to be harmoniously wrought, then men need to become part of the solution and the gender equation.  As Mahatma Gandhi said: “the seers among men have recognised her equal status.”  It is time for Kerala men to rise to the occasion.

2011    Gender Dimensions: Employment Trends In India, 1993-94 To 2009-10, Indrani Mazumdar and Neetha N.,  Occasional Paper No.56 (August 2011), Centre For Women’s Development Studies

2011    Key Indicators of Employment and Unemployment in India, 2009-10, NSS KI (66/10) July 2009 – June 2010 National Sample Survey Organisation, Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation Government of India

2011    Statistics of Higher & Technical Education (2008-09) (As on 30th September, 2008), Government Of India, Ministry Of Human Resource Development, Bureau Of Planning, Monitoring & Statistics New Delhi (Provisional)

XXXX            Tables Of Statistics Of School Education (2007-2008) GOI Webpage

2010    India’s Civil Services Survey Report 2010, Government of India, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, Department of Administrative Reforms & Public Grievances

2010    Economic Review, Kerala State Planning Board

2010    School Educational Attainment In Kerala: Trends And Differentials T. R. Dilip, CDS, Trivandrum

2009    Global Employment Trends for Women, International Labor organization

2009    Study Report on Gender Audit, A Project of State Planning Board on Strengthening State Plans for Human Development with the financial assistance of UNDP and Planning Commission, Study Conducted by Dr. Leela Kumari P, Faculty Member, State Institute of Rural Development, Kerala

2009    Service Sector in India (2006-07), Report No. 529 (63/2.345/2),  Economic Characteristics of Enterprises, NSS 63rd round, (July 2006 – June 2007) National Sample Survey Organisation, Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation Government of India

2009    Status of Microfinance in India, NABARD,  http://www.nabard.org/pdf/Status%20of%20Microfinance%20in%20India%202008-09_131109.pdf

2008    ICT And Employment Promotion Among Poor Women: How Can We Make It Happen? Some Reflections On Kerala’s Experience, P. Mohanan Pillai, N. Shanta, February 2008

2008    Kerala State Development Report, Planning Commission, New Delhi

2008    International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS) and Macro International. 2008. National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3), India, 2005-06: Kerala. Mumbai: IIPS.

2008    A Decade of Gender Mainstreaming in Local Governance in Kerala (presented at the International conference on a decade of decentralization Kerala; issues, options and Lessons; October 7th to 9th, Mascot hotel, Trivandrum) by Aleyamma Vijayan, Sakhi resource center for women

2007    Participation of Women in Specified Activities along with Domestic Duties, Report No. 518(61/10/4),  2004-2005, NSS 61st ROUND, (July 2004 – June 2005) National Sample Survey Organisation, Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation Government of India

2006    Gender Gaps in Unemployment Rates in OECD Countries, Ghazala Azmat, Maia Gu¨ ell, Alan Manning, Centre for Economic Performance, Journal of Labor Economics, 2006, vol. 24, no. 1

2006    Female Labour Force Participation in Kerala: Problems and Prospects, By Sumit Mazumdar and M. Guruswamy, International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, India, www.iipsindia.org .  Paper to be presented at the forthcoming 2006 Annual Meeting Program Population Association of America Westin Bonaventure, Los Angeles, California  March 30 – April 1, 2006

2005    Human Development Report 2005, Prepared for the Government of Kerala by Centre for Development Studies Thiruvananthapuram, CDS

A Decade of Gender Mainstreaming in Local Governance in Kerala, ( presented at the International conference on a decade of decentralization Kerala; issues, options and Lessons ; October 7th to 9th, Mascot hotel, Trivandrum), Aleyamma Vijayan*

2004    A Study On Gender Based Violence In Kerala, Submitted To Department Of Health, Government Of Kerala, By Sakhi Resource Center For Women, Convent Road, Trivandrum 695035,Kerala

Undated Education, Health and Women’s Empowerment – Kerala’s Experience in Linking the Triad, K.R. Lakshmy Devi, Professor, Department of Economics, University of Calicut E-mail:[email protected]

THE WORLD BANK

2012    World Development Report on Gender Equality and Development

2009    Doing Business in India 2009, Subnational Doing Business,   http://www.doingbusiness.org/Reports/Subnational-Reports/india

2007    The Environment for Women’s Entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa Region, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTMENA/Resources/Environment_for_Womens_Entrepreneurship_in_MNA_final.pdf

[i] Given the common historical and social background, states in the South were picked as comparator states with the addition of Himachal Pradesh, given its relative high levels of gender equality.

[ii] http://content.undp.org/go/newsroom/2010/september/achieving-mdgs-in-india.en

[iii] This paragraph is not meant to discuss in detail the gender issues of access to property in Kerala, given that this is complex and varies with each community.  This is only to reflect the main point that access to property for women is constrained.

