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Understanding the why and how of Filipino religiosity

Mahar Mangahas’ column on the persistence of Filipino religiosity made for a very informative and provocative reading (“The religiosity of Filipinos,” 4/23/2022). Although surveys capture perceptions and attitudes about events and behaviors, they have one built-in limitation: they do not answer the how and why questions, which are also important in gaining a deep and holistic understanding of the enduring importance of religious faith for most of us. It raises three questions.

The first question is why has religion remained durable and vital for Filipinos across time amid secularizing and pluralizing influences? Everyone’s educated guess may be good as mine. One perhaps is religion’s differentiated function to provide meaning and purpose to life or answers to questions of ultimate value that science or political ideologies seemed not able to match or replace. In addition, there is also empirical evidence that shows a strong and direct link between religiosity and economic status. Thus, it may not be a stretch to say that the lamentable fact that majority of Filipinos are economically vulnerable contributes to their abiding private form of religiosity.

Second, based on the belief that religion is not only about right believing but is also about right living, the other important question to ask is how does religiosity impact one’s day-to-day life? The Bible does not lack statements reminding believers that religious faith without good work is dead, or blessed are those who hear the word of God and obey it. Pope Francis puts it more bluntly: It is not enough to say we are Christians; we must live the faith not only with words but with our actions.

Finally, and since religion and politics are also bedfellows in this country, would it not be too much to ask that, for this fast-approaching May 9 national elections, we allow ourselves to be guided by religion’s shared commitment to the common good when we choose and vote for the most qualified president of our beloved country?

NOEL G. ASIONES [email protected]

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Filipino Culture

Philippines

The Philippines is unique among its neighbours in the South East Asian region in that the majority of Filipinos identify as Christian (92.5%). More specifically, 82.9% of the population identify as Catholic, 2.8% identify as Evangelical Christian, 2.3% identify as Iglesia ni Kristo and 4.5% identify with some other Christian denomination. Of the remaining population, 5.0% identify as Muslim, 1.8% identify with some other religion, 0.6% were unspecified and 0.1% identify with no religion. The Catholic Church and state were officially separated in the 1990s, yet Catholicism still plays an prominent role in political and societal affairs.

Christianity in the Philippines

There continues to be a process of cultural adaptation and synthesis of Christianity into the local culture since the introduction of the religion into the Philippines. The denomination of Christianity that became most embedded in Filipino culture is Catholicism, which was introduced in the Philippines during the early colonial period by the Spanish. Catholic ideas continue to inform beliefs throughout Filipino society such as the sanctity of life and respect for hierarchy . As a branch of Christianity, Catholicism believes in the doctrine of God as the ‘Holy Trinity’ comprising the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. Like most Catholics, many Filipinos accept the authority of the priesthood and the Roman Catholic Church, which is led by the Pope.

For many Filipinos, the time of ‘fiesta’ is an important event within the community. During the Catholic event of fiesta, the local community comes together to celebrate the special day of the patron saint of a town or ‘ barangay ’ (village). It is a time for feasting, bonding and paying homage to the patron saint. Houses are open to guests and plenty of food is served. The fiesta nearly always includes a Mass, but its primary purpose is a social gathering of the community. On a day-to-day level, Catholic iconography is evident throughout the Philippines. Indeed, it is common to find churches and statues of various saints all throughout the country. Moreover, many towns and cities are named after saints (for example, San Miguel [‘Saint Michael’] located in Luzon and Santa Catalina  [‘Saint Catherine’] located in Visayas).

In terms of other Christian denominations, there is a strong presence of Protestant traditions in the Philippines, in part due to the United States colonisation of the country. Many teachers from the United States were Protestants who were responsible for instituting and controlling the public education system of the country. As such, they had a strong influence over the Philippines, particularly with the dispersing of Protestant attitudes and beliefs. The Philippines also contains a number of Indigenous Christian Churches, such as the Iglesia Filipina Independiente  (Independent Philippine Church) and Inglesia ni Kristo (Church of Christ). These churches are usually popular among the marginalised in society who feel disconnected from the Catholic Church.

