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Philosophy of Money and Finance

Finance and philosophy may seem to be worlds apart. But they share at least one common ancestor: Thales of Miletus. Thales is typically regarded as the first philosopher, but he was also a financial innovator. He appears to have been what we would now call an option trader. He predicted that next year’s olive harvest would be good, and therefore paid a small amount of money to the owners of olive presses for the right to the next year’s use. When the harvest turned out to be as good as predicted, Thales earned a sizable amount of money by renting out the presses (Aristotle, Politics , 1259a).

Obviously, a lot has changed since Thales’ times, both in finance and in our ethical and political attitudes towards finance. Coins have largely been replaced by either paper or electronic money, and we have built a large infrastructure to facilitate transactions of money and other financial assets—with elements including commercial banks, central banks, insurance companies, stock exchanges, and investment funds. This institutional multiplicity is due to concerted efforts of both private and public agents, as well as innovations in financial economics and in the financial industry (Shiller 2012).

Our ethical and political sensitivities have also changed in several respects. It seems fair to say that most traditional ethicists held a very negative attitude towards financial activities. Think, for example, of Jesus’ cleansing of the temple from moneylenders, and the widespread condemnation of money as “the root of all evil”. Attitudes in this regard seem to have softened over time. However, the moral debate continues to recur, especially in connection with large scandals and crises within finance, the largest such crisis in recent memory of course being the global financial crisis of 2008.

This article describes what philosophical analysis can say about money and finance. It is divided into five parts that respectively concern (1) what money and finance really are (metaphysics), (2) how knowledge about financial matters is or should be formed (epistemology), (3) the merits and challenges of financial economics (philosophy of science), (4) the many ethical issues related to money and finance (ethics), and (5) the relationship between finance and politics (political philosophy).

1.1 What is Money?

1.2 what is finance, 2. epistemology, 3. philosophy of science, 4.1.1 the love of money, 4.1.2 usury and interest, 4.1.3 speculation and gambling, 4.2.1 deception and fraud, 4.2.2 avoiding conflicts of interest, 4.2.3 insider trading, 4.3.1 systemic risk and financial crises, 4.3.2 microfinance, 4.3.3 socially responsible investment, 5.1 financialization and democracy, 5.2 finance, money, and domestic justice, 5.3 finance and global justice, other internet resources, related entries, 1. metaphysics.

Money is so ever-present in modern life that we tend to take its existence and nature for granted. But do we know what money actually is? Two competing theories present fundamentally different ontologies of money.

The commodity theory of money: A classic theory, which goes back all the way to Aristotle ( Politics , 1255b–1256b), holds that money is a kind of commodity that fulfills three functions: it serves as (i) a medium of exchange, (ii) a unit of account, and (iii) a store of value. Imagine a society that lacks money, and in which people have to barter goods with each other. Barter only works when there is a double coincidence of wants ; that is, when A wants what B has and B wants what A has. But since such coincidences are likely to be uncommon, a barter economy seems both cumbersome and inefficient (Smith 1776, Menger 1892). At some point, people will realize that they can trade more easily if they use some intermediate good—money. This intermediate good should ideally be easy to handle, store and transport (function i). It should be easy to measure and divide to facilitate calculations (function ii). And it should be difficult to destroy so that it lasts over time (function iii).

Monetary history may be viewed as a process of improvement with regard to these functions of money (Ferguson 2008, Weatherford 1997). For example, some early societies used certain basic necessities as money, such as cattle or grain. Other societies settled on commodities that were easier to handle and to tally but with more indirect value, such as clamshells and precious metals. The archetypical form of money throughout history are gold or silver coins—therefore the commodity theory is sometimes called metallism (Knapp 1924, Schumpeter 1954). Coinage is an improvement on bullion in that both quantity and purity are guaranteed by some third party, typically the government. Finally, paper money can be viewed as a simplification of the trade in coins. For example, a bank note issued by the Bank of England in the 1700s was a promise to pay the bearer a certain pound weight of sterling silver (hence the origin of the name of the British currency as “pounds sterling”).

The commodity theory of money was defended by many classical economists and can still be found in most economics textbooks (Mankiw 2009, Parkin 2011). This latter fact is curious since it has provoked serious and sustained critique. An obvious flaw is that it has difficulties in explaining inflation, the decreasing value of money over time (Innes 1913, Keynes 1936). It has also been challenged on the grounds that it is historically inaccurate. For example, recent anthropological studies question the idea that early societies went from a barter economy to money; instead money seems to have arisen to keep track of pre-existing credit relationships (Graeber 2011, Martin 2013, Douglas 2016).

The credit theory of money: According to the main rival theory, coins and notes are merely tokens of something more abstract: money is a social construction rather than a physical commodity. The abstract entity in question is a credit relationship; that is, a promise from someone to grant (or repay) a favor (product or service) to the holder of the token (Macleod 1889, Innes 1914, Ingham 2004). In order to function as money, two further features are crucial: that (i) the promise is sufficiently credible, that is, the issuer is “creditworthy”; and (ii) the credit is transferable, that is, also others will accept it as payment for trade.

It is commonly thought that the most creditworthy issuer of money is the state. This thought provides an alternative explanation of the predominance of coins and notes whose value is guaranteed by states. But note that this theory also can explain so-called fiat money, which is money that is underwritten by the state but not redeemable in any commodity like gold or silver. Fiat money has been the dominant kind of money globally since 1971, when the United States terminated the convertibility of dollars to gold. The view that only states can issue money is called chartalism , or the state theory of money (Knapp 1924). However, in order to properly understand the current monetary system, it is important to distinguish between states’ issuing versus underwriting money. Most credit money in modern economies is actually issued by commercial banks through their lending operations, and the role of the state is only to guarantee the convertibility of bank deposits into cash (Pettifor 2014).

Criticisms of the credit theory tend to be normative and focus on the risk of overexpansion of money, that is, that states (and banks) can overuse their “printing presses” which may lead to unsustainable debt levels, excessive inflation, financial instability and economic crises. These are sometimes seen as arguments for a return to the gold standard (Rothbard 1983, Schlichter 2014). However, others argue that the realization that money is socially constructed is the best starting point for developing a more sustainable and equitable monetary regime (Graeber 2010, Pettifor 2014). We will return to this political debate below ( section 5.2 ).

The social ontology of money: But exactly how does the “social construction” of money work? This question invokes the more general philosophical issue of social ontology, with regard to which money is often used as a prime example. In an early philosophical-sociological account, Georg Simmel (1900) describes money as an institution that is a crucial precondition for modernity because it allows putting a value on things and simplifies transactions; he also criticizes the way in which money thereby replaces other forms of valuation (see also section 4.1 ).

In the more recent debate, one can distinguish between two main philosophical camps. An influential account of social ontology holds that money is the sort of social institution whose existence depends on “collective intentionality”: beliefs and attitudes that are shared in a community (Searle 1995, 2010). The process starts with someone’s simple and unilateral declaration that something is money, which is a performative speech act. When other people recognize or accept the declaration it becomes a standing social rule. Thus, money is said to depend on our subjective attitudes but is not located (solely) in our minds (see also Lawson 2016, Brynjarsdóttir 2018, Passinsky 2020, Vooys & Dick 2021).

An alternative account holds that the creation of money need not be intentional or declarative in the above sense. Instead money comes about as a solution to a social problem (the double coincidence of wants) – and it is maintained simply because it is functional or beneficial to us (Guala 2016, Hindriks & Guala 2021). Thus what makes something money is not the official declarations of some authority, but rather that it works (functions) as money in a given society (see also Smit et al. 2011; 2016). (For more discussion see the special issue by Hindriks & Sandberg 2020, as well as the entries on social ontology and social institutions ).

One may view “finance” more generally (that is, the financial sector or system) as an extension of the monetary system. It is typically said that the financial sector has two main functions: (1) to maintain an effective payments system; and (2) to facilitate an efficient use of money. The latter function can be broken down further into two parts. First, to bring together those with excess money (savers, investors) and those without it (borrowers, enterprises), which is typically done through financial intermediation (the inner workings of banks) or financial markets (such as stock or bond markets). Second, to create opportunities for market participants to buy and sell money, which is typically done through the invention of financial products, or “assets”, with features distinguished by different levels of risk, return, and maturation.

The modern financial system can thus be seen as an infrastructure built to facilitate transactions of money and other financial assets, as noted at the outset. It is important to note that it contains both private elements (such as commercial banks, insurance companies, and investment funds) and public elements (such as central banks and regulatory authorities). “Finance” can also refer to the systematic study of this system; most often to the field of financial economics (see section 3 ).

Financial assets: Of interest from an ontological viewpoint is that modern finance consists of several other “asset types” besides money; central examples include credit arrangements (bank accounts, bonds), equity (shares or stocks), derivatives (futures, options, swaps, etc.) and funds (trusts). What are the defining characteristics of financial assets?

The typical distinction here is between financial and “real” assets, such as buildings and machines (Fabozzi 2002), because financial assets are less tangible or concrete. Just like money, they can be viewed as a social construction. Financial assets are often derived from or at least involve underlying “real” assets—as, for example, in the relation between owning a house and investing in a housing company. However, financial transactions are different from ordinary market trades in that the underlying assets seldom change hands, instead one exchanges abstract contracts or promises of future transactions. In this sense, one may view the financial market as the “meta-level” of the economy, since it involves indirect trade or speculation on the success of other parts of the economy.

More distinctly, financial assets are defined as promises of future money payments (Mishkin 2016, Pilbeam 2010). If the credit theory of money is correct, they can be regarded as meta-promises: promises on promises. The level of abstraction can sometimes become enormous: For example, a “synthetic collateralized debt obligation” (or “synthetic CDO”), a form of derivative common before the financial crisis, is a promise from person A (the seller) to person B (the buyer) that some persons C to I (speculators) will pay an amount of money depending on the losses incurred by person J (the holder of an underlying derivative), which typically depend on certain portions (so-called tranches) of the cash flow from persons K to Q (mortgage borrowers) originally promised to persons R to X (mortgage lenders) but then sold to person Y (the originator of the underlying derivative). The function of a synthetic CDO is mainly to spread financial risks more thinly between different speculators.

Intrinsic value: Perhaps the most important characteristic of financial assets is that their price can vary enormously with the attitudes of investors. Put simply, there are two main factors that determine the price of a financial asset: (i) the credibility or strength of the underlying promise (which will depend on the future cash flows generated by the asset); and (ii) its transferability or popularity within the market, that is, how many other investors are interested in buying the asset. In the process known as “price discovery”, investors assess these factors based on the information available to them, and then make bids to buy or sell the asset, which in turn sets its price on the market (Mishkin 2016, Pilbeam 2010).

A philosophically interesting question is whether there is such a thing as an “intrinsic” value of financial assets, as is often assumed in discussions about financial crises. For example, a common definition of an “asset bubble” is that this is a situation that occurs when certain assets trade at a price that strongly exceed their intrinsic value—which is dangerous since the bubble can burst and cause an economic shock (Kindleberger 1978, Minsky 1986, Reinhart & Rogoff 2009). But what is the intrinsic value of an asset? The rational answer seems to be that this depends only on the discounted value of the underlying future cash flow—in other words, on (i) and not (ii) above. However, someone still has to assess these factors to compute a price, and this assessment inevitably includes subjective elements. As just noted, it is assumed that different investors have different valuations of financial assets, which is why they can engage in trades on the market in the first place.

A further complication here is that (i) may actually be influenced by (ii). The fundamentals may be influenced by investors’ perceptions of them, which is a phenomenon known as “reflexivity” (Soros 1987, 2008). For example, a company whose shares are popular among investors will often find it easier to borrow more money and thereby to expand its cash flow, in turn making it even more popular among investors. Conversely, when the company’s profits start to fall it may lose popularity among investors, thereby making its loans more expensive and its profits even lower. This phenomenon amplifies the risks posed by financial bubbles (Keynes 1936).

Given the abstractness and complexity of financial assets and relations, as outlined above, it is easy to see the epistemic challenges they raise. For example, what is a proper basis for forming justified beliefs about matters of money and finance?

A central concept here is that of risk. Since financial assets are essentially promises of future money payments, a main challenge for financial agents is to develop rational expectations or hypotheses about relevant future outcomes. The two main factors in this regard are (1) expected return on the asset, which is typically calculated as the value of all possible outcomes weighted by their probability of occurrence, and (2) financial risk, which is typically calculated as the level of variation in these returns. The concept of financial risk is especially interesting from a philosophical viewpoint since it represents the financial industry’s response to epistemic uncertainty. It is often argued that the financial system is designed exactly to address or minimize financial risks—for example, financial intermediation and markets allow investors to spread their money over several assets with differing risk profiles (Pilbeam 2010, Shiller 2012). However, many authors have been critical of mainstream operationalizations of risk which tend to focus exclusively on historical price volatility and thereby downplay the risk of large-scale financial crises (Lanchester 2010, Thamotheram & Ward 2014).

This point leads us further to questions about the normativity of belief and knowledge. Research on such topics as the ethics of belief and virtue epistemology considers questions about the responsibilities that subjects have in epistemic matters. These include epistemic duties concerning the acquisition, storage, and transmission of information; the evaluation of evidence; and the revision or rejection of belief (see also ethics of belief ). In line with a reappraisal of virtue theory in business ethics, it is in particular virtue epistemology that has attracted attention from scholars working on finance. For example, while most commentators have focused on the moral failings that led to the financial crisis of 2008, a growing literature examines epistemic failures.

Epistemic failings in finance can be detected both at the level of individuals and collectives (de Bruin 2015). Organizations may develop corporate epistemic virtue along three dimensions: through matching epistemic virtues to particular functions (e.g., diversity at the board level); through providing adequate organizational support for the exercise of epistemic virtue (e.g., knowledge management techniques); and by adopting organizational remedies against epistemic vice (e.g., rotation policies). Using this three-pronged approach helps to interpret such epistemic failings as the failure of financial due diligence to spot Bernard Madoff’s notorious Ponzi scheme (uncovered in the midst of the financial crisis) (de Bruin 2014a, 2015).

Epistemic virtue is not only relevant for financial agents themselves, but also for other institutions in the financial system. An important example concerns accounting (auditing) firms. Accounting firms investigate businesses in order to make sure that their accounts (annual reports) offer an accurate reflection of the financial situation. While the primary intended beneficiaries of these auditing services are shareholders (and the public at large), accountants are paid by the firms they audit. This remuneration system is often said to lead to conflicts of interest. While accounting ethics is primarily concerned with codes of ethics and other management tools to minimize these conflicts of interests, an epistemological perspective may help to show that the business-auditor relationship should be seen as involving a joint epistemic agent in which the business provides evidence, and the auditor epistemic justification (de Bruin 2013). We will return to issues concerning conflicts of interest below (in section 4.2 ).

