write a short essay explaining zambia's path to independence

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The continental: zambia’s journey to independence: a triumph of unity and determination.

today October 24, 2023 32

Colonial Legacy: Like many African nations, Zambia was subject to British colonial rule, known as Northern Rhodesia, for over half a century. During this period, the people of Zambia faced a multitude of challenges, including land dispossession, economic exploitation, and political oppression.

Leaders of Liberation: The road to independence was guided by visionary leaders, such as Kenneth Kaunda, Harry Nkumbula, and Mainza Chona, among others. These leaders mobilized the Zambian population, urging them to unite and strive for a sovereign nation.

Peaceful Transition: Remarkably, Zambia’s path to independence was relatively peaceful, in contrast to many other nations in the region. The leaders’ commitment to peaceful negotiations and their determination to achieve independence through dialogue and diplomacy set an inspiring example.

Unity in Diversity: Zambia is home to numerous ethnic groups and languages, which makes its unity even more remarkable. The leaders emphasized the importance of preserving the nation’s diversity while striving for a common purpose.

Founding Fathers: Kenneth Kaunda, often referred to as the “Father of the Nation,” became Zambia’s first president after the country gained independence. His leadership and dedication to national unity and development left an indelible mark on the nation.

Socioeconomic Progress: Post-independence, Zambia pursued an ambitious agenda of economic and social development. The country saw substantial investment in infrastructure, education, and healthcare, with a focus on improving the lives of its citizens.

Challenges and Triumphs: Zambia faced numerous challenges over the years, including economic difficulties and political changes. However, the nation’s resilience and commitment to democracy have allowed it to overcome obstacles and continue on the path of progress.

A Beacon of Peace: Zambia is widely recognized for its commitment to peace and stability. The country has played an active role in regional diplomacy and has been a sanctuary for refugees from neighboring nations during times of conflict.

Looking to the Future: As Zambia commemorates its independence, it also looks toward the future. The nation’s youthful population and vibrant culture are key elements in Zambia’s ongoing development. The spirit of unity and determination that led to independence continues to drive the country’s progress.

Zambia’s journey to independence is a testament to the indomitable spirit of its people and their ability to overcome adversity through peaceful means. The nation’s leaders and citizens have created a legacy of unity, diversity, and progress that continues to shine as a beacon of hope and inspiration for Zambia and the wider African continent.

Written by: Arthur Daka

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Zambians campaign for independence, 1944-1964

Time period, location description.

• (Mainly or Initiated by) Indigenous Participants
• (Mainly or Initiated by) People of Color
• An Example of Paradox of Repression
• An Example of Regime Change

Methods in 1st segment

Methods in 3rd segment.

• In 1953, Nkumbula and Kaunda begin publishing the Congress News

Methods in 4th segment

Methods in 5th segment, methods in 6th segment, additional methods (timing unknown), segment length, external allies, involvement of social elites, nonviolent responses of opponent, campaigner violence, repressive violence, classification, group characterization, groups in 1st segment, groups in 2nd segment, groups in 3rd segment, groups in 5th segment, success in achieving specific demands/goals, total points, notes on outcomes, database narrative.

In order to strengthen their hold on political and economic power, the white settlers of British-controlled Northern Rhodesia sought to unite the British colonial territories of Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland during the late 1930s and 1940s.  This was a response to the growing strength of African organizations (e.g. labor unions) in Northern Rhodesia, a development that prompted white European fears of African social and economic advance.  In addition, the white minority of Northern Rhodesia feared the type of influence that black populist countries located north of Northern Rhodesia (e.g. the Belgian Congo and countries in East Africa) might have on white-ruled Northern Rhodesia.  Thus, in order to maintain their political influence and economic power over the black majority of Northern Rhodesia, white settlers endeavored to strengthen their ties with white-controlled southern Africa by forming the Central African Federation. 

However, black Africans in Northern Rhodesia protested against the prospect of such an amalgamation. Africans in Northern Rhodesia became increasingly afraid of losing land to the Europeans, and in terms of political representation, land ownership, trade union power, and pass-law control, Africans in Southern Rhodesia were less well off than in Northern Rhodesia. 

In order to address this issue, black Africans of Northern Rhodesia sought the aid of local tribal chiefs, who were the traditional trustees of tribal land.  In 1944, a senior Bemba chief argued against federation in the Northern Provincial Council in order to address his people’s concerns, and increasing numbers of chiefs began to speak out against amalgamation.  In addition to the tribal chiefs, the clerks and teachers who sat in the African Representative Council called for the formation of an expressly political body that could better organize for political action against the white settlers.  This led to the creation of the Northern Rhodesia Congress in 1948.     

As African nationalism continued to grow within the opposition, the Northern Rhodesia Congress was renamed the Northern Rhodesia African National Congress (NRANC) in 1951, with Harry Nkumbula as its president.  The Congress’ goal was to prevent the Federation from forming, and through a series of conferences held in Lusaka that brought together chiefs, congress leaders, and trade unionists, opposition leaders organized a Supreme Action Council that would plan and potentially order a mass action.