Islam in the Philippines

Islam was introduced to the southern Philippines from neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia, such as Malaysia and Indonesia. The religion rapidly declined as the main monotheistic religion in the Philippines when the Spanish entered the country. In present day Philippines, most of the Muslim population in the Philippines reside in the southern islands of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan.

Contemporary Muslim Filipino communities are often collectively known as Moros. Most Moros practice Sunni Islam, while a small minority practice Shi’a and Ahmadiyya. Like Catholicism, Islam in the Philippines has absorbed local elements, such as making offerings to spirits ( diwatas ). All Moros tend to share the fundamental beliefs of Islam, but the specific practices and rituals vary from one Moro group to another.

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• Religious Beliefs In The Philippines

The major religion in the Philippines is Roman Catholic Christianity, followed by Islam and other types of Christianity. In the Philippines, all religions are protected by the law, and no one religious belief is given priority over any other. Below is an overview of the largest religions in the country, with data from the CIA World Factbook. 

Roman Catholic Christianity - 80.6%

Roman Catholicism is the largest religion in the Philippines. This religion was first introduced through the Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan in the early 1500s. Magellan, whose original destination was Spice Island, arrived on Cebu Island in the Philippines due to a missed route. He then proceeded to make Roman Catholicism a state religion by first converting the Chief of Cebu, and several hundreds of his followers. Today, a large majority of the population of the Philippines - around 80% - identifies as Roman Catholic.

Protestant Christianity - 8.2%

Protestant Christianity is the second-largest religious group in the Philippines. Evangelical Protestantism was introduced into the Philippines by American missionaries after the Spanish-American War between the late 18th and early 19th Centuries. Some Protestant groups which are affiliated with the Philippine Council of Evangelical Churches (PCEC), however, were established locally, without any foreign influence.

Islam - 5.6%

Islam is the third-largest religion in the Philippines after Catholicism and Christianity. The religion existed in the region for around a century before the spread of Christianity. Islam first spread to Simunul Island in the Philippines through foreign trade with countries such as India . Specifically, it was the Islamic cleric-Karim ul' Makhdum who first introduced the religion to the area. Subsequently, he established the first mosque on the same Island, which is today, the oldest mosque in the country. 

Other - 1.9%

Other minor religions in the country include Hinduism, Judaism, the Baha'i Faith, Indigenous Beliefs, Other Christians, and Atheists.

Indigenous traditions predate the colonial religions of Islam and Christianity in the Philippines. The most predominant views are that of animism, which is the belief that even non-living entities such trees and plants have spirits. Indigenous religions are characterized by the worship of various deities, as opposed to the monotheistic religions. With regards to influence, other religions, even the predominant Roman Catholic, have adopted animism in combination with their own beliefs. This blending is known as religious syncretism.

Other Christian groups in the country include Jehovah's Witnesses, Latter-Day Saints, Assemblies of God, Seventh-day Adventists, and numerous others.

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Faith and development in focus: philippines.

October 1, 2019

The Philippines is a deeply religious society, and institutions and beliefs permeate social, economic, and political institutions. Religious actors are thus deeply engaged in development, from debates and ideas about directions to politics and on the ground implementation. A large majority of citizens of the Philippines are Catholics, with Sunni Islam being the second largest religious community. Additionally, there is a rich and active presence of over 100 Christian denominations. This report provides an overview of the Philippines's religious landscape in relation to major development issues. Supported by the International Partnership on Religion and Sustainable Development (PaRD), the report is part of a broad effort to explore these questions in the context of four countries.

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Mapping faith and development in the philippines.

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Catholicism in the philippines.

Since the colonial period, Catholicism has been the cornerstone of Filipino identity for millions in the Philippines. Catholicism rapidly spread during the early years of Spanish colonialism, in part due to a lack of otherwise centralized religious institutions, other than Islam in the south, which might have challenged it. Its close associations with Filipino identity have placed the Catholic Church at the heart of nationalism, social justice, and other movements, while at the same time has been associated with power, elitism, and exploitation at various points in its history.