Epistemic virtue is also important for an effective governance or regulation of financial activities. For example, a salient epistemic failing that contributed to the 2008 financial crisis seems to be the way that Credit Rating Agencies rated mortgage-backed securities and other structured finance instruments, and with related failures of financial due diligence, and faulty risk management (Warenski 2008). Credit Rating Agencies provide estimates of credit risk of bonds that institutional investors are legally bound to use in their investment decisions. This may, however, effectively amount to an institutional setup in which investors are forced by law partly to outsource their risk management, which fails to foster epistemic virtue (Booth & de Bruin 2021, de Bruin 2017). Beyond this, epistemic failures can also occur among regulators themselves, as well as among relevant policy makers (see further in section 5.1 ).

A related line of work attests to the relevance of epistemic injustice to finance. Taking Fricker’s (2009) work as a point of departure, de Bruin (2021) examines testimonial injustice in financial services, whereas Mussell (2021) focuses on the harms and wrongs of testimonial injustice as they occur in the relationship between trustees and fiduciaries.

Compared to financial practitioners, one could think that financial economists should be at an epistemic advantage in matters of money and finance. Financial economics is a fairly young but well established discipline in the social sciences that seeks to understand, explain, and predict activities within financial markets. However, a few months after the crash in 2008, Queen Elizabeth II famously asked a room full of financial economists in London why they had not predicted the crisis (Egidi 2014). The Queen’s question should be an excellent starting point for an inquiry into the philosophy of science of financial economics. Yet only a few philosophers of science have considered finance specifically (Vergara Fernández & de Bruin 2021). [ 1 ]

Some important topics in financial economics have received partial attention, including the Modigliani-Miller capital structure irrelevance theorem (Hindriks 2008), the efficient market hypothesis (Collier 2011), the Black-Scholes option pricing model (Weatherall 2017), portfolio theory (Walsh 2015), financial equilibrium models (Farmer & Geanakoplos 2009), the concept of money (Mäki 1997), and behavioral finance (Brav, Heaton, & Rosenberg 2004), even though most of the debate still occurs among economists interested in methodology rather than among philosophers. A host of topics remain to be investigated, however: the concept of Value at Risk (VaR) (and more broadly the concept of financial risk), the capital asset pricing model (CAPM), the Gaussian copula, random walks, financial derivatives, event studies, forecasting (and big data), volatility, animal spirits, cost of capital, the various financial ratios, the concept of insolvency, and neurofinance, all stand in need of more sustained attention from philosophers.

Most existing work on finance in philosophy of science is concerned with models and modelling (see also models in science and philosophy of economics ). It seems intuitive to view financial markets as extremely complex systems: with so many different factors at play, predicting the price of securities (shares, bonds, etc.) seems almost impossible. Yet mainstream financial economics is firmly committed to the idea that market behavior should be understood as ultimately resulting from interactions of agents maximizing their expected utility. This is a direct application of the so-called neoclassical school of economics that was developed during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While this school continues to dominate textbooks in the field, there is a growing scholarly trend that seeks to criticize, complement or even replace some of its main assumptions. We can see how the problems play out in both corporate finance and asset pricing theory.

Corporate finance concerns the financing of firms. One question concerns a firm’s capital structure: should a firm obtain funding through equity (that is, from shareholders expecting dividends) or through debt (that is, from bondholders who lend money to the firm and have a contractual right to receive interest on the loans), or through a combination of the two. A key result in corporate finance is the Modigliani-Miller theorem, which says that a firm’s capital structure is irrelevant to its market value (Modigliani & Miller 1958). This theorem makes a number of highly unrealistic assumptions, among them the assumption that markets are efficient, and that there are no taxes. Alongside many other results in economics, it may therefore be considered as useless for predictive purposes; or even as dangerous, once used for such purposes nonetheless (Egidi 2014). In a detailed study of the Modigliani-Miller theorem, Hindriks (2008) has argued, however, that the value of highly idealized models in economics may lie in their providing counterfactual insights, just as in physics. Galileo’s law of free fall tells us what happens in a vacuum. Despite the fact that vacuum is rare in reality, the law is not uninformative, because it allows us to associate observed phenomena to the extent to which an unrealistic assumption must be relaxed. Similarly, if one of the assumptions that the Modigliani-Miller theorem makes is the absence of taxes, the observed relevance of capital structure may well have to be explained as resulting from particular tax regimes. The explanation obtained by relaxing unrealistic assumptions is called “explanation by concretization” (Hindriks 2008).

Explanation by concretization works if models and reality share at least a few concrete features. This is arguably the case for many extant models in finance, including models of bubbles and crises that are immediately relevant to explaining the 2008 crisis (Abreu & Brunnermeier 2003). A fairly recent development called “econophysics” may, however, be an exception. Econophysics uses physics methods to model financial markets (see Rickles 2007 for an overview). Where traditional models of crises include individual investors with beliefs and desires modelled by probability distributions and utility functions, econophysics models capture crises the way physicists model transitions of matter from fluid to solid state (Kuhlmann 2014).

Next, consider asset pricing theory. Ever since Bachelier’s groundbreaking mathematical treatment of asset pricing, financial economists have struggled to find the best way to determine the price developments of securities such as shares, bonds, and derivative instruments such as options. The mathematics of financial returns has received some attention in the literature (de Bruin & Walter 2017; Ippoliti & Chen 2017). Most models assume that returns follow Gaussian random walks, that is, stochastic processes in discrete time with independent and identically distributed increments. Empirical studies show, however, that returns are more peaked than Gaussian distributions, and that they have “fat tails”. This means that extreme events such as financial crises are far less improbable than the models assume. An exception with regards to these assumptions is Benoît Mandelbrot’s (1963) well-known contribution to financial mathematics, and work in this direction is gaining traction in mathematical finance.

A third aspect of financial models concerns the way they incorporate uncertainty (Bertolotti & Magnani 2017). Some of the problems of contemporary financial (and macroeconomic) models are due to the way they model uncertainty as risk, as outlined above (Frydman & Goldberg 2013). Both neo-classical models and behavioral economics capture uncertainty as probabilistic uncertainty, consequently ignoring Knightian uncertainty (Knight 1921 see also decision theory ). The philosophy of science literature that pertains to financial economics is, however, still fairly small (Vergara Fernández & de Bruin 2021).

Having considered the epistemic and scientific challenges of finance, we now turn to the broad range of compelling ethical challenges related to money and finance. The present part is divided into three sections, discussing 1) the claim that financial activities are always morally suspect, 2) various issues of fairness that can arise in financial markets, and 3) discussions about the social responsibilities of financial agents.

4.1 Money as the Root of All Evil?

Throughout cultural history, activities that involve money or finance have been subject to intense moral scrutiny and ethical debate. It seems fair to say that most traditional ethicists held a very negative attitude towards such activities. We will here discuss three very sweeping criticisms, respectively directed at the love of money (the profit motive), usury (lending at interest), and speculation (gambling in finance).

At the heart of many sweeping criticisms of money and finance lies the question of motive. For instance, the full Biblical quotation says that “the love of money is the root of all [kinds of] evil” (1 Timothy 6:10). To have a “love of money”, or (in less moralistic words) a profit motive, means to seek money for its own sake. It has been the subject of much moral criticism throughout history and continues to be controversial in popular morality.

There are three main variations of the criticism. A first variation says that there is something unnatural about the profit motive itself. For example, Aristotle argued that we should treat objects in ways that are befitting to their fundamental nature, and since money is not meant to be a good in itself but only a medium of exchange (see section 1.1 ), he concluded that it is unnatural to desire money as an end in itself ( Politics , 1252a–1260b). A similar thought is picked up by Marx, who argues that capitalism replaces the natural economic cycle of C–M–C (commodity exchanged for money exchanged for commodity) with M–C–M (money exchanged for commodity exchanged for money). Thus the endless accumulation of money becomes the sole goal of the capitalist, which Marx describes as a form of “fetishism” (Marx 1867, volume I).

A second variation of the criticism concerns the character, or more precisely the vice, that the profit motive is thought to exemplify (see also virtue ethics ). To have a love for money is typically associated with selfishness and greed, i.e., a desire to have as much as possible for oneself and/or more than one really needs (McCarty 1988, Walsh & Lynch 2008). Another association is the loss of moral scruples so that one is ready to do anything for money. The financial industry is often held out as the worst in this regard, especially because of its high levels of compensation. Allegations of greed soared after the 2008 crisis, when financial executives continued to receive million-dollar bonuses while many ordinary workers lost their jobs (Piketty 2014, McCall 2010, Andersson & Sandberg 2019).

A third variation of the criticism says that the profit motive signals the absence of more appropriate motives. Kant argued that actions only have moral worth if they are performed for moral reasons, or, more specifically, for the sake of duty. Thus it is not enough that we do what is right, we must also do it because it is right (Kant 1785). Another relevant Kantian principle is that we never should treat others merely as means for our own ends, but always also as ends in themselves (see also Kant’s moral philosophy ). Both of these principles seem to contrast with the profit motive which therefore is rendered morally problematic (Bowie 1999, Maitland 2002). It should come as no surprise that Kant was a strong critic of several examples of “commodification” and other market excesses (see also markets ).

There are two main lines of defensive argumentation. The most influential is Adam Smith’s well-known argument about the positive side-effects of a self-interested pursuit of profits: although the baker and brewer only aim at their own respective good, Smith suggested, they are “led by an invisible hand” to at the same time promote the public good (Smith 1776, see also Mandeville 1732). This argument is typically viewed as a consequentialist vindication of the profit motive (see also consequentialism ): positive societal effects can morally outweigh the possible shortcomings in individual virtue (Flew 1976).

A second argument is more direct and holds that the profit motive can exemplify a positive virtue. For example, there is the well-known Protestant work ethic that emphasizes the positive nature of hard work, discipline and frugality (Long 1972, Wesley 1771). The profit motive can, on this view, be associated with virtues such as ambition, industry, and discipline (see also Brennan 2021). According to Max Weber (1905), the Protestant work ethic played an important role in the development of capitalism. But it is not clear whether any of these arguments can justify an exclusive focus on profits, of course, or rather give permission to also focus on profits under certain circumstances.

If having a love of money seems morally suspect, then the practice of making money on money—for instance, lending money at interest—could seem even worse. This is another sweeping criticism directed at finance that can be found among the traditional ethicists. Societies in both Ancient and Medieval times typically condemned or banned the practice of “usury”, which originally meant all charging of interest on loans. As the practice started to become socially acceptable, usury came to mean the charging of excessive rates of interest. However, modern Islam still contains a general prohibition against interest, and many countries still have at least partial usury laws, most often setting an upper limit on interest rates.

What could be wrong with lending at interest? Some of the more obscure arguments concern the nature of money (again): Aristotle argued that there is something unnatural with “money begetting money”. While he allowed that money is a useful means for facilitating commercial exchange, Aristotle thought that it has no productive use in itself and so receiving interest over and above the borrowed amount is unnatural and wrong ( Politics , 1258b). A related argument can be found in Aquinas, who argued that money is a good that is consumed on use. Although a lender can legitimately demand repayment of an amount equivalent to the loan, it is illegitimate to demand payment for the use of the borrowed amount and so adding interest is unnatural and wrong ( Summa Theologica , II–II, Q78).

Some more promising arguments concern justice and inequality. For example, as early as Plato we see the expression of the worry that allowing interest may lead to societal instability ( The Republic , II). It may be noted that the biblical condemnations of usury most straightforwardly prohibit interest-taking from the poor. One idea here is that we have a duty of charity to the poor and charging interest is incompatible with this duty. Another idea is that the problem lies in the outcome of interest payments: Loans are typically extended by someone who is richer (someone with capital) to someone who is poorer (someone without it) and so asking for additional interest may increase the inequitable distribution of wealth (Sandberg 2012, Visser & MacIntosh 1998). A third idea, which is prominent in the protestant tradition, is that lending often involves opportunism or exploitation in the sense of offering bad deals to poor people who have no other options (Graafland 2010).

The Islamic condemnation of interest, or riba , adds an additional, third line of argument which holds that interest is essentially unearned or undeserved income: Since the lender neither partakes in the actual productive use of the money lent, nor exposes him- or herself to commercial risk, the lender cannot legitimately share in the gains produced by the loan (Ayub 2007, Birnie 1952, Thomas 2006). Based on this argument, contemporary Islamic banks insist that lenders and borrowers must form a business partnership in order for fees on loans to be morally legitimate (Ayub 2007, Warde 2010). Economists have over the years given several retorts to this argument. Some economists stress that lending also involves risk (e.g., that the borrower defaults and is unable to repay); others stress the so-called opportunity costs of lending (i.e., that the money could have been used more profitably elsewhere); and yet again others stress the simple time-preference of individuals (i.e., that we value present more than future consumption, and therefore the lender deserves compensation for postponing consumption).

The gradual abandonment of the medieval usury laws in the West is typically attributed to a growing acknowledgment of the great potential for economic growth unleashed by easy access to capital. One could perhaps say that history itself disproved Aristotle: money indeed proved to have a productive use. In a short text from 1787, Bentham famously poked fun at many of the classical anti-usury arguments and defended the practice of charging interest from a utilitarian standpoint (Bentham 1787). However, this does not mean that worries about the ethics of charging interest, and allegations of usury, have disappeared entirely in society. As noted above, usury today means charging interest rates that seem excessive or exorbitant. For instance, many people are outraged by the rates charged on modern payday loans, or the way in which rich countries exact interest on their loans from poor countries (Baradaran 2015, Graeber 2011, Herzog 2017a). These intuitions have clear affinities with the justice-based arguments outlined above.

A sweeping criticism of a more contemporary nature concerns the supposed moral defects of speculation. This criticism tends to be directed towards financial activities that go beyond mere lending. Critics of the capitalist system often liken the stock market to a casino and investors to gamblers or punters (Sinn 2010, Strange 1986). More moderate critics insist on a strict distinction between investors or shareholders, on the one hand, and speculators or gamblers, on the other (Bogle 2012, Sorell & Hendry 1994). In any case, the underlying assumption is that the similarities between modern financial activities and gambling are morally troublesome.

On some interpretations, these concerns are similar to those raised above. For example, some argue that speculators are driven by the profit motive whereas investors have a genuine concern for the underlying business enterprise (Hendry 2013). Others see speculation as “parasitic”, that is, to be without productive use, and solely dependent on luck (Borna & Lowry 1987, Ryan 1902). This latter argument is similar to the complaint about undeserved income raised in particular by Islamic scholars (Ayub 2007, Warde 2010).

A more distinct interpretation holds that speculation typically includes very high levels of risk-taking (Borna & Lowry 1987). This is morally problematic when the risks not only affect the gambler him or herself but also society as a whole. A root cause of the financial crisis of 2008 was widespread speculation on very risky derivatives such as “synthetic collateralized debt obligations” (see section 1.2 ). When the value of such derivatives fell dramatically, the financial system as a whole came to the brink of collapse. We will return to this issue below (in section 4.3.1 ). In this regard, the question of risk imposition becomes important too (Moggia 2021).