In March 1953, Congress President Nkumbula burned the British White Paper on Federation and made a national call for noncooperation with the federal government.  He called for a two-day ‘national prayer’ that would take place in April, during which no Africans would go to work.  However, the British colonial government, mining companies, and other big employers took steps to counter the upcoming general strike.  Workers and all daily-paid Africans in the civil service were threatened with instant dismissal if they were to obey Nkumbula’s orders and observe the strike.  The government’s tactic of worker intimidation largely succeeded, for African miners (except at Mufulira) and other workers did not observe the strike.

Despite this failure, the Congress took steps to appeal their case to a higher authority.  In April 1953, with the signatures of 120 tribal chiefs, the Congress sent a petition to the Queen and to the British Houses of Parliament in London to protest the amalgamation of the territories.  They argued that the black African majority of Northern Rhodesia had been excluded from the decision to form a Federation, citing that the vast majority of black Africans were not permitted to vote.  However, their appeals went unanswered, and the British Colonial government continued to arrest, persecute, and intimidate leaders of the opposition.  In addition, the Central African Federation was formed in August 1953, and popular support for the Congress dwindled.

Despite their failure to prevent the formation for the Federation, Congress leaders and other members of the opposition in Northern Rhodesia continued to challenge the Federation’s legitimacy, and its policy of racial discrimination.  Between 1954 and 1958, opposition leaders continued to encourage students, mine workers, and other black Africans to boycott and picket European businesses that discriminated against them and to practice noncooperation with the Federal government.  Such boycotts and pickets would bring white businesses to a standstill for weeks, and the colonial government responded with beatings, assaults, and arrests.  It also launched an investigation into the Congress, and members of the colonial government sought stronger legislation against boycotting and picketing.  In 1955, Congress Secretary-General Kenneth Kaunda and Nkumbula were both jailed for two months for possessing prohibited literature, yet their arrest drew the public’s attention to their organizing efforts and helped create an aura of martyrdom.

It was not until 1958, however, that popular support for Congress was fully revived.  Two years of economic distress, (as a result of fallen copper prices), had increased the unemployment rate among black Africans, and had forced many into even greater poverty.  In addition, an influx of young leaders into the Congress during this time brought a new, strong, and radical energy to the organization.  These young leaders, including Kaunda, Sikota Wina, and Simon Kapwepwe, were committed to the idea of creating an independent African state that would be free of British colonial rule.  This nation, they envisioned, would be named Zambia. 

However, this vision clashed with the one held by other Congress members, including Nkumbula.  In 1958, Nkumbula was in favor of taking part in the elections that would form a new constitution for Northern Rhodesia and allow about 25,000 Africans to vote, while the radicals sought to boycott the election.  This division led to a split in Congress and to the formation of the Zambia African National Congress (ZANC), a new party that would be led by Kaunda, Wina, and Kapwepwe.

In 1959, amid spreading rumors that the Nyasaland African Congress was about to launch a ‘murder plot’ against white Europeans, the Federal government declared a state of emergency, banned the ZANC and NRANC, and jailed its leaders.  However, these arrests only helped to fuel black African resistance, and prompted demonstrators to turn to property damage for two months.  Shop windows were smashed in Lusaka, riots broke out, arson was committed, cars were damaged, and attempts were made to burn down the rest-house used by members of the African Legislative Council.  Many people were imprisoned, including Kaunda, but in October of that year the United National Independence Party (UNIP) was also formed. Once he was released from jail in January 1960, Kaunda became the leader of UNIP. 

As black African pressure continued to mount in Northern Rhodesia (as well as in Nyasaland), members of the British government began to realize that Northern Rhodesia would need a more rapid constitutional advance if it were to maintain its hold on the region.  Pressure from Europeans in Southern Rhodesia, who were supporting the formation of a fully independent Southern Rhodesia, also prompted members of the British parliament to reconsider its stance.  In December 1960, British colonial authorities invited Kaunda and other UNIP leaders to a conference in London to discuss the future of the three colonies.

In 1961, the Colonial Office proposed a constitution for Northern Rhodesia that would make possible an African majority in the legislature.  However, this proposed constitution was revised after having received pressure from the Federal Prime Minister, Sir Roy Welensky, who feared that the concessions made in the proposed constitution would lead to Northern Rhodesia’s secession from the Federation.

However, this proposed concession and its ultimate revision prompted UNIP to begin a stronger civil disobedience campaign throughout the northern and eastern parts of the region in 1961.  Kaunda, who was greatly influenced by the work of Mohandas Gandhi and espoused an ideology of positive nonviolent action, urged campaigners to protest nonviolently. The campaign—which consisted of boycotts, pickets, rallies, roadblocks, and other acts of civil disobedience—was largely nonviolent. 