Catholicism and the Spanish state were inseparable, and the religious played a predominant role in the administration of the Philippines. As a result, they were deeply implicated in the exploitation of Filipinos; religious orders including the Augustinians, Dominicans, and Recollects, held the largest tracts of land, haciendas and encomiendas granted by the Spanish government, renting plots to tenant farmers. They were also responsible for the religious education and spiritual well-being of their tenants, and some friars championed the interests of their parishes against the exploitation committed by their orders and secular leaders.

By the late Spanish colonial period, the Catholic orders and their friars were the wealthiest and most politically powerful elements within Filipino society. Spanish friars represented the hegemonic power of the Spanish government and foreign Catholic Church, while native priests pushed forward demands for greater authority in in Filipino parishes. Both the Spanish government and the orders blocked efforts by local priests, thereby cultivating a nationalist Filipino priesthood that would support and be supported by the efforts of the 19 th century nationalist movement.

Nationalism and Independence

Catholic priests were among the revolutionary figures that deeply inspired nationalist efforts, especially  José Burgos , Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora, who were executed by the Spanish army on suspicion of fomenting the 1872 Cavite Mutiny. The Katipunan code word, GOMBURZA, was an amalgam of all three names. On the other hand, Spanish friars were vilified in nationalist literature, the most influential of all being  José Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere (1887) , which told stories of corruption in the priesthood, and which was banned in Catholic schools well into the 20 th century.

The coupling of the Catholic Church and Philippine state proved a challenge for the incoming Americans, who promoted a policy of absolute separation between church and state. They also inherited the problem of the Spanish friars, many of whom had no intention of leaving the Philippines despite hostility from nationalist Filipinos. The  Treaty of Paris ensured the orders’ land ownership, but Filipino politicians pushed for the confiscation and redistribution of this land.

While initially it appeared that the Americans favored the friars—much to the fear of the Filipinos—American objectives clearly emphasized the diminution of Catholic power. Americans purchased Catholic-held land from the Church and made it available for sale, ostensibly to the landless, but most land was swept up by wealthy Filipino landholders. At the same time, the American government realized that the Catholic Church held significant power and sought to co-opt it, in part by bringing in American Catholic priests.

Following decades of marginalization and hostility from the American government and Protestant missionaries, the power of the Catholic Church reemerged in the 1930s, in part due its control over Philippine universities, of which the Filipino elite were graduates. As a result, the vast majority of Filipino politicians were Roman Catholic and Catholicism was an important aspect of political identity. Indeed, Ferdinand Marcos , an Aglipayan Catholic , emphasized his adherence to Catholicism and claimed that he had a divine mandate to lead the Philippines.

The Marcos Era

While initially popular, Marcos’ tenure is remembered as a dark period of deep corruption, violence, chaos, and repression of Filipino society. During this period, the Church played various roles. While most priests were largely apolitical and many were afraid of being labeled as “subversives,” thus subject to arrest and abuse, many priests and nuns actively opposed Marcos, some even taking up arms against the state. Marcos initially attempted to coopt the political power of the Church, but quickly became suspicious and turned against it.

By his second term in office, Marcos blamed Catholic priests, many of whom were now openly criticizing him, for fomenting student and leftist protests against his rule. As elsewhere in the world, the Catholic Church in the Philippines was profoundly impacted by  Vatican II and was working more closely with impoverished Filipinos on basic issues of social justice. Marcos worked to discredit the Catholic Church, accusing it of sympathizing with Filipino communists. To heighten his own Catholic credentials, he invited Pope Paul VI to the Philippines, though the Pope himself was unwilling to play the role assigned to him and both he and the Church made a clear and concerted effort to sideline Marcos and his wife from official functions.