A related interpretation concerns the supposed short-sightedness of speculation. It is often argued that financial agents and markets are “myopic” in the sense that they care only about profits in the very near term, e.g., the next quarter (Dallas 2012). Modern disclosure requirements force companies to publish quarterly earnings reports. The myopia of finance is typically blamed for negative effects such as market volatility, the continuous occurrence of manias and crashes, inadequate investment in social welfare, and the general shortsightedness of the economy (e.g., Lacke 1996).

Defenders of speculation argue that it can serve a number of positive ends. To the extent that all financial activities are speculative in some sense, of course, the ends coincide with the function of finance more generally: to channel funds to the individuals or companies who can use them in the most productive ways. But even speculation in the narrower sense—of high-risk, short-term bets—can have a positive role to play: It can be used to “hedge” or off-set the risks of more long-term investments, and it contributes to sustaining “market liquidity” (that is, as a means for providing counterparties to trade with at any given point of time) which is important for an efficient pricing mechanism (Angel & McCabe 2009, Koslowski 2009).

4.2 Fairness in Financial Markets

Let us now assume that the existence of financial markets is at least in general terms ethically acceptable, so that we can turn to discuss some of the issues involved in making them fair and just for all parties involve. We will focus on three such issues: deception and fraud (honesty), conflicts of interest (care for customers), and insider trading (fair play).

Some of the best-known ethical scandals in finance are cases of deception or fraud. Enron, a huge US corporation, went bankrupt after it was discovered that its top managers had “cooked the books”, i.e., engaged in fraudulent accounting practices, keeping huge debts off the company’s balance sheet in an effort to make it look more profitable (McLean & Elkind 2003). Other scandals in the industry have involved deceptive marketing practices, hidden fees or costs, undisclosed or misrepresented financial risks, and outright Ponzi schemes (see section 2 ).

While these examples seem obvious, on further examination it is not easy to give an exact definition of financial deception or fraud. The most straightforward case seems to be deliberately misrepresenting or lying about financial facts. However, this assumes that there is such a thing as a financial fact, i.e., a correct way of representing a financial value or transaction. In light of the socially constructed nature of money and finance (see section 1 ), this may not always be clear. Less straightforward cases include simply concealing or omitting financial information, or refraining from obtaining the information in the first place.

A philosophical conception of fraud, inspired by Kant, defines it as denying to the weaker party in a financial transaction (such as a consumer or investor) information that is necessary to make a rational (or autonomous) decision (Boatright 2014, Duska & Clarke 2002). Many countries require that the seller of a financial product (such a company issuing shares) must disclose all information that is “material” to the product. It is an interesting question whether this suggestion, especially the conception of rationality involved, should include or rule out a consideration of the ethical nature of the product (such as the ethical nature of the company’s operations) (Lydenberg 2014). Furthermore, there may be information that is legitimately excluded by other considerations, such as the privacy of individuals or companies commonly protected by “bank secrecy” laws.

But is access to adequate information enough? A complication here is that the weaker party, especially ordinary consumers, may have trouble processing the information sufficiently well to identify cases of fraud. This is a structural problem in finance that has no easy fix, because financial products are often abstract, complex, and difficult to price. Therefore, full autonomy of agents may not only require access to adequate information, but also access to sufficient know how, processing ability and resources to analyze the information (Boatright 2014). One solution is to require that the financial services industry promotes transparent communication in which they track the understanding of ordinary consumers (de Bruin 2014b, Endörfer & De Bruin 2019, Shiller 2012).

Due to the problems just noted, the majority of ordinary consumers refrain from engaging in financial markets on their own and instead rely on the services of financial intermediaries, such as banks, investment funds, and insurance companies. But this opens up new ethical problems that are due to the conflicts of interest inherent in financial intermediation. Simply put, the managers or employees of intermediaries have ample opportunity, and often also incentives, to misuse their customers’ money and trust.

Although it is once again difficult to give an exact definition, the literature is full of examples of such misuse—including so-called churning (trading excessively to generate high fees), stuffing (selling the bank’s undesired assets to a client), front-running (buying an asset for the bank first and then reselling it to the client at a higher price) and tailgating (mimicking a client’s trade to piggyback on his/her information) (Dilworth 1994; Heacock, Hill, & Anderson 1987). Interestingly, some argue that the whole industry of actively managed investment funds may be seen as a form of fraud. According to economic theory, namely, it is impossible to beat the average returns of the market for any given level of financial risk, at least in the long term. Therefore, funds who claim that they can do this for a fee are basically cheating their clients (cf. Hendry 2013, Kay 2015).

A legal doctrine that aims to protect clients is so-called fiduciary duty, which imposes obligations on fiduciaries (those entrusted with others’ money) to act in the sole interest of beneficiaries (those who own the money). The interests referred to are typically taken to be financial interests, so the obligation of the fiduciary is basically to maximize investment returns. But some argue that there are cases in which beneficiaries’ broader interests should take precedence, such as when investing in fossil fuels may give high financial returns but pose serious risks to people’s future (Lydenberg 2014; Sandberg 2013, 2016). In any case, it is often thought that fiduciary duties go beyond the ideal of a free market to instead give stronger protection to the weaker party of a fragile relationship.

As an alternative or compliment to fiduciary duty, some argue for the adoption of a code of ethics or professional conduct by financial professionals. A code of ethics would be less arduous in legal terms and is therefore more attractive to free market proponents (Koslowski 2009). It can also cover other fragile relationships (including those of bank-depositor, advisor-client, etc.). Just as doctors and lawyers have a professional code, then, so finance professionals could have one that stresses values such as honesty, due care and accuracy (de Bruin 2016, Graafland & Ven 2011). But according to critics, the financial industry is simply too subdivided into different roles and competencies to have a uniform code of ethics (Ragatz & Duska 2010). It is also unclear whether finance can be regarded as a profession in the traditional sense, which typically requires a body of specialized knowledge, high degrees of organization and self-regulation, and a commitment to public service (Boatright 2014, Herzog 2019).

Probably the most well-known ethical problem concerning fairness in finance, and also perhaps the one on which philosophers most disagree, is so-called insider trading. Put simply, this occurs when an agent uses his or her position within, or privileged information about, a company to buy or sell its shares (or other related financial assets) at favorable times and prices. For example, a CEO may buy shares in his or her company just before it announces a major increase in earnings that will boost the share price. While there is no fraud or breach of fiduciary duty, the agent seems to be exploiting an asymmetry of information.

Just as in the cases above, it is difficult to give an exact definition of insider trading, and the scope of its operative definition tends to vary across jurisdictions. Most commentators agree that it is the information and its attendant informational asymmetry that counts and, thus, the “insider” need not be inside the company at all—those abusing access to information could be family, friends or other tippees (Irvine 1987a, Moore 1990). Indeed, some argue that even stock analysts or journalists can be regarded as insiders if they trade on information that they have gathered themselves but not yet made publicly available. It is also debatable whether an actual trade has to take place or whether insider trading can consist in an omission to trade based on inside information, or also in enabling others to trade or not trade (Koslowski 2009).

Several philosophical perspectives have been used to explain what (if anything) is wrong with insider trading. A first perspective invokes the concept of fair play. Even in a situation with fully autonomous traders, the argument goes, market transactions are not fair if one party has access to information that the other has not. Fair play requires a “level playing field”, i.e., that no participant starts from an unfairly advantaged position (Werhane 1989, 1991). However, critics argue that this perspective imposes excessive demands of informational equality. There are many asymmetries of information in the market that are seemingly unproblematic, e.g., that an antiquary knows more about antiques than his or her customers (Lawson 1988, Machan 1996). So might it be the inaccessibility of inside information that is problematic? But against this, one could argue that, in principle, outsiders have the possibility to become insiders and thus to obtain the exact same information (Lawson 1988, Moore 1990).

A second perspective views insider trading as a breach of duty, not towards the counterparty in the trade but towards the source of the information. US legislation treats inside information as the property of the underlying company and, thus, insider trading is essentially a form of theft of corporate property (often called the misappropriation theory) (Lawson 1988). A related suggestion is that it can be seen as a violation of the fiduciary duty that insiders have towards the company for which they work (Moore 1990). However, critics argue that the misappropriation theory misrepresents the relationship between companies and insiders. On the one hand, there are many normal business situations in which insiders are permitted or even expected to spread inside information to outside sources (Boatright 2014). On the other hand, if the information is the property of the company, why do we not allow it to be “sold” to insiders as a form of remuneration? (Engelen & van Liedekerke 2010, Manne 1966)

A third perspective deals with the effects, both direct and indirect, of allowing insider trading. Interestingly, many argue that the direct effects of such a policy might be positive. As noted above, one of the main purposes of financial markets is to form (or “discover”) prices that reflect all available information about a company. Since insider trading contributes important information, it is likely to improve the process of price discovery (Manne 1966). Indeed, the same reasoning suggests that insider trading actually helps the counterparty in the trade to get a better price (since the insider’s activity is likely to move the price in the “right” direction) so it is a victimless crime (Engelen & Liedekerke 2010). However, others express concern over the indirect effects, which are likely to be more negative. Allowing insider trading may erode the moral standards of market participants by favoring opportunism over fair play (Werhane 1989). Moreover, many people may be dissuaded from even participating in the market since they feel that it is “rigged” to their disadvantage (Strudler 2009).

4.3 The Social Responsibility of Finance

We will now move on to take a societal view on finance, and discuss ideas relating to the broader social responsibilities of financial agents, that go beyond their basic role as market participants. We will discuss three such ideas here, respectively focusing on systemic risk (a responsibility to avoid societal harm), microfinance (a responsibility towards the poor or unbanked), and socially responsible investment (a responsibility to help address societal challenges).

One root cause of the financial crisis of 2008 was the very high levels of risk-taking of many banks and other financial agents. When these risks materialized, the financial system came to the brink of collapse. Many banks lost so much money that their normal lending operations were hampered, which in turn had negative effects on the real economy, with the result that millions of “ordinary” people around the world lost their jobs. Many governments stepped in to bail out the banks and in consequence sacrificed other parts of public spending. This is a prime example of how certain financial activities, when run amok, can have devastating effects on third parties and society in general.

Much subsequent debate has focused on so-called systemic risk, that is, the risk of failures across several agents which impairs the functioning of the financial system as such (Brunnermeier & Oehmke 2013, Smaga 2014). The concept of systemic risk gives rise to several prominent ethical issues. To what extent do financial agents have a moral duty to limit their contributions to systemic risk? It could be argued that financial transactions always carry risk and that this is “part of the game”. But the important point about systemic risk is that financial crises have negative effects on third parties (so-called externalities). This constitutes a prima facie case for a duty of precaution on the part of financial agents, based on the social responsibility to avoid causing unnecessary harm (James 2017, Linarelli 2017). In cases where precaution is impossible, one could add a related duty of rectification or compensation to the victims of the harm (Endörfer 2022). It is, however, a matter of philosophical dispute whether finance professionals can be held morally responsible for these harms (de Bruin 2018, Moggia 2021).

Two factors determine how much an agent’s activity contributes to systemic risk (Brunnermeier & Oehmke 2013, Smaga 2014). The first is financial risk of the agent’s activity in the traditional sense, i.e., the probability and size of the potential losses for that particular agent. A duty of precaution may here be taken to imply, e.g., stricter requirements on capital and liquidity reserves (roughly, the money that the agents must keep in their coffers for emergency situations) (Admati & Hellwig 2013). The second factor is the agent’s place in the financial system, which typically is measured by its interconnectedness with—and thereby potential for cascading effects upon—other agents. This factor indicates that the duty of precaution is stronger for financial agents that are “systemically important” or, as the saying goes, “too-big-to-fail” institutions (Stiglitz 2009).

As an alternative to the reasoning above, one may argue that the duty of precaution is more properly located on the collective, i.e., political level (James 2012, 2017). We return to this suggestion below (in section 5.1 ).

Even in normal times, people with very low income or wealth have hardly any access to basic financial services. Commercial banks have little to gain from offering such services to them; there is an elevated risk of loan losses (since the poor lack collateral) and it is costly to administer a large amount of very small loans (Armendáriz & Morduch 2010). Moreover, there will likely be cases where some bank officers discriminate against underprivileged groups, even where extensive legal protection is in place. An initiative that seeks to remedy these problems is “microfinance”, that is, the extension of financial services, such as lending and saving, to poor people who are otherwise “unbanked”. The initiative started in some of the poorest countries of the world, such as Bangladesh and India.

The justifications offered for microfinance are similar to the justifications offered for development aid. A popular justification holds that affluent people have a duty of assistance towards the poor, and microfinance is thought to be a particularly efficient way to alleviate poverty (Yunus 1998, 2007). But is this correct? Judging from the growing number of empirical “impact studies”, it seems more correct to say that microfinance is sometimes helpful, but at other times can be either ineffective or have negative side-effects (Hudon & Sandberg 2013, Roodman 2012). Another justification holds that there is a basic human right to subsistence, and that this includes a right to savings and credit (Hudon 2009, Meyer 2018). But critics argue that the framework of human rights is not a good fit for financial services that come with both benefits and challenges (Gershman & Morduch 2015, Sorell 2015).

Microfinance is of course different from development aid in that it involves commercial banking relations. This invites the familiar political debate of state- versus market-based support. Proponents of microfinance argue that traditional state-led development projects have been too rigid and corrupt, whereas market-based initiatives are more flexible and help people to help themselves (Armendáriz & Morduch 2010, Yunus 2007). According to critics, however, it is the other way around: Markets will tend to breed greed and inequality, whereas real development is created by large-scale investments in education and infrastructure (Bateman 2010, H. Weber 2004).

In recent years, the microfinance industry has witnessed several “ethical scandals” that seemingly testify to the risk of market excesses. Reports have indicated that interest rates on microloans average at 20–30% per annum, and can sometimes be in excess of 100%, which is much higher than the rates for non-poor borrowers. This raises questions about usury (Hudon & Ashta 2013; Rosenberg, Gonzalez, & Narain 2009). However, some suggest a defense of “second best”, or last resort, when other sources of aid or cheaper credit are unavailable (Sandberg 2012). Microfinance institutions have also been accused of using coercive lending techniques and forceful loan recovery practices (Dichter & Harper (eds) 2007; Priyadarshee & Ghalib 2012). This raises questions about the ethical justifiability of commercial activity directed at the desperately poor, because very poor customers may have no viable alternative to accepting deals that are both unfair and exploitative (Arnold & Valentin 2013, Hudon & Sandberg 2013).