[iv] Among the Hindus and the Christians, stridhana (property gifted to the daughter at the time of marriage) was the right of a women to ancestral property that was expected to remain under the bride’s control and for her economic security.  Among Muslims, a consideration was paid at the time of marriage (a consideration for the marriage contract) that was to be returned to the wife in case of divorce.

[v] Kerala has traditionally been a well-banked state.  In 2004, Kerala had a bank per 11,000 people compared to the all-India average of 16,000.  (Economic Review 2010)

[vi] An enterprise, which is run without any hired worker employed on a fairly regular basis, is termed as own account enterprise. The estimated annual gross value added per enterprise in Kerala is RS. 36000 for OAEs and Rs. 216000 for establishments.

[vii] Establishment: An enterprise which employs at least one hired worker on a fairly regular basis is termed as establishment. Paid or unpaid apprentices, paid household member/servant/resident worker in an enterprise are considered hired workers.

[viii] Studies in India suggest that microfinance helps to socially empower women.  A NABARD study of microfinance in 2008-2009 showed that 92 per cent of households reported that the social empowerment of women had increased after joining membership in SHGs over a period of time.  The findings also showed that 22.5 per cent of women SHG members in the households had taken decisions in the post-SHG period as compared to 9.1 per cent in the pre-SHG period with respect to children’s education.

[ix] http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2010-03-30/thiruvananthapuram/28134915_1_dress-code-bar-council-lawyers

[x] www.thehindu.com/education/article75295.ece , Education: Dispelling Myths about Civil Service Examinations

[xi] The Declaration on Elimination of Violence Against Women adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1993, defines Violence Against Women as “any act of gender based violence against women that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivations of liberty, whether occurring in public or private spaces”

[xii] This may change as women become more aware of the legal provisions.

[xiii] http://ncrb.nic.in/ADSI2010/ADSI2010-full-report.pdf

Ekatha.org , A trust being registered in the State of Kerala

• Movies & Music
• World translation Day 2021
• feminist reading

No language is gender neutral: J Devika

29 september 2021, 02:29 pm ist, for devika, translation is a tool to release women authors from the existing confinements of the conventional criticism, and of course to render a vast readership to them..

J Devika | Photo: Facebook

A uthor and translator Jayakumari Devika has a remarkable presence in Malayalam literature as a writer with a purpose. She has never failed to declare her feminism in the literary as well as public domains. Keenly interested in archiving the history of female literature and the women's movements, she has waged many a feminist battle in Kerala's literary public.

Devika has especially been concerned about highlighting the aesthetic contributions of writers who wrote on behalf of women in Malayalam. Though these writers have contributed abundantly to twentieth century Malayalam literature, the aesthetic breaks achieved by their work have remained largely unnoticed. Devika opines that the mainstream critics have never attempted to analyse the dissident aesthetics of such writings.

This happens because the fundamental framework of literature is always patriarchal. Nobody has sought to discuss how these writings are trying to break up the existing frameworks of patriarchal literary aesthetics in literature. Instead, the popular critics place the female authors on a pedestal and tag them in a way favourable to the male dominated realm. It gets reflected during the selection of works for translations also, says Devika.

For Devika, translation is a tool to release women authors from the existing confinements of the conventional criticism, and of course to render a vast readership to them. It also helps her to anthologise them by highlighting their aesthetic contributions along with political outlooks as she could successfully carry out with the works of Sarah Joseph, Saraswathi Amma and so on. Thus her translations are attempts to bring out the female writings from the narrow interpretations of Malayalam literary criticism.

Devika has kept herself consciously away from the translations of many prominent male authors in Malayalam. Though many women writers seem to be placed in the mainstream, their works are terribly misinterpreted or gobbled up by the dominating faction. In certain cases, her intentions behind translations become explicit. For instance, Nalini Jameela's autobiography was heavily misconceived when it was published. Even without reading it, the major litterateurs slammed Nalini as she had written only for commercial purposes. Then Devika came up to counter these allegations through her translation of the work 'The Autobiography of a Sex Worker'.

It is only in the past twenty years, serious writings of marginalised female writers have started emerging in Malayalam. The confident assertions in Dalit literature is also a very recent phenomena. Otherwise, elitism existed even within the women's writings. It is inappropriate to disregard such authors by saying they are not sufficiently anti-patriarchal, because every writings should be analysed based on the period they evolve and there shall be enough space to recognise the limitations of such writers then. The same has been manifested in the languages also. No language has ever been gender neutral. Thus each attempt on women's writings and their translations is also an act to achieve the neutrality of our language too.