With the death of his predecessor in 1974,  Cardinal Jaime Sin assumed the position of Archbishop and immediately became an influential opposition figure. Under his leadership, the Church called for an end to martial law and a full restoration of civil liberties. He also led the Church in fully embracing a mission of social justice through nonviolent action and the complete liberation of Filipinos from all forms of socially-mediated repression. The Church reinvigorated the Spanish system whereby the friar or priest was at the center of public life in impoverished communities, but the active engagement of community members changed the way that Filipinos related to systems of power and authority. Realizing its efficacy, Marcos attempted to limit this contact by requiring that Church groups acquire government approval before working in communities, a move which the Church was able to frame as Marcos preventing the Church from delivering critical services.

In 1981, 5,000 priests and nuns protested in the streets of Cebu City, outraged by fraudulent elections that led to another term for Marcos, with similar protests in other cities. Again, Marcos hoped to use a visit by the Pope (now John Paul II) to improve his image, and a month prior to his visit Marcos ended the period of martial law as a gesture of goodwill. The lifting of martial law empowered the Church to take further action, encouraging people to protest against his presidency. Following the assassination of  Benigno Aquino , Marcos’ most powerful political opponent, the Church rallied around Aquino’s wife, the devoutly Catholic  Corazon Aquino . The Catholic radio station, Radio Veritas, was one of few media outlets that provided coverage of the funeral.

The Church used the pasyon , or Passion of Christ, to frame Benigno’s assassination and Cory’s suffering, drawing parallels between her and Mary. The powerful metaphors of suffering and resurrection deployed by the Church served as the catalyst for widespread protests and support for a Cory Aquino presidency, who took Cardinal Sin as a close adviser. Marcos, believing that he could once again rig elections, called for an early election in 1986. The Church supported the National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections, which sent 500,000 volunteers out to monitor elections, and in sermons emphasized voting as a Christian duty. Cardinal Sin encouraged those who accepted bribes to vote for Aquino anyways, absolving them of the sin of taking Marcos’ money. The Catholic Church was instrumental in the victory of Corazon Aquino, though Marcos himself claimed to have won the presidency.

In response, between February 22 nd and 25 th , the Church helped to organize massive protests in a show of  People Power , in such large numbers that it became impossible for Marcos to ignore. In 1986, he and his family were exiled to Hawaii and Corazon Aquino was sworn in as president.

Steven Shirley, Guided By God: The Legacy of the Catholic Church in Philippine Politics (Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2004).

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Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints

Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints is published by the Ateneo de Manila University

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Religion in the Philippines

In Pictures

Philippines observes Good Friday with crucifixions and whippings

The gruesome spectacle reflects the philippines’ catholicism, which merges church traditions with folk superstitions..

Catholic devotees in the Philippines re-enacting the last moments of Jesus Christ were nailed to wooden crosses while others whipped themselves bloody in extreme displays of religious devotion on Good Friday.

While most Filipinos went to church or spent the holiday with family, thousands gathered in villages around San Fernando city, north of the capital Manila, to watch men punish themselves in a bid to atone for their sins or seek miracles from God.

Dozens of bare-chested flagellants wearing black shrouds and crowns made of vines walked barefoot through dusty, narrow streets, rhythmically flogging their backs with strips of bamboo tied to ropes, their blood soaking the tops of their trousers and splattering onlookers.

In San Juan village, a short, wiry man with wild, white hair playing the role of Jesus Christ and two others were dragged by neighbours dressed as Roman centurions to a raised mound where wooden crosses lay on the ground.

As spectators filmed on their mobile phones, three-inch (7.6-cm) nails were driven into the men’s palms and the crosses were hoisted upright.

Several minutes later the crosses were lowered to the ground and the nails pulled out.

“I will keep doing this while I’m alive, for as long as my body is able to do it. That is my vow,” said retired fisherman Wilfredo Salvador, 67, who began playing the role of Jesus Christ in the mock crucifixions 16 years ago following a mental breakdown.

“This is nothing. Sometimes it heals after a day and I am able to wash dishes and bathe,” Salvador said of his wounds.