Socially responsible investment refers to the emerging practice whereby financial agents give weight to putatively ethical, social or environmental considerations in investment decisions—e.g., decisions about what bonds or stocks to buy or sell, or how to engage with the companies in one’s portfolio. This is sometimes part of a strictly profit-driven investment philosophy, based on the assumption that companies with superior social performance also have superior financial performance (Richardson & Cragg 2010). But more commonly, it is perceived as an alternative to mainstream investment. The background argument here is that market pricing mechanisms, and financial markets in particular, seem to be unable to promote sufficient levels of social and environmental responsibility in firms. Even though there is widespread social agreement on the evils of sweatshop labor and environmental degradation, for instance, mainstream investors are still financing enterprises that sustain such unjustifiable practices. Therefore, there is a need for a new kind of investor with a stronger sense of social responsibility (Sandberg 2008, Cowton & Sandberg 2012).

The simplest and most common approach among these alternative investors is to avoid investments in companies that are perceived to be ethically problematic. This is typically justified from a deontological idea to the effect that it is wrong to invest in someone else’s wrongdoing (Irvine 1987b, Langtry 2002, Larmer 1997). There are at least three interpretations of such moral “taint”: (1) the view that it is wrong in itself to profit from others’ wrongdoings, or to benefit from other people’s suffering; (2) the view that it is wrong to harm others, or also to facilitate harm to other; or (3) the view that there is a form of expressive or symbolic wrongdoing involved in “morally supporting” or “accepting” wrongful activities.

The deontological perspective above has been criticized for being too black-and-white. On the one hand, it seems difficult to find any investment opportunity that is completely “pure” or devoid of possible moral taint (Kolers 2001). On the other hand, the relationship between the investor and the investee is not as direct as one may think. To the extent that investors buy and sell shares on the stock market, they are not engaging with the underlying companies but rather with other investors. The only way in which such transactions could benefit the companies would be through movements in the share price (which determines the companies’ so-called cost of capital), but it is extremely unlikely that a group of ethical investors can significantly affect that price. After all, the raison d’être of stock exchanges is exactly to create markets that are sufficiently liquid to maintain stable prices (Haigh & Hazelton 2004, Hudson 2005). In response to this, the deontologist could appeal to some notion of universalizability or collective responsibility: perhaps the right question to ask is not “what happens if I do this?” but instead “what happens if we all do this?”. However, such more complicated philosophical positions have problems of their own (see also rule consequentialism and collective responsibility )

A rival perspective on socially responsible investment is the (more straightforward) consequentialist idea that investors’ duty towards society consists in using their financial powers to promote positive societal goods, such as social justice and environmental sustainability. This perspective is typically taken to prefer more progressive investment practices, such as pushing management to adopt more ambitious social policies and/or seeking out environmentally friendly technology firms (Mackenzie 1997, Sandberg 2008). Of course, the flip side of such practices, which may explain why they are less common in the market, is that they invite greater financial risks (Sandberg 2011). It remains an open question whether socially responsible investment will grow enough in size to make financial markets a force for societal change.

Recent work has started exploring whether concrete sustainable finance policies (such as those suggested by the European Commission’s Sustainable Finance Action Plan) will generate sufficient funds to pay for climate change mitigation and adaptation, based as they are on policies of information provision only (De Bruin 2023).

5. Political Philosophy

Discussions about the social responsibility of finance are obviously premised on the observation that the financial system forms a central infrastructure of modern economies and societies. As we noted at the outset, it is important to see that the system contains both private elements (such as commercial banks, insurance companies, and investment funds) and public elements (such as central banks and regulatory bodies). However, issues concerning the proper balance between these elements, especially the proper role and reach of the state, are perennially recurrent in both popular and philosophical debates.

The financial system and the provision of money indeed raise a number of questions that connect it to the “big questions” of political philosophy: including questions of democracy, justice, and legitimacy, at both the national and global levels (on the history of political thinking about money see Eich 2019, 2020, 2022; Ingham 2004, 2019; Martin 2013). The discussions around finance in political philosophy can be grouped under three broad areas: financialization and democracy; finance, money and domestic justice; and finance and global justice. We consider these now in turn.

Many of the questions political philosophy raises about finance have to do with “financialization”. The phenomenon of “financialization”, whereby the economic system has become characterized by the increasing dominance of finance capital and by systems of financial intermediation (Ertürk et al. 2008; Davis 2011; Engelen et al. 2011; Palley 2013), is of potentially substantial normative significance in a number of regards. A related normative concern is the potential growth in political power of the financial sector, which may be seen as a threat to democratic politics.

These worries are, in effect, an amplification of familiar concerns about the “structural power” or “structural constraints” of capital, whereby capitalist investors are able to reduce the freedom of action of democratic governments by threatening “investment strikes” when their preferred political options are not pursued (see Lindblom 1977, 1982; Przeworski & Wallerstein 1988; Cohen 1989; B. Barry 2002; Christiano 2010, 2012; Furendal & O’Neill 2022). To take one recent version of these worries, Stuart White argues that a republican commitment to popular sovereignty is in significant tension with the acceptance of an economic system where important choices about investment, and hence the direction of development of the economy, are under the control of financial interests (White 2011).

In many such debates, the fault-line seems to be the traditional one between those who favor social coordination by free markets, and hence strict limitations on state activities, and those who favor democratic politics, and hence strict limitations on markets (without denying that there can be intermediate positions). But the current financial system is not a pure creature of the free market. In the financial system that we currently see, the principle that individuals are to be held financially accountable for their actions, and that they will therefore be “disciplined” by markets, is patchy at best. One major issue, discussed above, is the problem of banks that are so large and interconnected that their failure would risk taking down the whole financial system—hence, they can anticipate that they will be bailed out by tax-payers’ money, which creates a huge “moral hazard” problem (e.g., Pistor 2013, 2017). In addition, current legal systems find it difficult to impose accountability for complex processes of divided labor, which is why there were very few legal remedies after the financial crisis of 2008 (e.g., Reiff 2017).

The lack of accountability intensifies worries about the power relations between democratic politicians and individuals or corporations in the financial realm. One question is whether we can even apply our standard concept of democracy to societies that have the kinds of financial systems we see today. We may ask whether societies that are highly financialized can ever be true democracies, or whether they are more likely to be “post-democracies” (Crouch 2004). For example, states with high levels of sovereign debt will need to consider the reaction of financial markets in every significant policy decision (see, e.g., Streeck 2013 [2014], see also Klein 2020) Moreover “revolving doors” between private financial institutions and supervising authorities impact on the ability of public officials to hold financial agents accountable. This is similar to the problems of conflicts of interest raised above (see sections 2 and 4.2.2 ). If financial contracts become a central, or maybe even the most central, form of social relations (Lazzarato 2012), this may create an incompatibility with the equal standing of citizens, irrespective of financial position, that should be the basis of a democratic society and its public sphere of deliberation (see also Bennett 2020 from an epistemic perspective).

While finance has, over long stretches of history, been rather strictly regulated, there has been a reversed trend towards deregulation since roughly the 1970s. After the financial crisis of 2008, there have been many calls for reregulation. Proposals include higher capital ratios in banks (Admati & Hellwig 2013), a return to the separation of commercial banking from speculative finance, as had been the case, in the US, during the period when the Glass-Steagall Act was in place (Kay 2015), or a financial transaction tax (Wollner 2014). However, given that the financial system is a global system, one controversial question is whether regulatory steps by single countries would have any effect other than capital flight.

When it comes to domestic social justice, the central question relating to the finance system concerns the ways in which the realization of justice can be helped or hindered by how the financial system is organized.

A first question here, already touched upon in the discussion about microfinance above ( section 4.3.2 ), concerns the status of citizens as participants in financial markets. Should they all have a right to certain financial services such as a bank account or certain forms of loans, because credit should be seen as a primary good in capitalist economies (see, e.g., Hudon 2009, Sorell 2015, Meyer 2018)? More broadly, how does the pattern of access to credit affect the distribution of freedom and unfreedom within society? (see Dietsch 2021; Preiss 2021). These are not only issues for very poor countries, but also for richer countries with high economic inequality, where it becomes a question of domestic justice. In some countries all residents have the right to open a basic bank account (see bank accounts in the EU in Other Internet Resources ). For others this is not the case. It has been argued that not having access to basic financial services creates an unfairness, because it drives poorer individuals into a cash economy in which they are more vulnerable to exploitative lenders, and in which it is more difficult to build up savings (e.g., Baradaran 2015). Hence, it has been suggested either to regulate banking services for individuals more strictly (e.g., Herzog 2017a), to consider various forms of household debt relief (Persad 2018), or to offer a public banking service, e.g., run by the postal office, which offers basic services at affordable costs (Baradaran 2015).

Secondly, financialization may also have more direct effects on socio-economic inequality. Those with managerial positions within the financial sector are disproportionately represented among the very top end of the income distribution, and so the growth of inequality can in part be explained by the growth in the financial sector itself (Piketty 2014). There may also be an effect on social norms, whereby the “hypermeritocratic” norms of the financial sector have played a part in increasing social tolerance for inequality in society more broadly (Piketty 2014: 265, 2020; see also O’Neill 2017, 2021). As Dietsch et al. point out, the process of increasing financialization within the economies of the advanced industrial societies has been encouraged by the actions of central banks over recent decades, and so the issue of financialization also connects closely to questions regarding the justice and legitimacy of central banks and monetary policy (Dietsch, Claveau, & Fontan 2016, 2018; see also Jacobs & King 2016).

Thirdly, many debates about the relation between distributive justice and the financial system revolve around the market for mortgages, because for many individuals, a house is the single largest item for which they need to take out a loan, and their mortgage their main point of interaction with the financial system. This means that the question of who has access to mortgage loans and at what price can have a major impact on the overall distribution of income and wealth. In addition, it has an impact on how financial risks are distributed in society. Highly indebted individuals are more vulnerable when it comes to ups and downs either in their personal lives (e.g., illness, loss of job, divorce) or in the economy as a whole (e.g., economic slumps) (Mian & Sufi 2014). The danger here is that existing inequalities—which many theories of justice would describe as unjust—are reinforced even further (Herzog 2017a).

Here, however, a question about the institutional division of labor arises: which goals of distributive justice should be achieved within markets—and specifically, within financial markets—and which ones by other means, for example through taxation and redistribution? The latter has been the standard approach used by many welfare systems: the idea being to let markets run their course, and then to achieve the desired patterns of distribution by taxation and redistribution. If one remains within that paradigm, questions arise about whether the financial sector should be taxed more highly. In contrast, the approach of “pre-distribution” (Hacker 2011; O’Neill & Williamson 2012; O’Neill 202), or what Dietsch calls “process redistribution” (2010), is to design the rules of the economic game such that they contribute to bringing about the distributive pattern that is seen as just. This could, for example, mean regulating banking services and credit markets in ways that reduce inequality, for example by imposing regulations on payday lenders and banks, so that poor individuals are protected from falling into a spiral of ever higher debt. A more radical view could be to see the financial problems faced by such individuals as being caused by more general structural injustices the solution of which does not necessarily require interventions with the financial industry, but rather more general redistributive (or predistributive) policies.

Money creation: Another alternative theoretical approach is to integrate distributive concerns into monetary policy, i.e., when it comes to the creation of money. So far, central banks have focused on the stability of currencies and, in some cases, levels of employment. This technical focus, together with the risk that politicians might abuse monetary policy to try to boost the economy before elections, have been used in arguments for putting the control of the money supply into the hands of technical experts, removing monetary policy from democratic politics. But after the financial crisis of 2008, many central banks have used unconventional measures, such as “quantitative easing”, which had strongly regressive effects, favoring the owners of stocks or of landed property (Fontan et al. 2016, Dietsch 2017); they did not take into account other societal goals, e.g., the financing of green energy, either. This raises new questions of justice: are such measures justified if their declared aim is to move the economy out of a slump, which presumably also helps disadvantaged individuals (Haldane 2014)? Would other measures, for instance “helicopter money” that is distributed to all citizens, have been a better alternative? And if such measures are used, is it still appropriate to think of central banks as institutions in which nothing but technical expertise is required, or should there be some form of accountability to society? (Fontan, Claveau, & Dietsch 2016; Dietsch 2017; Riles 2018; see also Tucker 2018; van ’t Klooster 2020; James & Hockett 2020, Downey 2021). [ 2 ]

We have already discussed the general issue of the ontological status of money ( section 1.1 above). But there are also significant questions in political philosophy regarding the question of where, and by what sorts of institutions, should the money supply be controlled. One complicating factor here is the extensive disagreement about the institutional basis of money creation, as described above. One strand of the credit theory of money emphasizes that in today’s world, money creation is a process in which commercial banks play a significant role. These banks in effect create new money when they make new loans to individual or business customers (see McLeay, Radia, & Thomas 2014; see also Palley 1996; Ryan-Collins et al. 2012; Werner 2014a,b). James Tobin refers to commercial bank-created money, in an evocative if now dated image as “fountain pen money”, that is, money created with the swish of the bank manager’s fountain pen (Tobin 1963).

However, the relationship between private commercial banks and the central bank is a complicated one, such that we might best think of money creation as a matter involving a kind of hybrid public-private partnership. Hockett and Omarova refer to this relationship as constituting a “finance franchise”, with private banks being granted on a “franchise” basis the money-creating powers of the sovereign monetary authority, while van ’t Klooster describes this relation between the public and private as constituting a “hybrid monetary constitution” (Hockett & Omarova 2017; van ’t Klooster 2017; see also Bell 2001). In this hybrid public-private monetary system, it is true that private commercial banks create money, but they nevertheless do so in a way that involves being regulated and subject to the authority of the central bank within each monetary jurisdiction, with that central bank also acting as “lender of last resort” (Bagehot 1873) when inter-bank lending dries up. [ 3 ]

When the curious public-private nature of money creation is brought into focus, it is not surprising that there should exist views advocating a shift away from this hybrid monetary constitution, either in the direction of a fully public option, or a fully private system of money creation.

Advocates of fully public banking envisage a system in which private banks are stripped of their authority to create new money, and where instead the money supply is directly controlled either by the government or by some other state agency; for example by the central bank lending directly to firms and households. Such a position can be defended on a number of normative grounds: that a public option would allow for greater financial stability, that a fully public system of money creation would allow a smoother transmission of democratic decisions regarding economic governance; or simply because of the consequences of such a system with regards to socioeconomic inequality and environmental sustainability (see Jackson & Dyson 2012; Wolf 2014a,b; Lainà 2015; Dyson, Hodgson, & van Lerven 2016a,b; Ingham, Coutts, & Konzelmann 2016; Dow 2016; Wodruff 2019; van’t Klooster 2019, Mellor 2019, Dietsch 2021; for commentary and criticism see Goodhart & Jensen 2015; Fontana & Sawyer 2016, Larue et al. 2020).

In stark contrast, a number of libertarian authors have defended the view that the central bank should have no role in money creation, with the money supply being entirely a matter for private suppliers (and with the consumers of money able to choose between different rival suppliers), under a system of “free banking” (e.g., Simons 1936; Friedman 1962; von Hayek 1978; Selgin 1988). Advocacy of private money creation has received a more recent stimulus with the rise of Bitcoin and other crypto-currencies, with some of Bitcoin’s advocates drawing on similar libertarian arguments to those offered by Hayek and Selgin (see Golumbia 2016, Robison 2022). One can also mention the “alternative currencies” movement here which defends private money creation on entirely different grounds, most often by appeal to the value of community (see Larue 2022, Larue et al. 2022).