Along with all such efforts, readers should not feel the distinction between the original writer and the translator and this is the most arduous challenge in this pursuit. When Devika translated KR Meera's 'Aarachar' into 'The Hangwoman', she was widely acclaimed for transcending this challenge. However, such popular works are less likely to bag any awards. "But it doesn't matter at all. For me what is more significant is that the book is being introduced in a new language and getting acceptance there", said Devika. Though the foreignness of a book persists in the translated version, it will not hinder the reading. Without any footnotes how are you going to translate a culturally alien text is what makes translations demanding. She added, "Difficult texts are actually more fun".

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Gender neutrality in Kerala school: ജെൻഡർ ന്യൂട്രാലിറ്റി അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കില്ലെന്ന് ശിവൻകുട്ടിയും: സ്വാഗതം ചെയ്ത് സമസ്ത

Gender neutrality in kerala school: ആൺകുട്ടികളേയും പെൺകുട്ടികളേയും ഒരുമിച്ചിരുത്തി പഠിപ്പിക്കുമെന്ന് ഒരിടത്തും പറഞ്ഞിട്ടില്ലെന്ന് മന്ത്രി പറഞ്ഞു..

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• തിരുവനന്തപുരം,
• 25 Aug 2022,
• (Updated 25 Aug 2022, 2:49 PM IST)

ജെൻഡർ ന്യൂട്രാലിറ്റി അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കില്ലെന്ന് വിദ്യാഭ്യാസമന്ത്രി വി. ശിവൻകുട്ടി. മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി പിണറായി വിജയന് പിന്നാലെയാണ് ശിവൻകുട്ടിയുടേയും പിന്മാറ്റം. ഇതോടെ ജെൻട്രൻ ന്യൂട്രൽ വിദ്യാഭ്യാസത്തിൽ മുൻനിലപാടിൽ നിന്ന് സർക്കാർ പിന്നോട്ട് പോവുകയാണെന്ന് വ്യക്തമായിരിക്കുകയാണ്. ആൺകുട്ടികളേയും പെൺകുട്ടികളേയും ഒരുമിച്ചിരുത്തി പഠിപ്പിക്കുമെന്ന് ഒരിടത്തും പറഞ്ഞിട്ടില്ലെന്ന് മന്ത്രി പറഞ്ഞു.

സർക്കാരിന്റെ അഭിപ്രായം മാറിയതിൽ സന്തോഷമെയുള്ളൂ എന്ന് സമസ്ത പ്രതികരിച്ചു.  ഇനിയും പലതും തിരുത്താനുണ്ട്. 30ന് മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുമായുള്ള ചർച്ചയിൽ ഇക്കാര്യം സംസാരിക്കും. ജെൻഡർ ന്യൂട്രൽ യൂണിഫോം ക്ലാസ് മുറികളിൽ ആൺകുട്ടികളേയും പെൺകുട്ടികളേയും ഇടകലർത്തിയുള്ള ഇരിപ്പിട സംവിധാനത്തിൽ നിന്നും സർക്കാർ പിൻവാങ്ങുകയെന്നാണ് ഇതിൽ നിന്നും വ്യക്തമാകുന്നത്. 

വിദ്യാലയങ്ങളിൽ ആൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും പെൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും ഒരേതരത്തിലുള്ള യൂണിഫോം അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കുവാൻ സർക്കാർ ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നില്ലെന്നാണ് മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി നിയമസഭയിൽ പറഞ്ഞത്. കെ.കെ. ശൈലജ ടീച്ചറുടെ സബ്മിഷന്  മറുപടിയായാണ് മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി ഇക്കാര്യം പറഞ്ഞത്. അതത് വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിൽ അധ്യാപകരും പി.ടി.എ പ്രതിനിധികളും വിദ്യാർത്ഥി പ്രതിനിധികളും പരസ്പരം ആലോചിച്ച് ഉചിതമായ യൂണിഫോം തീരുമാനിച്ച് നടപ്പിലാക്കാമെന്നാണ് സർക്കാർ നിലപാട്.

ജെൻഡർ ന്യൂട്രൽ യൂണിഫോം: മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ പ്രസ്താവന സ്വാഗതം ചെയ്ത് കാന്തപുരം

സ്‌കൂളുകളിൽ ആൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും പെൺകുട്ടികൾക്കും ഒരേ തരത്തിലുള്ള യൂണിഫോം അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കില്ലെന്ന മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി പിണറായി വിജയന്റെ പ്രസ്താവനയെ സ്വാഗതം ചെയ്ത് കേരള മുസ്ലീം ജമാഅത്ത് പ്രസിഡന്റ് കാന്തപുരം എപി അബൂബക്കർ മുസ്ലിയാർ. ഒരുതരം വേഷവിതാനവും ആരുടെ മേലും അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കുന്നത് സർക്കാർ നയമല്ലെന്നാണ് മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി പറഞ്ഞത്. ഈ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയുടെ പ്രസ്താവന കേരളത്തിന്റെ പാരമ്പര്യത്തിനും ബഹുസ്വരതയ്ക്കും യോജിച്ച നിലപാടെന്നും കാന്തപുരം പറഞ്ഞു.