Ten people were nailed or strung up on crosses at three crucifixion sites, San Fernando city councillor Reginaldo David told reporters.

The extreme acts are frowned upon by the Catholic Church in the Philippines and health experts.

The Philippine health department urged the public this week to “avoid acts or rites that lead to physical wounds and injuries”.

“We join the pastoral guidance of our faith leaders, guiding all towards religious practices that are safe and healthy,” it said in a statement.

But for devotees like 23-year-old Ian Bautista, who has been taking part in the floggings since he was 15 and is one of four flagellants in his family, the suffering was for a good cause.

“It’s for my mother,” Bautista said, explaining that she had surgery for an ovarian cyst on Monday and that he believed taking part would help her recovery.

“It’s painful but I will do this until my body gives up.”

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Bibliographic Essay: Animist Religion In Pre-Colonial Philippines

2017, De La Salle University, Department of History

Update as of May 2021: DISCLAIMER: For Archival Purposes Only. Does not follow a Bibliographic Essay format.

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This report shows how aspects of Filipino religiosity compare with those found in twelve countries in North America, Australasia, the British Isles, Continental Europe, and the Near East. Data were obtained from a 1991 cross-country survey organized by the International Social Survey Programme, with the Philippine data gathered the same year by the Social Weather Stations (SWS). This report starts with a discussion of religious beliefs and practices, followed by similar cross-country comparisons on items dealing with one's relationship with God on supernatural or folk beliefs, and on the connection between religiosity and secular attitudes. A concluding section lists those areas where Filipinos stand unique relative to other countries and draws out broad implications of these findings for an understanding of Filipino religiosity. The study shows that while levels of religious belief and practice vary considerably from one country to another, religion remains an important aspect of people's lives worldwide. Nowhere is this truer than in the Philippines. The Philippines joins the United States and Ireland as among the most religious and devout countries in the world, and if the ranking was based solely on religiosity self­ratings and feeling "extremely close" to God, the Philippines would stand out as the most religious among the thirteen nations participating in the survey. Filipinos, compared to other nationalities, also appear to have the closest ties to their churches, and that Filipino Catholics, while generally conservative, are more liberal than Filipino non-Catholics as far as sexual attitudes are concerned. However, a sizable proportion, close to half to be precise, are strongly bound to superstitious beliefs; moreover, more than two out of five still cling to a fatalistic view of life. The persistence of animism and fatalism in the Philippines reflects the continuing encounter between official and folk practices that have characterized Filipino religious behavior since the days of Spanish colonization. How this continuing encounter shapes Filipino religiosity, how it affects other areas of Philippine life, and how levels of religiosity vary among subgroups in the population are among the main analytic tasks of social scientists who seek to understand Filipino religious behavior.

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This bibliography represents the research I have done on animism, specifically in the Philippines and, more broadly, over Asia for the last 27 years.

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This is the introduction Manuel Sapitula (University of the Philippines) and I co-wrote for the PSR special issue on the sociology of religion.

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Animism refers to ontologies or worldviews which assign agency and personhood to human and non-human beings alike. Recent years have seen a revival of this concept in anthropology, where it is now discussed as an alternative to modern-Western naturalistic notions of human-environment relations. Based on original fieldwork, this book presents a number of case studies of animism from insular and peninsular Southeast Asia and offers a comprehensive overview of the phenomenon – its diversity and underlying commonalities and its resilience in the face of powerful forces of change. Critically engaging with the current standard notion of animism, based on hunter-gatherer and horticulturalist societies in other regions, it examines the roles of life forces, souls and spirits in local cosmologies and indigenous religion. It proposes an expansion of the concept to societies featuring mixed farming, sacrifice and hierarchy and explores the question of how non-human agents are created through acts of attention and communication , touching upon the relationship between animist ontologies, world religion, and the state. Shedding new light on Southeast Asian religious ethnographic research, the book is a significant contribution to anthropological theory and the revitalization of the concept of animism in the humanities and social sciences.

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