Finally, a number of issues relate questions about finance to questions about global justice. The debate about global justice (see also global justice ) has weighed the pros and cons of “statist” and “cosmopolitan” approaches, that is, approaches to justice that would focus on the nation state (maybe with some additional duties of beneficence to the globally poor) or on the global scale. The financial system is one of the most globalized systems of social interaction that currently exist, and global entanglements are hard to deny (e.g., Valentini 2011: 195–8). The question thus is whether this creates duties of justice on the financial system, and if so, whether it fulfills these duties, i.e., whether it contributes to making the world more globally just, or whether it tends in the opposite direction (or whether it is neutral).

There are a number of institutions, especially the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that constitute a rudimentary global order of finance. Arguably, many countries, especially poorer ones, cannot reasonably opt out of the rules established by these institutions (e.g., Hassoun 2012, Krishnamurthy 2014). It might therefore appear to be required by justice that these institutions be governed in a way that represents the interests of all countries. But because of historical path-dependencies, and because a large part of their budget comes from Western countries, the governance structures are strongly biased in their favor (for example, the US can veto all important decisions in the IMF). Miller (2010: 134–41) has described this situation as “indirect financial rule” by the US (see also Herzog 2021).

An issue worth noting in this context is the fact that the US dollar, and to a lesser degree the Euro, function as de facto global currencies, with a large part of global trade being conducted in these currencies (e.g., Mehrling 2011, Eichengreen 2011). This allows the issuing countries to run a current account deficit, which amounts to a redistribution from poorer to richer countries for which compensation might be owed (Reddy 2005: 224–5). This fact also raises questions about the distribution of power in the global sphere, which has often been criticized as favoring Western countries (e.g., Gulati 1980, United Nations 2009). However, global financial markets serve not only to finance trade in goods and services; there are also questions about fluctuations in these markets that result exclusively from speculations (see also sect.1.4.3 above). Such fluctuations can disproportionately harm poorer countries, which are more vulnerable to movements of capital or rapid changes in commodity prices. Hence, an old proposal that has recently been revived and defended from a perspective of global justice is that of a “Tobin tax” (Tobin 1978), which would tax financial transactions and thereby reduce volatility in international financial markets (Reddy 2005, Wollner 2014).

A second feature of the current global order that has been criticized from a perspective of justice is the “borrowing privilege”. As Pogge describes (e.g., 2008: chap. 4), the governments of countries can borrow on international financial markets, no matter whether they have democratic legitimacy or not. This means that rogue governments can finance themselves by incurring debts that future generations of citizens will have to repay.

Sovereign debt raises a number of questions that are related to global justice. Usually, the contracts on which they are based are considered as absolutely binding (e.g., Suttle 2016), which can threaten national sovereignty (Dietsch 2011), and raises questions of the moral and political responsibilities both of citizens of debtor nations, and of creditor countries themselves (Wiedenbrüg, 2018a, 2018b). These problems obtain in particular with regard to what has been called “odious” debt (Sack 1927, Howse 2007, Dimitriu 2015, King 2016): cases in which government officials sign debt contracts in order to enrich themselves, with lenders being aware of this fact. Such cases have been at the center of calls for a jubilee for indebted nations. At the moment, there are no binding international rules for how to deal with sovereign bankruptcy, and countries in financial distress have no systematic possibility of making their claims heard, which is problematic from a perspective of justice (e.g., Palley 2003; Reddy 2005: 26–33; Herman 2007; C. Barry & Tomitova 2007; Wollner 2018). The IMF, which often supports countries in restructuring sovereign debt, has often made this support conditional upon certain requirements about rearranging the economic structures of a country (for a discussion of the permissibility of such practices see C. Barry 2011).

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the issue of financial regulation has a global dimension in the sense that capital is mobile across national boundaries, creating the threats to democracy described above. This fact makes it difficult for individual countries, especially smaller ones, to install the more rigid financial regulations that would be required from a perspective of justice. Just as with many other questions of global justice (see, e.g., Dietsch 2015 on taxation), we seem to see a failure of coordination between countries, which leads to a “race to the bottom”. Making global financial institutions more just is therefore likely to require significant levels of international cooperation.

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Money And Finance Essay Examples

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Business , Finance , Marketing , Economics , Australia , Banking , World , Market

Words: 2750

Published: 12/15/2019

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1. I have read the section on plagiarism that appears on the reverse side of this sheet. 2. In my assignment I have carefully acknowledged the source of any material which is not my own work. 3. I am aware that the penalties for plagiarism can be very severe, including withdrawal of permission to enrol in the University.

REVIEW ESSAY QUESTION (20% of Unit Marks, 1,500 word limit)

Using the two papers by Rousseau and Sylla, what lessons can be drawn by emerging markets economies from the experiences of the countries covered? In your answer, include issues relating to the creation of a viable financial system (and the different ‘models’ employed), as well as the impact of these on economic growth and trade.

There are various lesson which we can draw from the distinct relationships between a strong financial system, economic growth and infused trading. Both papers of Rousseau and Sylla namely, “Emerging Financial Markets and Early U.S. Growth” and “Financial Systems, Economic Growth and Globalization” provide the insightful view of these learning points. From the point of view of an emerging market economy of these well-established financial markets and/or countries, an ideal financial system can be described which can be of great impetus for an economy’s rapid growth and competitiveness in a highly competitive, globalized financial and economic markets.

The very top lesson is that a well defined, highly established and innovative financial structure is the key to a country’s economic take off and further growth. This was evidenced by the United States’ rise to economic powers at the onset of the Industrialized Period. After the Revolutionary War, the U.S. was bankrupt and it was the establishments of many chartered banks that spurred their economy towards greater wealth and stability.

The U.S. leaders developed a mechanism for mobilizing the resources required to patch the country’s land mass through economic infrastructure, promotion of local and international trade, and the development of a productive modern sector. By political leadership, its Congress chartered a national bank, the Bank of the United States, which was a combination of public and private equity. Private investors tendered federal debt to participate.

Through this important bank, the U.S. was able to improve the country’s credit standing and establish a more uniform currency. Dollars were defined through gold and silver as the moneraty bases. A federal mint was also established to make their coins. Thus, the three aforementioned institutional bnaks grew and 8 new banks were chartered by different U.S. states in the 1790s. (State-chartered banks were similar to federally chartered Bank of the United States. They were corporations with limited liability, hence, they attracted tremendous capital investments.) Another 73 banks were chartered over the nex ten years. These banks profits ignited the rapid expansion that multiplied these financial institutes into 834 state banks by 1840. (Rousseau & Sylla, 1999) After another twenty years, these banks doubled.

Hence, by the 1820s, the U.S. had an innovative financial system in place. These banks have indeed expanded the financial system and strengthened the country’s public finances. Banks financed smaller and more information-intensive investments until they grow into a considerable size worthy of direct public investment. These banks also attracted diverse capital and they were the key to the establishment of an early securities markets in the country.

Another important lesson is to model one’s financial system to a highly institutionalized system, build on it and be more innovative. This is what the U.S. did. They intially looked into the well established banks in Europe and mdoeled a simialr system from these. They introduced the innovation by chartering these banks and induce competition instead of a monopoly. As such, from the 1790s up to the middle of the nineteenth century, the U.S. banking system grew as a robust, highly competitive business enterprise. After six or seven decades, the old nations also followed the U.S. financial model and let competition grow among their corporate banks.

The U.S. also developed their security, equity and stock markets. These financial markets proved to be the backbone of their commercial and industrial success. All these defined the development of the modern sector of the U.S. economy. These were driven by the onset of technologies and infrastructure investments which spurred production and efficiency. After the growth of chartered banks, the U.S. securities markets steadily grew. As we see, the innovative financial system led the growth and modernizatinof the U.S. economy.

Emerging economies can also realize the value of an efficient taxing system which generate national revenues for the country. In the case of the U.S., Hamilton established a federal revenue collection system through import tariffs and domestic excise taxes which were all legalized by their Congress. They also excised taxes from lands, however slow moving these were during that period. (Rousseau and Sylla, 1999)

Another important lesson which the emerging economies can learn from the established ones is that the better the financial systems, the more conducive for the economies to engage in international trading, which, in turn, lead to better growth and rapid expansion of their national economies. Another important correlation is that a very strong and dynamic domestic finances also becomes a gateway to a nation’s participation in the global markets.

According to the authors, there are key components of a good financial system and these are: (a) sound public finances and public debt management; (b) stable monetary structures; (c) diversity of banking institutions, some are local and some are international, or both; (d) a central bank that stabilizes local finances and manages international financial links; and (e) well-functioning securities markets.

These components can ignite economic growth once installed and mobilized to acquire domestic capital. This model can be described as “ the first modern economy” which signalled the era of vast development and prosperity. The old economies like those of the Dutch, English, Americans, other Europeans and even Japanese were characterized by these components. Hence, their economic growth can be well explained according to these financial structures. It is important to emphasize, at this point, that the key components of an efficient financial system do not work independently but instead work congruently towards a general stance of financial stability and well maintained operations.

Another important lesson is the efficient management of public finance which maintained the growth of the modern economies during those periods. Sound public finance consists of creating and managing public expenditure priorities, raising adequate taxes or revenues to fund them efficiently, and debt servicing. It can be said that the good financial systems were developed in the context of the old economies’ needs for financing. They often required these for building their infrastructures and for financing their wars.

Public finance can be considered as a great impetus for the globalization of the economies. The needs of national governments to raise and deploy funds globally for various national or state reasons resulted in the development of financial systems that allow international mobilizationof capital to be justly deployed for productive, economic agenda.

Central banks, are also crucial component of a sound financial system because it prevents financial problems and/or alleviate them when they occur. They regularly monitor and regulate their banks’ operations in such a way that problems are minimized. The central banks act as the lenders of last resort. Meanwhile, the securities markets facilitate the issuance of public and private debt securities and private equity securities. Specialized banks serve as financial intermediaries of bonds, stocks, and other forms of securities between the borrowers/issuers (governments and business compnaies) and the lenders/investors who purchase securities. A established securities markets pave the way for the more mobile transfer and liquidity of investments which appeal to international and local investors.

This has been exemplified by Japan, the only non Western country that was able to modernize its economy through the key components of the financial system and stand among the old economies of Europe and North America. It was said that Japan modernized its economy during the Meiji era through a sophisticated financial system similar to the U.S. and the rest of the Western economies. Their financial system included a stable public finances, sound money, banks, a central bank, and securities markets. It propelled the poor and relatively isolated Japan in 1870 to be an emerging market and a dynamic economy.

In the middle phase of the economic modernization, there are components like the TFP or the total factor of production and debt accumulation channels. These are the outcomes of the long run expansion of economic activities that in turn generate demand for financial services and create a larger intermediating sector. To further relate financial stability with international growth and trading, it is important to see that modern economies and well established financial systems, are able to function within a wider flexible exchange rates conditions globally along with their TFP and debt accumulation channels. On the contrary, peripheral developing economies with new financial systems anchor their currencies to these well established financial markets. This implies that the road towards economic growth will defintely travel through the development of a sound and strong financial system.

LONG ANSWER QUESTIONS (500 word limit each)

1. Using the ‘Minutes of the Monetary Policy Meeting of the Reserve Bank Board’ for March 6, 2012, what is the dilemma currently faced by the RBA in its conduct of monetary policy? (10% of Unit Marks)

The dilemma faced by the RBA in easing out its monetary policy rests on international financial market factors that could affect its currency. The RBA is faced with concerns about debt as the sovereign debt problems in the Euro persisted in the second half of 2011. This turbulence will spread to global financial markets and will lead to tighter wholesale funding conditions for banks around the world, including Australia.

While the global financial market conditions have improved since December 2011, the current financial difficulties experienced by the European financial markets continue to threaten the security of the financial markets.

It is interesting to note that the Australian banks, especially the larger ones, have already made themselves stronger to withstand tightened funding conditions. They have improved in terms of their capital positions, funding and liquidity. (“Minutes of the Monetary Policy Meeting of the Reserve Bank Board, 2012, p. 2) They have also managed their wholesale funding task well. Banks' non performing asset levels had decreased a little but remained robust for business loans. The Australian banks are in good shape, generally but the slow credit growth environment is expected to deter these positive growths in the future.

Overall conditions continued to change across the Australian business sector. Meanwhile, their local economy continued to make crucial structural adjustment vis a vis the high exchange rates and terms of trade. The Australian household sector has also improved its resiliency to future shocks. The household saving rate at around 10 per cent remains high. This was due to the many households who quickly repay their debts and to their generally conservative investment stance. Their debt servicing capacity is well supported by the strong growth in income. While their mortgage arrears rate are somewhat higher, the aggregate measures of financial threats are low. Inflation is contained in a manageable target range.

Australia’s outlook will have a downside risk if there is a quick deterioration in the European situation and its domino effects to the rest of the trading and financial world. However, as long as the Australian mechanism can maintain inflation, the RBA can ease policies in various scenarios.

Another aggravating fcator is the sharp slowdown in the East Asian markets, which will have a crucial effects to the demand and the commodity prices of Australian exports. (2012, p. 3) An overall less threatening capital markets all over the world will produce positive changes in credit conditions, the exchange rate and confidence.

RBA members are concerned that the overall demand for debt has decreased even when the business credit had recently picked up. Likewise, construction activity remained less significant even when the commercial property market had contunously improved after its recent downturn.

The RBA takes positive outlook due to the fact that the prospects for the improvement in the global economy has improved from the previous month as the European policymakers make important progress in solving their region’s debt and financial issues. While the major downside risks are highly considered, the probability of an adverse outcome in the near future has somewhat decreased.

2. What are the principle strengths of Australia as a possible international financial centre? How do these strengths compare to the attributes regarded as necessary in making a financial centre attractive? (10% of Unit Marks).

The last financial crisis of 2008 has evidenced the resiliency, strength and the regulations of the well regarded Australian financial center. It remained competitive, efficient, creative, and relied upon by the Australian businesses and households. The major strengths of the Australian Financial Center are the following: proximity to the emerging markets, excellent regulatory framework as shown during the financial crisis, and its highly skilled human resources. (“Australia as a Financial Center: Building on Our Strengths,” 2009)

The Australian Financial Center can take advantage of the continuous growth of the emerging economies of its neighbors in the Asia Pacific region. The economies of these countries are remarkably growing along with the demographic factors. The major components of Australia’s financial sector are commercial and investment banking, insurance, and funds management. The relative size of Australia’s financial sector to its general economy is very similar to various developed economies such as the U.S., UK, Japan and Canada. However, it is also less significant than those in Hong Kong, Singapore and Luxembourg.