വസ്ത്രധാരണം, ആഹാരം, വിശ്വാസം എന്നിവയുടെ കാര്യത്തിൽ വ്യക്തികൾക്ക് സാമൂഹിക കടമകൾക്ക് അനുസൃതമായുള്ള സർവ്വസ്വാതന്ത്ര്യം ഉണ്ടായിരിക്കുമെന്നാണ് മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി പറഞ്ഞത്. സമൂഹത്തിലെ എല്ലാ വിഭാഗം ജനങ്ങൾക്കും അവരുടെ ജാതി മത ലിംഗ ഭേദമന്യേ അവർ അർഹിക്കുന്ന സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യമുണ്ടാകണം എന്ന സർക്കാർ തീരുമാനം കേരളത്തിന്റെ ഭാവിയെ കൂടുതൽ മനോഹരമാക്കുമെന്നും അദ്ദേഹം പറഞ്ഞു. 

ജനവികാരം മനസ്സിലാക്കി സർക്കാർ നിലപാടുകൾ കൈകൊള്ളുന്നത് ജനാധിപത്യസംവിധാനത്തെ കൂടുതൽ തെളിച്ചമുള്ളതാക്കും. ഒരേ വേഷവും ഒരുമിച്ചിരുത്തലും നടപ്പാക്കുന്നതിന് പകരം ലിംഗനീതി ഉറപ്പാക്കുകയാണ് വേണ്ടത്. സ്ത്രീകൾ രണ്ടാംതരം പൗരന്മാർ അല്ല. അവർക്കെതിരെ നടക്കുന്ന അതിക്രമങ്ങൾ ഒരു പരിഷ്‌കൃത സമൂഹത്തിന് അംഗീകരിക്കാൻ കഴിയില്ല. സ്ത്രീകളെ മാനിക്കാൻ പുതുതലമുറയെ പഠിപ്പിക്കേണ്ടതുണ്ടെന്നും കാന്തപുരം അറിയിച്ചു.

ക്ലാസ്റൂമിൽ ഇടകലർത്തിയിരുത്തിക്കൊണ്ട് ഉണ്ടാക്കിയെടുക്കേണ്ട ബോധമല്ല അത്. സ്ത്രീ പുരുഷന്മാർക്കിടയിലെ പ്രകൃത്യാ ഉള്ള വൈജാത്യങ്ങൾ ഇല്ലാതാക്കാൻ വേഷം മാറിയത് കൊണ്ടും കാര്യമില്ല. തെറ്റായ തീരുമാനങ്ങളിലൂടെ ശരിയിലേക്ക് എത്താനാകില്ല. കേരളത്തിന്റെ പൊതുവിദ്യാഭ്യാസം കൈവരിച്ച മികവുകളെ ഇല്ലാതാക്കാൻ മാത്രമേ ഇത്തരം നടപടികൾ നിമിത്തമാകൂ. അതുൾക്കൊണ്ട് തീരുമാനം പുനഃപരിശോധിക്കാനും തിരുത്താനും തയാറായ വിദ്യാഭ്യാസവകുപ്പ് അഭിനന്ദനമർഹിക്കുന്നുവെന്ന് കാന്തപുരം പറഞ്ഞു.

ഏറ്റവും പുതിയത്‌

Gender & The Shaping Of New Sensibilities In Malayalam Cinema

A novel and positive trend set foot in the Malayalam cinema is its efforts to address the questions of gender justice and equality. A few of the films today are striking a strong blow against misogyny, which has otherwise been celebrated unapologetically in Malayalam cinema for decades. Such interventions are shaking the grounds of patriarchal morality to lay the foundations of an alternative value system. Even when the film-makers are reluctant to address issues of gender and caste, in today’s date, it has become increasingly difficult for them to get away with regressive content in their cinema. The discourse centered on justice, equality, and dignity of the individual shapes new sensibilities and critical thinking.

A few of the films today are striking a strong blow against misogynisy, which has otherwise been celebrated unapologetically in Malayalam cinema for decades. Such interventions are shaking the grounds of patriarchal morality to lay the foundations of an alternative value system.

It is evident in the discussions that have followed Drishyam 2 , a Malayalam thriller, released on Amazon Prime in February, 2021. It is the sequel to the blockbuster Malayalam cinema Drishyam , released in 2013. The plotline is centered around a family with parents and two daughters and what unfolds when a teenage boy demands sexual favours from the elder daughter blackmailing them with a nude video which he films of her taking a bath. It is in a nature camp that Anju (the elder daughter) meets Varun, a creep who indulges in taking videos and photos of girls without their knowledge. Eventually, he uses it as an excuse to blackmail Anju, leading to tragic consequences. 

Also read: Drishyam 2 Review: A Cinematic Universe Founded On Victim Blaming

Many have pointed at how the film’s central theme itself is a man’s futile attempts to uphold the family’s honour falling in line with the regressive social norms. It is also argued that at no point does the film urge the woman to challenge patriarchal morality; instead, she becomes symbolic of it. Even when the director jeethu Joseph terms it a thriller and has to a large extent succeeded in doing justice to his claim, he is still held accountable for falling back on stereotypes as far as representation is concerned. A discussion has also ensued on how gender relations and dominant social practices are portrayed in the film. Tracing the issues that have come up in the discussion, this article intends to look closely at the progressive discourse and its influence on Malayalam cinema like Drishyam 2 , even when they seem to turn their back against it. 

Reformer Man and the Shaping of an Ideal Woman

Interesting is to trace the paradigm shift reflected in Drishyam 2 and the factors influencing it. It is obviously not a conscious effort by the director but, in fact, something which he couldn’t help. It shows how the change in perceptions entailed by discourses on gender gets reflected in the characters and their utterances. In Drishyam’s first installment, Georgekutty , the protagonist who is portrayed as a self-made man from a lower-middle-class Christian background, is contrasted with his wife’s image, which is nothing more than a stereotypical caricature of a dim-witted woman. Like admitting their kids to a posh English medium school to buying a car, her demands are stressed to show her as a pretentious and ignorant person. Time and again, we see the husband, placed on the upper pedestal, take up the advisor and the reformer’s role. It is a trope much familiar in Malayalam cinema used widely in the disciplining of women. In the film, Mithunam released exactly twenty years before Drishyam , i.e., in 1993, the same actor (Mohanlal) plays the role of a husband lecturing his wife on how she is ought to behave. In this movie’s climax, we see the woman apologise and show the readiness to mend her ways. The film prescribes to the women a subservient position and asks them to seek happiness in fulfilling their responsibilities within the domestic sphere. 

It is striking to see that the perception that changes little over twenty years undergoes a drastic alteration in eight years, i.e., the time between the release of Drishyam original and its sequel. As the well-known statement goes, there are centuries when nothing happens, and years in which centuries happen. The change unthought of in the gap of twenty years, surfaced up irresistibly in the last 4-5 years. It is precisely when revolutionary movements like “ Me too “ brought forth questions of gender discrimination and strange ways in which a woman is held hostage in a patriarchal world. In Malayalam cinema, path-breaking developments like the formation of Women’s Cinema Collective (WCC) have shattered the hunky-dory image of the cinema world. It showed the courage to hold power to account and ask questions on the face of stalwarts reigning as its infallible authority. Following the Sabarimala verdict , the Malayali public sphere discussions started getting rallied around women’s fundamental rights to equality and dignity. Both the sections favoring and opposing the judgment contributed to a discourse centered on the socio-cultural aspects shaping women and their rights. 

Also read: Cinema Of Male Apathy: Rape Scenes In Malayalam Films Through The Ages

Shifting Perceptions and Challenging the Dominant World view

Within this discourse, shaped by traditional and revolutionary forces, certain new perceptions emerge, replacing the old realities. Here, even when you are hell-bent on resisting any change and argue in favor of traditions, you are still contributing to the larger discourse, which indeed is shaping the sensibilities and changing the dominant perceptions. This phenomenon is strikingly manifested in Malayalam cinema increasingly now, as witnessed in the Drishyam sequel, where a novel kind of sensitivity underlines gender relations and gender-specific roles. For instance, the reformer husband takes a back seat in the second part. He is still hesitant to share his secrets with the family, but we can trace the change in his attitude. There is an instance where Georgekutty and his family visit his wife Rani ‘s family in the original. In the conversation that ensues, we see the focus is on women’s obsession with kitchen wares and unnecessary spending. Rani ‘s father makes the sweeping statement that all women are the same, substantiating it with his wife’s example. He states no matter where she goes; she will come back with a meen chutti (an earthen pot traditionally used to prepare fish curry). The scene ends with his wife ( Rani ‘s mother) stating that whatever concerns the kitchen is a woman’s responsibility, so the men need not comment on it. 

Some may argue that the other prominent character in the film is not a man but a woman (mother of the teenage boy) with more say on things than her husband. She is shown to be in the highest rank in the police force. But it is presented more as an exception; here again, towards the end, she has to give away positions of power and prestige to take refuge in the image of a silent and mourning woman. In the sequel, the change in perception is most evident in the composition of Anu ‘s (the younger daughter in the family) friend group. It consists of both boys and girls, the possibility of which the director couldn’t have easily imagined in 2013. The body language and appearance of the boys are neither intimidating nor have any sexual overtones. They behave normally with the girls in the group, where all appear comfortable and free. The choice of dress and appearance of both the girls and boys is to hint at their privileged background; nevertheless, it is never demonised. Even when Rani reminds Anu to be careful regarding the kind of dress she wears, it is not problematised as a bad influence or a cause of tension. Instead, the film stands with Anu when she says, “Is it not our house? Why can’t we wear what we are comfortable with.” Thus inverting a question hitherto used to control women. 