Various aspects of the Australian financial sector has shown resiliency during the financial crisis of 2008. These include its banking system, capital market, equity market, etc. Through the global financial crisis, Australia remained a strong market for raising capital. Its equity issuance has increased significantly as well. Their securitized debt market was also impressive and this was because of the Asutralian government’s guarantees on bank lending.

These strengths need to be well channeled and crafted into the international financial markets primarily because of the institutionalized features of the other large financial centers such as New York, London, Hong Kong etc. It takes more than economic strength to build upon a financial institution on a global scale. They need some specialized arrangements with international financial services such as concessions in order for them to establish their regional headquarters in various countries. (2009)

They also need to develop a wide range of financing and investment products for both local and international clients, businesses, and government institutions. While Australia already has such a base, it needs to fare well with the product offerings of larger offshore banks like UK’s Royal Bank of Scotland and Barclays.

In general, as compared with other financial centers, the Australian Financial Center still needs a high degree of “internationalisation.” Even when their systems are regulated and they have the manpower and financial capacities, the Australian Financial Center has to establish various clienteles all over the world in order to sustain its offshore operations.

This requirement is likely to inherently follow from their base characteristics. As it opens itself to the global financial markets and ocnsistently perform efficiently, competitively and remain steady, the Australian Financial Center is likely to attract offshore business.

The Australian Financial Center needs to build on their various products and services and its marketing to offshore markets. This will take a significant period of time. However, the strong financial base of the country and its emerging role in the global financial sector cannot be ignored. It will certainly develop into a valuable financial center in the Asia Pacific in the nearest future.

Bibliography:

“Australia as a Financial Center: Building on Our Strengths,” November, 2009. Australian Financial Center Forum. [Online]. Available at: http://www.ag.gov.au/ cca. [Accessed 22 April 2012]. “Minutes of the Monetary Policy Meeting of the Reserve Bank Board,” March 6, 2012. Reserve Bank of Australia. [Online]. Available at: http://www.rba.gov.au/monetary-policy/rba-board-minutes/2012/06032012.html [Accessed 22 April 2012]. Rousseau, P. & Sylla, R., December, 1999. Financial Systems, Economic Growth, and Globalization. NBER Working Paper Series. Working Paper 8323. NBER, M.A. Rousseau, P. & Sylla, R., December, 1999. Emerging Financial Markets and Early U.S. Growth. NBER Working Paper Series. Working Paper 7448. NBER, M.A.

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Finance Essay Topics

Step Up Your Game with These 200 Unique Finance Essay Topics

12 min read

Published on: May 7, 2023

Last updated on: Jan 31, 2024

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Do you find yourself struggling to come up with a compelling topic for your finance essay? Are you feeling overwhelmed by the complex landscape of financial markets and policies?

If so, don't worry – you're not alone!

Choosing the right topic is crucial for the success of your essay. You need to find a problem that is both relevant and interesting, and that you can feasibly research and analyze. 

But with so many potential topics to choose from, where do you even start?

That's where we come in!

In this blog, we'll provide you a variety of finance essay topics that will help you stand out from the crowd. 

We'll also provide you with tips to polish your ideas, so you can craft a truly compelling essay.

So, let's dive into the fascinating world of finance essay topics and discover new insights together!

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Corporate Finance Essay Topics 

If you are interested in how companies manage their financial resources, corporate finance may be the field for you. 

Here are essay topics related to corporate finance:

• Analyzing the impact of dividend policies on shareholder value
• Evaluating the use of financial derivatives to manage corporate risk
• Assessing the impact of mergers and acquisitions on firm performance
• Investigating the role of corporate governance in preventing financial scandals
• Analyzing the relationship between corporate social responsibility and financial performance
• Examining the effects of financial distress on corporate decision-making
• Evaluating the impact of exchange rate fluctuations on multinational corporations
• Assessing the effectiveness of performance-based compensation for CEOs
• Analyzing the impact of technological innovation on corporate financial performance
• Investigating the effectiveness of financial forecasting models for strategic decision-making

Personal Finance Essay Topics 

Managing personal finances can be challenging, especially in today's economy. Check out these personal finance essay topics:

• Analyzing the impact of credit scores on loan approval rates
• Evaluating the effectiveness of budgeting tools and apps for personal finance management
• Investigating the impact of financial literacy on retirement planning
• Analyzing the benefits and drawbacks of using a financial advisor
• Assessing the effectiveness of debt consolidation strategies for managing multiple loans
• Examining the impact of rising healthcare costs on retirement planning
• Evaluating the effectiveness of online investment platforms for small investors
• Analyzing the impact of financial stress on mental health
• Investigating the effectiveness of online personal finance courses for improving financial literacy
• Assessing the impact of tax policies on personal savings rates

Banking and Finance Essay Topics 

• The role of central banks in managing monetary policy
• The impact of Basel III on banking regulation
• The effectiveness of risk management in commercial banks
• The effects of bank mergers and acquisitions on competition
• The relationship between credit risk and profitability in banking
• The role of fintech in transforming the banking industry
• The impact of financial innovation on banking operations
• The impact of non-performing loans on banking stability
• The challenges of bank regulation in the digital age

Business Finance Essay Topics

• The impact of leverage on firm performance
• The role of financial ratios in evaluating business performance
• The effects of working capital management on profitability
• The impact of dividend policy on shareholder value
• The relationship between corporate governance and financial performance
• The role of venture capital in financing new businesses
• The challenges of international business finance
• The effects of trade credit on small business financing
• The impact of intellectual property on business valuation
• The role of microfinance in supporting small businesses  

Public Finance Essay Topics

• The role of government in promoting economic growth
• The impact of taxation on income inequality
• The effects of fiscal policy on aggregate demand
• The role of public-private partnerships in infrastructure finance
• The impact of government debt on economic stability
• The challenges of financing social security systems
• The role of subsidies in promoting renewable energy
• The impact of globalization on public finance
• The challenges of public finance in developing countries
• The impact of climate change on public finance

Accounting and Finance Essay Topics 

• The impact of financial reporting on investor decisions
• The role of accounting standards in financial reporting
• The effects of fair value accounting on financial statements
• The relationship between corporate governance and financial reporting quality
• The impact of financial statement analysis on investment decisions
• The challenges of auditing in the digital age
• The role of forensic accounting in fraud detection
• The impact of tax accounting on corporate finance
• The challenges of accounting for intangible assets
• The effects of accounting regulations on multinational corporations

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International Finance Essay Topics 

• The impact of exchange rate volatility on international trade
• The role of international financial institutions in promoting economic development
• The effects of capital flows on emerging market economies
• The impact of currency manipulation on trade balance sheets
• The relationship between foreign direct investment and economic growth
• The challenges of cross-border banking regulation
• The role of international capital markets in financing global infrastructure
• The impact of trade policies on international finance
• The effects of globalization on international financial stability
• The role of sovereign wealth funds in global finance

Behavioral Finance Essay Topics

If you are interested in this field, consider exploring these essay topics:

• Analyzing the impact of herd behavior on stock market bubbles
• Evaluating the effectiveness of financial education in reducing cognitive biases
• Investigating the impact of overconfidence on investment decision-making
• Analyzing the role of emotions in financial decision-making
• Assessing the impact of loss aversion on portfolio management
• Examining the effects of framing on financial decision-making
• Evaluating the effectiveness of behavioral finance theories in predicting market trends
• Analyzing the impact of social norms on financial decision-making
• Investigating the effectiveness of nudges in promoting financial well-being
• Assessing the impact of cultural differences on behavioral finance

Healthcare Finance Essay Topics 

• The impact of healthcare financing on access to healthcare services
• Healthcare cost control strategies and their effectiveness in improving healthcare quality
• Analyzing the role of health insurance in healthcare financing
• The relationship between healthcare financing and health outcomes
• The effect of healthcare financing on health inequalities
• The role of public-private partnership (ppp) in healthcare financing
• The impact of healthcare financing on technological advancements in healthcare sector
• Healthcare financing policies in addressing the burden of non-communicable diseases 
• The relationship between healthcare financing and social protection
• The role of healthcare financing in achieving universal health coverage

Good Finance Essay Topics

• The impact of the gig economy on personal finance management
• The role of technology in shaping the future of finance
• Analyzing the ethics of tax avoidance and tax evasion in the corporate world
• The importance of financial education in modern society
• A comparative analysis of the effectiveness of traditional and digital banking systems
• The role of behavioral finance in shaping investment strategies
• The impact of social media on the stock market
• Analyzing the ethical dilemmas of investment banking
• The role of financial institutions in promoting economic growth and development
• A critical analysis of the effectiveness of microfinance in poverty alleviation

Finance Paper Topics

• The impact of corporate social responsibility on financial performance
• The role of financial regulation in preventing another global financial crisis
• The impact of inflation on the stock market
• Analyzing the financial implications of climate change
• The effectiveness of alternative financing methods for small businesses
• The impact of political instability on international finance
• Analyzing the effectiveness of crowdfunding platforms
• The role of credit rating agencies in the financial market
• The impact of e-commerce on the retail banking industry
• A comparative analysis of the financial performance of publicly traded and privately held companies

Finance Essay Questions

Looking for some interesting finance essay questions to explore new ideas? Check them out:

• How does the stock market reflect the state of the economy?
• What are the ethical implications of insider trading?
• How do interest rates affect the global economy?
• What are the advantages and disadvantages of investing in the stock market?
• How has technology transformed the financial services industry?
• What is the impact of globalization on international finance?
• How can financial institutions promote financial inclusion and literacy?
• What are the challenges of managing personal finances in today's society?
• How can behavioral finance concepts be applied to investment strategies?
• What are the key factors that contribute to financial market instability?

Finance Argumentative Essay Topics

• Should governments regulate cryptocurrency?
• Is it ethical for companies to use tax loopholes to avoid paying their fair share?
• Should banks be held responsible for the global financial crisis of 2008?
• Is the current student loan system fair to borrowers?
• Should there be limits on CEO salaries in the finance industry?
• Is insider trading ever justified?
• Should the government provide free financial education to the public?
• Is the stock market an accurate reflection of the economy as a whole?
• Should high-frequency trading be allowed?
• Is it ethical for companies to invest in environmentally harmful industries?

Financial Related Essay Topics

• The importance of financial planning for a secure financial future
• Efficient market hypothesis and its implications for investment decision making
• The impact of globalization on financial markets and the economy
• An analysis of the impact of interest rates on the housing market
• The role of financial institutions in promoting economic growth
• The ethics of corporate finance and its impact on corporate social responsibility
• The role of central banks in regulating the economy
• The impact of financial regulation on the banking sector
• The role of financial markets in facilitating international trade

Research Topics in Finance

• An analysis of the impact of exchange rate fluctuations on international trade
• The effectiveness of credit rating agencies in predicting corporate default risk
• The impact of corporate governance on firm performance
• An analysis of the impact of financial innovation on the banking sector
• The relationship between dividend policy and firm value
• The role of financial intermediaries in promoting entrepreneurship
• The impact of insider trading on stock prices
• The impact of political instability on financial markets
• The role of microfinance in promoting financial inclusion
• An analysis of the impact of corporate social responsibility on firm performance

Financial Crisis Research Paper Topics

Let's delve into the world of finance and crisis with these topics!

• The causes of the 2008 financial crisis and its impact on the global economy
• An analysis of the regulatory failures that led to the 2008 financial crisis
• The role of the housing market in the 2008 financial crisis
• The impact of the 1997 Asian financial crisis on emerging economies
• The impact of the European sovereign debt crisis on the Eurozone economy
• The role of financial institutions in the 2011 European debt crisis
• The impact of the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic on the global economy
• Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) in stabilizing the US financial system 
• The impact of the 1970s oil crisis on the global economy and financial markets
• The lessons learned from past financial crises and their implications for future 

Financial Management Essay Topics

• The role of financial management in a company's success
• Analyzing the financial risks and rewards of different investment strategies
• The impact of globalization on financial management practices
• The importance of financial forecasting for business planning and decision-making
• How financial management practices can be used to mitigate financial risks
• The role of financial management in mergers and acquisitions
• Best practices for managing cash flow in small businesses
• The impact of interest rates on financial management decisions
• The challenges and opportunities of managing finances in non-profit organizations
• The use of financial ratios and other analytical tools in financial management

Exciting Financial Essay Topics

• How to create a successful personal finance plan for long-term financial security
• Investigating the role of fintech in shaping the future of the financial industry
• The ethical implications of corporate social responsibility in financial decision-making
• Analyzing the impact of COVID-19 on global financial markets and economies
• Exploring the potential benefits and risks of investing in emerging markets
• Investigating the use of big data and AI in financial decision-making
• The future of digital currencies and their impact on traditional financial systems
• The role of financial regulation in preventing financial crises and promoting stability
• Analyzing the impact of interest rate fluctuations on personal and corporate finances
• Investigating the use of blockchain technology in financial transactions

Investment Essay Topics

• Analyzing the impact of diversification on portfolio management
• Evaluating the effectiveness of value investing strategies
• Investigating the impact of market volatility on investment performance
• Analyzing the role of financial advisors in investment decision-making
• Assessing the effectiveness of socially responsible investing strategies
• Examining the effects of behavioral biases on investment performance
• Evaluating the impact of technological innovation on investment management
• Analyzing the effectiveness of momentum investing strategies
• Investigating the impact of interest rates on investment performance
• Assessing the effectiveness of robo-advisors in portfolio management

Tips for Choosing a Good Finance Essay Topic 

When it comes to writing a finance essay, choosing a good topic is crucial to the success of your paper. 

To help you select the best finance essay topic, here are some tips:

• Consider your Interests: Start by thinking about your personal interests and passions. Choosing a topic that you're genuinely interested in can help you stay motivated. It will kep you engaged throughout the writing process.
• Narrow your Focus: Finance is a broad field. It's important to narrow down your topic to a specific aspect or subtopic. This will help you focus your research and ensure that your essay has a clear and concise argument.
• Research Current Events: Stay up to date with current financial news and trends. This can help you identify emerging issues and topics that are relevant and timely.
• Look for Controversy: Controversial topics can make for compelling essays, but be careful to approach them with objectivity and balance. Avoid taking extreme positions or relying on biased sources.
• Consider your Audience: Think about your intended audience and what topics may be of interest or relevance to them. This can help you tailor your essay to their needs and expectations.

All in all , finance is a vast and complex field with many opportunities for research and exploration. To create a well-written essay, it's important to select a topic that aligns with your interests. By following these steps, you can showcase your knowledge and understanding of finance.

Feeling overwhelmed with your academic workload? Let us take the burden off your shoulders – simply say, " write my essay for me ," and we'll deliver top-quality essays tailored to your needs.

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Barbara is a highly educated and qualified author with a Ph.D. in public health from an Ivy League university. She has spent a significant amount of time working in the medical field, conducting a thorough study on a variety of health issues. Her work has been published in several major publications.