In other words, even in its denial to consider questions related to equality and gender, we see the change in perceptions engendered by a new discourse get manifested in the characters when they appear on screen eight years later. Herein lies the power of the conversations centered on equality, justice, and individuality in Malayalam cinema.

In the first part, there is so much tension when the teenagers come in contact with the opposite sex. Was the director equipped to think of the possibility of a group where boys and girls are friends and could treat each other as individuals? The answer seems no, as the story itself is shaped by patriarchal morality. It is not to argue that there happens a revolutionary change when we come to the sequel, but indeed there are shifts in perceptions and it gets reflected subtly. In other words, even in its denial to consider questions related to equality and gender, we see the change in perceptions engendered by a new discourse get manifested in the characters when they appear on screen eight years later. Herein lies the power of the conversations centered on equality, justice, and individuality in Malayalam cinema. It shapes new perspectives and envisages an alternate social order, which one cannot afford to ignore.  

Sonu Vincent has completed her Ph.D. in History from the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University and is currently teaching as a guest faculty in Jesus and Mary College, Delhi University. Her areas of interest are the socio-cultural history of Kerala, theatre, gender, and religious studies. She can be found on Instagram , Twitter and Facebook .

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Draft of the guidelines for the Non-discriminatory use of Malayalam

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‘Boys and girls have equal freedom’: Kerala backs gender-neutral uniforms

Primary school pupils run free in shorts while a secondary school has gone ahead with uniform changes despite protests

It’s break time at Valayanchirangara primary school and the pupils run freely beneath the mango trees and palms. Girls race against the boys, hitching up their knee-length shorts, cargo green for girls and teal blue for boys, as they go.

It’s been three years since this small government primary school introduced gender-neutral uniforms for its pupils, and in doing so set in motion a quiet revolution that is now sweeping across the south Indian state of Kerala.

“I feel very thrilled and comfortable with the uniform. It’s quite distinct from that of my friends studying in nearby schools. I can play well with this dress,” said 10-year-old Sivananda Mahesh.

Inspired by the Valayanchirangara model, more than a dozen schools in Kerala have shifted to gender-neutral uniforms and the state’s ruling Communist party of India has pledged to support the movement being implemented across the state. Several women’s rights groups have also come out in support of the unisex uniform initiative, saying it will help bridge the gender gap. Kerala has India’s highest literacy rate, but there is still a higher literacy rate for men than women and gendered and patriarchal expectations continue to be placed on women in society.

However, this initiative to tackle gender inequality at a young age is now facing stiff opposition from a section of Muslim organisations in Kerala, which accuse the schools of forcing western dress on their children and denying girls the right to wear what they deem to be appropriate feminine clothes.

In December, a protest rally was organised by the Muslim Coordination Committee in Balussery, a town in north Kerala, when the local secondary school introduced a unisex uniform of trousers and shirts for boys and girls.

Prominent Muslim organisations in the state warned the state government against enforcing gender-neutral uniforms in other educational institutions in Kerala, a state that is 26% Muslim, saying it would be un-Islamic for girls to wear trousers.

The decision at Valayanchirangara primary came after Benoy Peter, the former head of the parent-teacher association, noticed the difficulties that girls often faced wearing skirts in the playground and while playing sports. The school enlisted the help of a local fashion designer Vidya Mukunda to create a gender-neutral uniform that had “style and elegance”.

The school, which has 756 pupils who are mostly Christian and Muslims, said only one parent objected to the uniform, and after the benefits of the initiative were explained, in particular how it would make it easier for girls to move about comfortably, the resistance was dropped.

“When the idea came up, we were worried about the reaction of parents who prefer their girls’ wearing skirts. But we were able to implement it easily and without any protests,” said KA Usha, the school’s former headteacher.

Usha said the uniform had not only bolstered the performance of pupils, but parents were flocking to send their children to the school. “Parents are keen to get admission here as the new uniform evoked a lot of goodwill,” she said.

The school has also pushed its gender-equality initiatives beyond uniforms. After concerns that the school materials were filled with content “often in conflict with gender parity”, they created their own gender-neutral textbooks, which are designed to sensitise children to gender equality from a young age.

“We made our books with teachers writing the content and a former student doing the drawings. The books carry images of women driving vehicles and men cooking in the kitchen. The books convey the message that no job or task is gender-specific,” said Usha. The school has also designed a new logo with the image of a girl and a boy to spread the message of gender equality.

KP Suma, a teacher at the school, said: “Now the boys and girls have equal happiness and freedom. The uniform has boosted their confidence. Gender sensitivity is at the heart of the school, and we are ensuring easy mingling of boys and girls without bothering about gender.”

After the successes of Valayanchirangara primary, the state education minister, V Sivankutty, said he was determined to see unisex uniforms rolled out across Kerala. “We are anticipating similar attempts at every educational institution in the state. On its part, the state government is committed to promoting gender equality in education and other fields,” he said.

At Kerala’s Balussery school, the site of the all-male uniform protests this month, the principal, R Indu, said it was students who had heard about the Valayanchirangara experiment who prompted her to evolve gender-neutral uniforms. This year, the school introduced the uniform with approval from the staff council and PTA.

Indu said Balussery students who wish to wear shawls for religious reasons were still allowed to do so, and there would be no interference in religious identity.

“The opposition against gender-neutral uniforms will not last long. My Muslim neighbours feel nothing wrong with it. Only the orthodoxy is opposing it. My children can do any activity with ease using this uniform,” said V Vivek, the PTA’s president. Many female Muslim students also praised the unisex uniforms on social media.

But Jafer Neroth, a leader of the Islamic organisation Sunny Students’ Federation who was leading the protests, said the uniforms were “political tools”.

“The government is helping the implementation of liberal ideologies on students and without consultation with religious leaders. Biologically, men and women are different, and it is the denial of diversity,” he said.

Sivankutty said the protests from some Muslim groups would not halt government plans to make gender-neutral uniforms the norm in Kerala. “We are unmindful of the protests from the orthodoxy,” he said.

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ജെന്‍ഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രല്‍ ആശയങ്ങള്‍ അംഗീകരിക്കാനാവില്ല; സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ പിന്‍വാങ്ങണമെന്ന് മുസ്ലീം സംഘടനകള്‍

08 august 2022, 02:19 pm ist.

പ്രതീകാത്മക ചിത്രം | Mathrubhumi archives

കോഴിക്കോട്: ജെന്‍ഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രല്‍ ആശയങ്ങള്‍ അംഗീകരിക്കാനാവില്ലെന്ന് മുസ്ലീം സംഘടനകള്‍. ലിംഗവിവേചനം അവസാനിപ്പിക്കാനുള്ള മാര്‍ഗം ജെന്‍ഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രാലിറ്റി ആണെന്ന സിദ്ധാന്തം കൊണ്ടുവരുന്നത് അംഗീകരിക്കാനാവില്ല. ഇടത് സര്‍ക്കാരിന്‍റെ നീക്കം പ്രതിഷേധാര്‍ഹമെന്നും പിന്‍വാങ്ങണമെന്നും ലീഗ് നേതാവ് റഷീദ് അലി തങ്ങള്‍ പറഞ്ഞു. കോഴിക്കോട് ലീഗ് വിളിച്ചുചേര്‍ത്ത സമുദായ നേതാക്കളുടെ യോഗത്തിന് ശേഷമായിരുന്നു ലീഗ് നേതാവിന്റെ പ്രതികരണം.

കേരളത്തില്‍ ഭൂരിപക്ഷം മതവിശ്വാസികളേയും കണക്കിലെടുക്കാതെ ലിബറല്‍ ആശയം നടപ്പാക്കുന്നത് ഫാസിസമാണ്. കലാലയങ്ങളില്‍ ഭരണകൂടം ജെന്‍ഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രല്‍ ആശയങ്ങള്‍ അടിച്ചേല്‍പ്പിക്കാനാണ് നീക്കം നടത്തുന്നതെന്നും അദ്ദേഹം കുറ്റപ്പെടുത്തി.

ലിംഗസമത്വം എന്ന പേരില്‍ സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ സ്‌കൂളുകളില്‍ മതനിരാസം പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുന്നുവെന്ന് ലീഗ് നേതാവും എംഎല്‍എയുമായ എം.കെ. മുനീറും നേരത്തെ അഭിപ്രായപ്പെട്ടിരുന്നു. മതമില്ലാത്ത ജീവന്‍ എന്നുപറഞ്ഞ് മതനിഷേധത്തെ കടത്തിയതുപോലെ ഇപ്പോള്‍ ജെന്‍ഡര്‍ ന്യൂട്രാലിറ്റി എന്ന പേരില്‍ വീണ്ടും മതനിഷേധത്തെ സ്‌കൂളുകളിലേക്ക് കൊണ്ടുവരാനുള്ള പാഠ്യപദ്ധതി തയ്യാറായിക്കഴിഞ്ഞിരിക്കുന്നു എന്നായിരുന്നു മുനീറിന്റെ പരാമര്‍ശം. ഇതിനെതിരേ വലിയ വിമര്‍ശനവും ഉയർന്നിരുന്നു.