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Business & Money Essay Titles

IELTS Essay Questions for the Topic of Business and Money. All essay questions below are reported by IELTS candidates and seem to have been repeated over the years. Regardless of the years the questions were reported, you could get any question below in your test. You should, therefore, prepare ideas for all questions given below. The topics below could appear in both GT and Academic IELTS Writing Task 2.

Business & Money Essay Questions for IELTS Writing Task 2

In some countries, a few people earn extremely high salaries. Some people think that this is good for a country, while others believe that the government should control salaries and limit the amount people can earn. Discuss both views and give your opinion. (Reported 2017, 2019, 2020, 2022 Academic Test)

More and more business meetings are taking place online. What are the advantages and disadvantages of this trend? (reported 2021, 2022, 2023)

Due to the development and rapid expansion of supermarkets in some countries, many small, local business are unable to compete. Some people think that the closure of local business will bring about the death of local communities. To what extent do you agree or disagree? (repeated most years)

Companies should provide sports and social facilities for local communities. To what extent do you agree? (Reported 2017, 2021)

If the product is good and meets consumer needs than advertising is unnecessary. To what extent do you agree? (2023)

Large businesses have big budgets for marketing and promotion and as a result, people gravitate towards buying their products. What problems does this cause? What could be done to encourage people to buy local products? (2016, 2020, 2022)

Some countries encourage foreign companies to open in their country. Many people think that the government should focus on encouraging local business rather than foreign businesses. To what extent do you agree?  (reported 2021, 2023)

An increasing number of people are buying what they need online. What are the advantages and disadvantages for both individuals and companies to shopping online? (repeated most years)

Marketing and promotion is the key to a successful business. To what extent do you agree? (repeated frequently)

The performance of staff can have a significant impact on the success of a company. What can companies do to increase staff productivity? (this question is repeated but often with a different focus, for example “Marketing has the most significant impact on the success of a company”. This question offers marketing rather than staff productivity as the most important aspect of success.

Some companies have uniforms for their staff which must be worn at all times. What are the advantages for a company of having a uniform? Are there any benefits of having a uniform for the staff? (repeated most years)

In many countries, it is common for families to own and run their own business. Some people think this is the best way to run a business, while others consider this a potential source of problems. What is your opinion? (2018, 2020, 2022)

Some people think that when recruiting, companies should aim to take on people who are innovative and able to work independently while others considered they should recruit people who are able to work in a team and follow instructions. Discuss both views and give your opinion.

Some people think that the only way to have success in business is to have a unique product. What factors, do you think, influence the success of a company? (reasons for success in business is a frequent question)

Small businesses should avoid recruiting young women who do not have their own family in order to avoid paying maternity leave later on. To what extent do you agree or disagree? (2021)

Sales companies should recruit people who are hungry for money as they will make the most dedicated workers. Do you think money is the driving force behind hard work? What factors should be taken into consideration when recruiting staff for sales positions? (2020)

The reason that most individuals are in debit is due to the overuse as well as irresponsible use of credit cards. Banks should not issue credit cards unless they are completely sure of an individual’s ability to pay back their debits. To what extent do you agree with this? (this question is quite common)

Some people believe that the higher a product is priced, the more likely it is that people will want to buy it. To what extent does price influence potential buyers? What other factors influence people to buy a product? (2015, 2018, 2021)

Some people think that the only way to judge someone’s success in business is by the amount of money they make. Is money a true indicator of the success of a business? In what other ways could success in a business be measured? (frequent question regarding indicators of success)

It is common practice for some students to take a gap year between high school and university in order to do charitable work abroad in underdeveloped countries. What are the advantages and disadvantages for young people of doing volunteer work? (common question)

Rich countries are getting richer while poor countries are getting poorer. What is the cause of this? What could be done to solve this problem? (common question)

Some people think that it is better for a country’s economy for people to spend money, while others believe that it would be better for people to save money. Discuss both sides and give your opinion. (2015, 2018, 2020)  

Reported essay questions are from students who have taken their IELTS test. That means questions may have appeared more frequently than have been reported. These questions may vary slightly in wording and focus from the original question. Also note that these questions could also appear in IELTS speaking part 3 which is another good reason to prepare all topics thoroughly.

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Home — Essay Samples — Economics — Money — Importance of Money Management and Financial Literacy for Students

Importance of Money Management and Financial Literacy for Students

• Categories: Literacy Money Personal Finance

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Words: 1537 |

Published: Aug 14, 2023

Words: 1537 | Pages: 3 | 8 min read

Table of contents

Importance of financial literacy and financial education, how other countries apply financial literacy, what can be done within our current school systems, my own financial literacy level.

• Anderloni, L. and Vandone, D. (2010), “Risk of overindebtedness and behavioral factors”, Working Paper No 25, Social Science Research Network, Santa Monica, CA.
• ASIC (2011), “National financial literacy strategy: Australian securities & investment commission Report No. 229”, available at: www.financialliteracy.gov.au/media/218312/national-financialliteracy-strategy.pdf (accessed 23 October 2016).
• Atkinson, A. and Messy, F. (2012), “Measuring financial literacy: results of the OECD/International Network on Financial Education (INFE) Pilot study”, Working Paper No. 15, OECD Working Papers on Finance, Insurance and Private Pensions, OECD Publishing, Paris.
• Filipiak, U. and Walle, Y.M. (2015), “The financial literacy gender gap: a question of nature or nurture?”, Discussion Papers No. 176, Courant Research Centre: Poverty, Equity and Growth.
• Huston, S.J. (2010), “Measuring financial literacy”, The Journal of Consumer Affairs, Vol. 44 No. 2, pp. 296-316.
• National Strategy for Financial Literacy (2012), “Commission for financial literacy and retirement income”, available at: www.cflri.org.nz/sites/default/files/docs/FL-NS-National%20Strategy2012-Aug.pdf (accessed 24 October 2016).
• Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) (2012), OECD/INFE High-Level Principles on National Strategies for Financial Education, OECD Publishing, Paris.
• Vitt, L.A. (2004), “Consumers financial decisions and the psychology of values”, Journal of Financial Service Professionals, Vol. 58 No. 6, pp. 68-78.

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Macroeconomics, Finance and Money

Essays in Honour of Philip Arestis

• Giuseppe Fontana ,
• John McCombie ,
• Malcolm Sawyer

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Table of contents (22 chapters)

Front matter, monetary policy, central banks and the ‘new consensus in macroeconomics’, are the macro econometrics models of the federal reserve board, the bank of canada, and the sveriges riksbank consistent with the new consensus macroeconomics model.

• Jérôme Creel, Giuseppe Fontana

Arestis and Sawyer’s Criticism on the New Consensus Macroeconomics: Some Issues Related to Emerging Countries

• Luiz Fernando de Paula, Fernando Ferrari-Filho

Inflation Targeting in Canada: Myth versus Reality

• Mario Seccareccia, Marc Lavoie

Monetary Policy Challenges of the ECB Facing a Divergent Inflationary Process in the EMU Area

• Georg Erber, Harald Hagemann

Macroeconomic Consensus and Political Economy Aspects of Monetary Policy Design

• Georgios Chortareas

Central Bank Communication, Transparency and Interest Rate Volatility: Evidence from the USA

• Iris Biefang-Frisancho Mariscal, Peter Howells

Inflation and Economic Policy

The thatcher monetarist experiment, 1979–85: an assessment.

• John McCombie

Phillips’ Curve, Independence of Central Banks and Inflation Targeting

Monetary policy rules and phillips’ curve tradeoffs in a kaleckian framework, the banking crisis, nationalization of banking and the mixed economy.

• Yiannis Kitromilides

How Does a Capitalist Economy Work in the Real World?

• Paul Davidson

Finance, Crisis and Bubbles

Bubbles lead to long-term instability.

• Elias Karakitsos

The Subprime Crisis: A Minskyan Phenomenon?

• Elisabetta De Antoni

A Minsky Moment, or Not?

• Korkut Ertürk, Gökcer Özgür

Does Financial Liberalization Help the Poor?

• Asena Caner

Finance, Speculation and Stability: Post-Keynesian Policies for Modern Capitalism

• Geoff Harcourt
• communication
• financial markets
• macroeconomics
• monetary policy

Book Title : Macroeconomics, Finance and Money

Book Subtitle : Essays in Honour of Philip Arestis

Editors : Giuseppe Fontana, John McCombie, Malcolm Sawyer

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230285583

Publisher : Palgrave Macmillan London

eBook Packages : Palgrave Economics & Finance Collection , Economics and Finance (R0)

Copyright Information : Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2010

Hardcover ISBN : 978-0-230-22906-8 Published: 11 March 2010

Softcover ISBN : 978-1-349-31043-2 Published: 11 March 2010

eBook ISBN : 978-0-230-28558-3 Published: 11 March 2010

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XX, 347

Number of Illustrations : 20 b/w illustrations

Topics : Macroeconomics/Monetary Economics//Financial Economics , Finance, general , Popular Science in Finance

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FOR STUDENTS : ALL THE INGREDIENTS OF A GOOD ESSAY

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Writing finance essays

Here are some key points for discussion when writing an essay about finance:

Financial Markets: The structure, function, and impact of financial markets, including stock markets, bond markets, and foreign exchange markets.

Investment Strategies: The different types of investment strategies, including value investing, growth investing, and income investing, and the factors that influence investment decisions.

Corporate Finance: The role of corporate finance in managing capital, including capital budgeting, financial analysis, and risk management.

Financial Institutions: The structure and function of financial institutions, including banks, insurance companies, and investment banks.

Financial Regulation: The role and impact of financial regulation on financial markets and institutions, and the implications for consumers and businesses.

Behavioral Finance: The impact of psychological and emotional factors on financial decision making, and the ways in which these factors can lead to biases and errors in decision making.

Personal Finance: The importance of financial planning and budgeting, and strategies for managing personal finances, including saving, investing, and debt management.

International Finance: The impact of global economic systems and international trade on financial markets and institutions, and the implications for global economic stability and development.

Financial Ethics: The ethical considerations and responsibilities of financial professionals, including issues such as insider trading, conflicts of interest, and corporate social responsibility .

Financial Innovation: The impact of technological and financial innovations on financial markets and institutions, including topics such as blockchain technology, cryptocurrency, and fintech startups.

These are just a few examples of the many key points that could be discussed in a finance essay. Depending on the specific focus and scope of the essay, other topics and areas of discussion could also be explored.

Sample finance essay titles

Stuck for a title or idea for your finance essay? Here are some to inspire you:

• The Future of Fintech: Exploring the Role of Technology in Financial Innovation
• Managing Risk in Corporate Finance: A Case Study Analysis of Successful Strategies
• Ethics and Accountability in the Financial Industry: Lessons Learned from the 2008 Financial Crisis
• Personal Finance: Strategies for Achieving Financial Independence and Security
• International Trade and Finance: Assessing the Impact of Globalization on Economic Stability
• Investing for the Future: A Comparative Analysis of Value, Growth and Income Strategies
• Behavioral Finance: Understanding the Psychology Behind Investment Decisions
• The Role of Financial Institutions in Economic Development: A Comparative Study of Developed and Emerging Markets
• Sustainable Finance: Balancing Profit with Corporate Social Responsibility
• From Wall Street to Main Street: Exploring the Evolution of Financial Markets and their Role in Society

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Essay on Money for Students and Children

500+ words essay on money.

Money is an essential need to survive in the world. In today’s world, almost everything is possible with money. Moreover, you can fulfill any of your dreams by spending money. As a result, people work hard to earn it. Our parents work hard to fulfill our dreams .

Furthermore various businessmen , entrepreneurs have startup businesses to earn profits. They have made use of their skills and intelligence in getting an upper hand in earning. Also, the employee sector works day and night to complete their tasks given to them. But still, there are many people who take shortcuts to success and get involved in corruption.

Black Money

Black money is the money that people earn with corruption . For your information corruption involves the misuse of the power of high posts. For instance, it involves taking bribes, extra money for free services, etc. Corruption is the main cause of the lack of proper growth of the country .

Moreover, money that people having authority earns misusing their powers is black money. Furthermore, these earnings do not have proper documentation. As a result, the people who earn this do not pay income tax . Which is a great offense and the person who does this can be behind bars.

Money Laundering

In simple terms, money laundering is converting black money into white money. Also, this is another illegal offense. Furthermore, money laundering also encourages various crimes. Because it is the only way criminal can use their money from illegal sources. Money laundering is a crime, and the people who practice it are liable to go to jail.

Therefore the Government is taking various preventive measures to abolish money laundering. The government is linking bank accounts to AADHAR Card. To get all the transaction detail of each bank account. As a result, the government comes to know if any transaction is from an illegal source .

Also, every bank account has its own KYC (Know your Customer) this separates different categories of income of people. Businessmen are in the high-risk category. Then comes the people who are on a high post they are in the medium-risk category. Further, the last category is of the Employee sector they are at the lowest risk.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

White Money

White money is the money that people earn through legal sources. Moreover, it is the money on which the people have already paid the tax. The employee sector of any company always has white money income.

Because the tax is already levied on their income. Therefore the safest way to earn money is in the employment sector. But your income will be limited here. As a result, many people take a different path and choose entrepreneurship. This helps them in starting their own company and make profitable incomes .

Every person in this world works hard to earn money. People try different methods and set of skills to increase their incomes. But it is always not about earning money, it’s about saving and spending it. People should spend money wisely. Moreover, things should always be bought by judging their worth. Because money is not precious but the efforts you make for it are.

Q1. What is Black Money?

A1. Black money is the money that people earn through illegal ways. It is strictly prohibited in our country. And the people who have it can go to jail.

Q2. What is the difference between Black money and White money?

A2. The difference between black money and white money is, Black money comes from illegal earnings. But white money comes from legal sources with taxation levied on it.

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Times Insider

A Finance Reporter Who Invests in Readers’ Well-Being

Taxes. Tuition. Cryptocurrency trading. Since 2008, Ron Lieber has answered hard-hitting questions about personal finance as the Your Money columnist.

By Sarah Bahr

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together.

When Ron Lieber arrived at The Wall Street Journal’s office in 2002 for a job interview, a couple of editors immediately sized him up.

“They said, ‘We know what your beat is: beating the system,’” said Mr. Lieber, who had last worked as a senior writer for Fast Company covering management, design and careers. “And now you’re going to come here and do that for us.”

After helping found the Personal Journal section of The Wall Street Journal and writing a separate money management column, he was hired by The New York Times in 2008 to take over Your Money , a personal finance column. Sixteen years later, he has gained a reputation for offering readers advice — often tinged with his own experience — on headache-inducing issues, like how to navigate the maze of paying for college or prepare for life after a layoff .

“I love introducing readers to characters who they might not think would be the subject of money columns, but who are actually perfectly suited to teach us a thing or three about how the world works,” said Mr. Lieber, whose column appears online and most Saturdays in the Business section.