Content Highlights: Muslim league against gender neutral uniform in schools

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Kerala 20/20

കേരളത്തിന് പുറത്ത് കോണ്‍ഗ്രസിന്റെ കൊടിയുമായി കൂട്ടിക്കെട്ടാതെ CPMന് കൊടി ഉയര്‍ത്താനാകില്ല- ലീഗ്

ലീഗിന്റെ വോട്ട് വേണം, പതാക പാടില്ല; സ്വന്തം കൊടിക്ക് പോലും കോൺഗ്രസിന് അയിത്തം  - പിണറായി വിജയൻ

ഹരിതവിവാദത്തിൽ പുറത്താക്കിയ MSF നേതാക്കളെ തിരിച്ചെടുക്കാൻ ലീഗ്; LDF-നായി പ്രചാരണത്തിനിറങ്ങാനിരിക്കെ

'സീറ്റിനുവേണ്ടി ആയാറാം ഗയാറാം കളിക്കുന്ന പാർട്ടിയല്ല ലീഗ്,നിലപാടാണ് പ്രധാനം, CPM പ്രാദേശികപാര്‍ട്ടി'

വാര്‍ത്തകളോടു പ്രതികരിക്കുന്നവര്‍ അശ്ലീലവും അസഭ്യവും നിയമവിരുദ്ധവും അപകീര്‍ത്തികരവും സ്പര്‍ധ വളര്‍ത്തുന്നതുമായ പരാമര്‍ശങ്ങള്‍ ഒഴിവാക്കുക. വ്യക്തിപരമായ അധിക്ഷേപങ്ങള്‍ പാടില്ല. ഇത്തരം അഭിപ്രായങ്ങള്‍ സൈബര്‍ നിയമപ്രകാരം ശിക്ഷാര്‍ഹമാണ്. വായനക്കാരുടെ അഭിപ്രായങ്ങള്‍ വായനക്കാരുടേതു മാത്രമാണ്, മാതൃഭൂമിയുടേതല്ല. ദയവായി മലയാളത്തിലോ ഇംഗ്ലീഷിലോ മാത്രം അഭിപ്രായം എഴുതുക. മംഗ്ലീഷ് ഒഴിവാക്കുക..

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Gender-neutral uniform introduced in Kerala school

Valayanchirangara government lower primary school in kerala has introduced a gender-neutral uniform for their students-- 3/4th shorts and a shirt, irrespective of the gender..

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Valayanchirangara government Lower Primary School, near Perumbavoor in Ernakulam district, in Kerala has introduced a gender-neutral uniform for 754 students-- a 3/4th shorts and shirt, irrespective of gender.

School receives applauses

"We got the backing of the students and their parents. We wanted all the students to have the same uniform so that they could enjoy the freedom of movement. This was first introduced in the pre-primary classes of around 200 students. It was a big hit which gave us the confidence to implement it for all other classes," Mr Vivek said.

General Education Minister V Sivankutty said it was an admirable move by the LP school and the government will promote such gender-inclusive activities. "Ideas of gender justice, equality, and awareness will be emphasized during curriculum reform. But these lessons need not be restricted to textbooks. The admirable move by Valayanchirangara LP School. Students of all genders will now wear the same uniform here - short pants and shirts," Sivankutty tweeted congratulating the school.

Girls wi l l feel more confident in Gender-neutral uniform

He said necessary steps will be taken to include gender equality and justice in the school curriculum. K P Suma, the headmistress of the school, said the students are excited about the new uniform and the girl students will now feel more comfortable and confident in taking part in extra-curricular activities.

Gender-neutral uniform design

"My friend, Binoy Peter, who was the academic chairman and the PTA president of the school in 2018, told me about the decision to implement a gender-neutral uniform for the children. We later discussed the matter with the teachers and students and designed this uniform," Ms. Mukundan said.

Benefits of gender-neutral uniform in Kerala

The girl's uniform also includes pockets, she added. A parent, who does not wish to be named, told PTI that now her daughter need not worry about getting engaged in any physical activities like running or jumping or dancing or anything.

Kerala school introducing gender-neutral uniform strength

The number of students enrolling in the school has been steadily increasing in the last five years. While the school's strength stood at 609 in the 2015-16 academic year, it increased to 681 students in 2018, and currently, it has 754 students.

A senior official from the Education Department said the government policy is to encourage gender neutrality and will fully support any school which plans to introduce such a gender-neutral uniform. However, a law with regard to this has not yet been discussed.

The Kerala government earlier this month clarified that there was no law asking teachers to wear sari, with higher education minister R Bindu saying such a practice of demanding to wear sari was not conducive to Kerala's progressive attitude. Bindu has said that one's choice of dressing is an entirely personal matter and no one has the right to criticise or interfere in another's sartorial choices.

The Higher Education department had in the second week of November issued a circular in this regard after complaints came from many teachers that several institutions in the state continue to practise such policing.

Read: How a Kerala school has set the trend with gender-neutral uniform

Read: Schools in Kerala reopen today with Covid-19 protocols