As a columnist for The Times, he has witnessed two recessions and a pandemic. (In 2009, he even wrote about how his own financial planner had been charged with fraud.) In a recent conversation, he shared the unexpected lessons he had learned in writing the column and the topics he thought might soon dominate the world of personal finance. These are edited excerpts from the conversation.

How did you first become interested in finance?

When I was a high school senior in Chicago applying for financial aid for college, I found my way to Roger Koester , who was an associate director of financial aid at Northwestern University. He had an after-hours side gig in his office; in exchange for $45, he’d explain the whole financial aid system to local families who were trying to understand it. He knew exactly what he was talking about and gave me terrific advice.

It was a reminder that there’s always a grown-up somewhere who knows how to beat the system, and if you can just find that grown-up and ask questions, you can help other people beat it, too. I don’t think of myself as the grown-up, but every week, I still feel like I’m searching for the grown-ups who know the answer to whatever thorny consumer question is bedeviling our readers.

What makes for a good column?

When I think about personal finance, there’s a kind of a Venn diagram of possible topics: things that are really expensive; processes that are really complicated; and decisions where emotions can lead us astray if we aren’t careful. I like to think that when I’m at the center of that diagram, I’ve found the right topic.

And then there’s the matter of voice. The best compliment anyone can pay me is to say that my column sounded like I was there in the room with them, explaining the topic at hand. I want it to feel conversational, and not lecture-y, preachy or didactic. That doesn’t mean it’s always friendly — I try my best to punch up at institutions or entities that can take it and deserve it.

If I can find the right topic, and do it in the right voice, I’ve won the week.

Last month, an article by New York magazine’s financial advice columnist on how she was scammed out of $50,000 went viral. Do you think you would’ve fallen for that scam?

Never say never. I’m constantly telling myself that there’s never a reason to rush to do something right now. There’s pretty much always time to call one or three or five people smarter than you or just calmer than you who will ask you levelheaded questions and try to pull you back from the edge of making a big mistake.

What writers and publications do you read to stay on top of your beat?

I read The Wall Street Journal religiously. I’m a big fan of Ramit Sethi, who’s the author of the book “ I Will Teach You to Be Rich ” and a newsletter writer. I love reading Michelle Singletary , who writes the personal finance column for The Washington Post. And I also really like the attitude and the message of Tori Dunlap , who most people know from Instagram and TikTok.

What trends are you watching?

All of the people who’ve been in the work force for their entire career without a traditional pension are starting to retire, and a lot of them are going to run out of money. The question of what’s going to happen when that happens is deeply concerning.

I’m also interested in all of the work that Conor Dougherty and other Times colleagues have been doing around our inability to build more housing in a reasonable fashion. It’s not clear where and how people in their 20s and even 30s are going to buy homes.

Anything else you want to add?

If people are seeing things in the world that don’t make sense — whether they think corruption needs to be exposed, or if they just want to say, “I can’t be the only one who doesn’t understand this thing, could you explain it?” — it’s so helpful for me to know . Some of the work I’m most proud of started with a reader comment on one of my columns. We’re all in this together, and none of us are as smart as all of us.

Sarah Bahr is a senior staff editor at The Times. She has reported on a range of topics, most often theater, film and television, while writing for the Culture, Styles and National desks. More about Sarah Bahr

A Guide to Making Better Financial Moves

Making sense of your finances can be complicated. the tips below can help..

Credit card debt is rising, and shopping for a card with a lower interest rate can help you save money. Here are some things to know .

Whether you’re looking to make your home more energy-efficient, install solar panels or buy an electric car, this guide can help you save money and fight climate change .

Starting this year, some of the money in 529 college savings accounts can be used for retirement if it’s not needed for education. Here is how it works .

Are you trying to improve your credit profile? You can now choose to have your on-time rent payments reported to the credit bureaus  to enhance your score.

Americans’ credit card debt and late payments are rising, and card interest rates remain high, but many people lack a plan to pay down their debt. Here’s what you can do .

There are few challenges facing students more daunting than paying for college. This guide can help you make sense of it all .

AARP financial tips for older adults are on the money

Readers get a new perspective on aging and financial planning in february/march edition..

AARP says there are seven common mistakes older adults make with their money.

Elise Amendola/AP file photo

My favorite magazine is AARP.

I don’t scan it. I devour it. Not only is the magazine relevant to what’s happening in my life, it is entertaining.

After all, what 70-something-year-old woman doesn’t enjoy reading about Robert De Niro’s private life or the “Sex Secrets of Extremely Happy Couples?”

The February/March edition is particularly helpful.

It’s about safeguarding your personal finances.

While most of us won’t retire as millionaires, we’ve worked too hard to see our savings in the hands of scammers or wasted on poor financial choices.

I was reading the magazine when I came across “7 Things NOT To Do to Stay Financially Healthy.”

I couldn’t believe it.

After reading the article, I discovered I made four financial mistakes.

Mistake: “Shower the people you love with money”

“It can be hard to tell relatives that you have to rein in your giving," said Lena Haas, head of wealth management advice and solutions at Edward Jones, in the AARP article. "Sit down with your family before there is a crisis, and be honest about what aid you can give."

As the eldest of several siblings, I’ve played the savior for a large part of my life. Now that I am the matriarch of my family, there is even more of an expectation that I’ll help out financially in a crisis.

That won’t change.

As a successful Black woman, supporting family members is a given. What will change, however, is my habit of giving large monetary gifts to make up for my failure to spend time with the people I care about.

As they say, time is money, but money can't make up for time.

Mistake: “Lap up the luxury”

“Before you spring for that European sports car or total kitchen makeover, calculate how much you’ll need to live comfortably,” the article stated.

That’s the truth.

Because I remembered the sting of a supervisor telling me I would never be able to afford a Saab convertible, my idea of retirement was driving off into the sunset in a luxury car.

I got that Saab convertible decades ago.

But spending retirement money on one big luxury item turned out to be a dumb idea.

I now drive a vehicle with enough bells and whistles to make my head spin.

But what I needed was a cool car with a CD player.

Mistake: “Panic about investments”

For investment advice, AARP turned to Meir Statman, a professor of finance at Santa Clara University and author of “Finance for Normal People.”

"People tend to assume that what is going up or down will continue,” Statman said. “Use a two-week cooling-off period before you buy or sell.”

I warn new investors to avoid watching the market’s ups and downs daily. It could be bad for your mental health.

When I entered the market, I had no idea what I was getting into. All I knew, really, was that I had a 401(k) plan that I needed to roll over somewhere. I didn’t know the plan’s value could fluctuate — sometimes wildly.

I’m grateful that my financial adviser kept me from bailing out when the market sank.

Mistake: “Spend on autopilot”

According to AARP, "in 2022, C+R Research surveyed people who thought they were spending an average of $89 a month on subscriptions. But a review of their bills found they were actually spending $219 a month.”   For me, tax season is a wake-up call. I’m always astounded by how quickly the subscriptions and streaming services can add up. Because of rampant fraud, I’m also paying closer attention to my credit card statements.

The article also told seniors to make minor home repairs to prevent more expensive ones down the road and to get rid of items you really don't need to avoid expensive storage costs. AARP also advised seniors to keep up with preventive health care to help to curb expensive medical care expenses.

As a senior, I’m developing a new relationship with my money — and AARP.

An all-American Bible — with a cut of the sales going to Trump

Donald trump finds votes and profits at the intersection of politics and religion.

Donald Trump is not a particularly religious person, if he is one at all. Even Americans who view him favorably are a lot more likely to say he’s “not religious” than “very religious.” He goes to churches for political rallies far more often than he goes for services. He says the Bible is his favorite book, though he generally qualifies that by noting that he’s also a big fan of “The Art of the Deal.”

Makes sense that he’d like his own book, given how much money he’s made off it over the years. On Tuesday, though, he announced a promotion that might endear him even further to the central Christian text: a “God Bless the USA” Bible, some of the proceeds of which will flow back to him.

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Trump announced the book on his social media platform, Truth Social — itself a particularly lucrative venture at the moment, given that its just-listed stock price has jumped nearly 50 percent .

“Happy Holy Week!” Trump’s post said. “Let’s Make America Pray Again. As we lead into Good Friday and Easter, I encourage you to get a copy of the God Bless The USA Bible.” He tagged musician Lee Greenwood in the post because the “God Bless the USA” singer is also touted as an endorser on the product’s webpage .

The promoted Bible has not only the standard books, but also a few additions including the Constitution (“which I’m fighting for every single day very hard,” Trump says in a video attached to the post), the Pledge of Allegiance and, as the webpage touts, the “[h]andwritten chorus to ‘God Bless The USA’ by Lee Greenwood.” It was originally slated for release in 2021, but an outcry from a number of prominent Christians derailed the rollout.

That was then. The current website for the book includes an FAQ that addresses the question of how the former president benefits from the partnership. It assures visitors that no money from the sale of the Bibles will go to Trump’s political campaign. Instead, “ GodBlessTheUSABible.com uses Donald J. Trump’s name, likeness and image under paid license from CIC Ventures LLC, which license may be terminated or revoked according to its terms.”

CIC Ventures, though, is a conduit to Trump — personally, if not politically. In his financial disclosure released last year, he’s identified as the company’s “manager, president, secretary and treasurer” and the Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust is identified as a 100 percent owner of the business. The same entity also receives royalties from his book “A MAGA Journey” and speaking engagements. A person familiar with the agreement confirmed to the New York Times that Trump earns royalties from purchases.

In retrospect, we might have predicted this particular business venture.

First, Trump has increasingly branched out on his endorsement gigs, slapping his name or likeness on sneakers and NFTs in addition to campaign merchandise. He is in a cash crunch — personally and politically — and has been unafraid throughout his career to put the Trump name on anything that might yield a stream of revenue.

But, second, Trump has mined right-wing religiosity consistently for political support and political contributions. Why not branch out into private-sector benefits?

“That’s why our country is going haywire: We’ve lost religion in our country,” Trump says in the video hyping his new partnership. “All Americans need a Bible in their home and I have many. It’s my favorite book.” At another point, he insists that Christians are “under siege” and that “we have to protect anything that is pro-God.”

This is familiar rhetoric. In each of his presidential campaigns , he’s presented similar warnings and promises: Christianity is under threat, and he will be its relentless defender. He’s been effective at building fervent support among White evangelical Protestants, thanks to his insistent efforts to deliver on their political desires. He has been as effective at leveraging the insecurities of evangelical Christians as he has of White conservatives overall.

That this was perhaps predictable doesn’t make it less cynical. The pairing of foundational documents like the Constitution with the Bible has appeal to the conservative Christians Trump embraces but would unquestionably be viewed skeptically by the Constitution’s writers. And, again, even his supporters understand that he’s not really religious. If religion is as essential to America as he claims, why doesn’t that apply to him and his family? (In 2015, his putative church released a statement noting that he wasn’t an “active member.”)

More to the point, why is he plugging this Bible now? The answers are obvious: now because he needs money and this Bible because he benefits financially to some extent.

Perhaps you think I am also being cynical. After all, Trump offers that he’s pitching the book now because Easter is Sunday. Perhaps he simply wants Americans to have a Bible in-hand on the most sacred of Christian holidays.

We turn again to that FAQ.

“The God Bless The USA Bible is printed in limited-edition quantities,” it reads. “Most orders ship within 4-6 weeks of the time ordered. Your order will ship as it becomes available, and we will make reasonable efforts to ship your order as quickly as possible.”

You pay the cost of the Bible, shipping and taxes up front, of course. First things first.

Can Donald Trump's Truth Social deal save him from his financial woes? Maybe.

WASHINGTON – Former President Donald Trump is facing money challenges as he contends with legal fights on multiple fronts while trying to raise cash for his bid to reclaim the White House.

In a civil fraud case, Trump has been ordered to pay a half-billion dollar bond which his lawyers have called a “practical impossibility.” And in the 2024 presidential campaign, President Joe Biden has been lapping him in fundraising.

But a deal to take his social media platform, Truth Social , and its parent company public could provide the former president and business magnate a critical lifeline and could more than double his net worth and net him more than $3 billion.

The deal isn’t set in stone yet and Trump still has a few hurdles to clear if he wants immediate access to his newfound wealth. Here’s what to know about Trump’s social media deal and his financial woes.

What is Truth Social?

Truth Social is Trump's social media platform he launched after the 2020 election. The app is similar to X, formerly Twitter, and is Trump's favored messaging tool after his X account was permanently suspended for his false claims of election fraud. His account has since been reinstated after Elon Musk took control of the platform, but Trump has stayed on Truth Social.

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The app is marketed as an alternative social media platform for conservatives. Trump said in a statement he started the platform to "stand up to the tyranny of Big Tech."

What is the Truth Social merger?

Investors on Friday green lighted a merger with Trump’s media and technology company, aptly named Trump Media & Technology Group. The company, which owns Truth Social, will merge with Digital World Acquisition Corp, an SPAC – companies aimed at raising cash and merging with other entities.

If all goes well with the agreement, Truth Social can start trading on Monday labeled DJT – Trump’s initials .

Trump’s stake in Truth Social’s parent company values over $3 billion but a prior agreement bars Trump from selling any of his shares or borrowing cash against them for six months. If the agreement sticks, Trump's financial problems won't be going away anytime soon.

What are Trump’s financial problems?

Trump’s most immediate problem is a nearly half billion dollar bond he is ordered to post by Monday.  

Last month a New York judge ruled in a civil fraud case that the former president inflated the values of his properties and delivered a penalty of almost $454 million. Trump is seeking to appeal the ruling and must put up a bond equal to the penalty. His lawyers however, told an appeals court it was a “practical impossibility” to put up the bond. 

“Despite scouring the market, we have been unsuccessful in our effort to obtain a bond for the Judgment Amount for Defendants for the simple reason that obtaining an appeal bond for $464 million is a practical impossibility under the circumstances presented,” his lawyers said in a court filing.

If Trump can’t post the bond by Monday, New York Attorney General Letitia James can begin collecting the penalty from last month’s case. If Trump can’t pay up, James could begin seizing his assets.

Trump's fundraising numbers

Trump is also significantly trailing Biden in campaign fundraising as he runs for a second term while he is mired in legal trouble.

Biden raised $21.3 million in February, nearly double what Trump raised the same month – $10.9 million – according to filings with the Federal Election Commission.

Not only that, Biden’s campaign has $71 million cash on hand compared to Trump’s campaign which falls behind at $33.5 million.

Can the Truth Social deal save Trump?

Trump could ask the company Truth Social is merging with to waive the six-month waiting period – called a “lock-up” provision – before he could turn his stake into cash but that has its own set of complications. 

But waiving the requirement could lower the company’s value and might not even allow Trump to tap into all of his shares as he could be limited to how much stock he can sell.

With the Monday deadline quickly approaching, it’s still unclear how Trump will be able to post up the $464 million bond. In the meantime, Trump’s lawyers are attempting to either reduce the bond requirement or completely waive it.