As a result of the campaign, the colonial government revised the constitution once again in 1962, allowing UNIP to participate in the October 1962 elections.  After a major election campaign, during which UNIP and Congress leaders traveled throughout the region for local community support, UNIP and the Congress won two-thirds of the total vote between them, thus gaining a majority of government seats.  With opposition leaders now in government positions, the Federation was dissolved in 1963. 

In early 1964, Northern Rhodesia held another election, which was based on universal adult suffrage.  The results of this election gave UNIP a decisive majority win, Kaunda was elected Prime Minister, and Northern Rhodesia was granted full independence on 24 October 1964.

: Kenneth Kaunda was largely influenced by the work of Mohandas Gandhi and the concept of “positive action.” In May 1958, Kaunda traveled to India to meet those who had taken part in the non-violent movement that enabled India to secure its independence from British colonial rule. Kaunda continued to develop his ideology of positive nonviolent action during Northern Rhodesia’s campaign for independence. (1)

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A Brief History of Zambia

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The indigenous hunter-gatherer occupants of Zambia began to be displaced or absorbed by more advanced migrating tribes about 2,000 years ago. The major waves of Bantu-speaking immigrants began in the 15th century, with the greatest influx between the late 17th and early 19th centuries. They came primarily from the Luba and Lunda tribes of southern Democratic Republic of Congo and northern Angola

Escaping the Mfecane

In the 19th century, there was an additional influx by Ngoni peoples from the south escaping the Mfecane . By the latter part of that century, the various peoples of Zambia were largely established in the areas they currently occupy.

David Livingstone at the Zambezi

Except for an occasional Portuguese explorer, the area lay untouched by Europeans for centuries. After the mid-19th century, it was penetrated by Western explorers, missionaries, and traders. David Livingstone, in 1855, was the first European to see the magnificent waterfalls on the Zambezi River. He named the falls after Queen Victoria , and the Zambian town near the falls is named after him.

Northern Rhodesia a British Protectorate

In 1888, Cecil Rhodes, spearheading British commercial and political interests in Central Africa, obtained a mineral rights concession from local chiefs. In the same year, Northern and Southern Rhodesia (now Zambia and Zimbabwe, respectively) were proclaimed a British sphere of influence. Southern Rhodesia was annexed formally and granted self-government in 1923, and the administration of Northern Rhodesia was transferred to the British colonial office in 1924 as a protectorate.

A Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland

In 1953, both Rhodesias were joined with Nyasaland (now Malawi) to form the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Northern Rhodesia was the center of much of the turmoil and crisis that characterized the federation in its last years. At the core of the controversy were insistent African demands for greater participation in government and European fears of losing political control.

The Road to Independence

A two-stage election held in October and December 1962 resulted in an African majority in the legislative council and an uneasy coalition between the two African nationalist parties. The council passed resolutions calling for Northern Rhodesia's secession from the federation and demanding full internal self-government under a new constitution and a new national assembly based on a broader, more democratic franchise.

A Troubled Start for the Republic of Zambia

On December 31, 1963, the federation was dissolved, and Northern Rhodesia became the Republic of Zambia on October 24, 1964. At independence, despite its considerable mineral wealth, Zambia faced major challenges. Domestically, there were few trained and educated Zambians capable of running the government, and the economy was largely dependent on foreign expertise.

Surrounded by Oppression

Three of Zambia's neighbors – Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola—remained under white-dominated rule. Rhodesia's white-ruled government unilaterally declared independence in 1965. In addition, Zambia shared a border with South African-controlled South-West Africa (now Namibia). Zambia's sympathies lay with forces opposing colonial or white-dominated rule, particularly in Southern Rhodesia.

Supporting Nationalist Movements in Southern Africa

During the next decade, it actively supported movements such as the Union for the Total Liberation of Angola (UNITA), the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), and the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO).

The Struggle Against Poverty

Conflicts with Rhodesia resulted in the closing of Zambia's borders with that country and severe problems with international transport and power supply. However, the Kariba hydroelectric station on the Zambezi River provided sufficient capacity to satisfy the country's requirements for electricity. A railroad to the Tanzanian port of Dar es Salaam, built with Chinese assistance, reduced Zambian dependence on railroad lines south to South Africa and west through an increasingly troubled Angola.

By the late 1970s, Mozambique and Angola had attained independence from Portugal. Zimbabwe achieved independence in accordance with the 1979 Lancaster House agreement, but Zambia's problems were not solved. Civil war in the former Portuguese colonies generated refugees and caused continuing transportation problems. The Benguela Railroad, which extended west through Angola, was essentially closed to traffic from Zambia by the late 1970s. Zambia's strong support for the ANC, which had its external headquarters in Lusaka, created security problems as South Africa raided ANC targets in Zambia.

In the mid-1970s, the price of copper, Zambia's principal export, suffered a severe decline worldwide. Zambia turned to foreign and international lenders for relief, but as copper prices remained depressed, it became increasingly difficult to service its growing debt. By the mid-1990s, despite limited debt relief, Zambia's per capita foreign debt remained among the highest in the world.

This article was adapted from U.S. Department of State Background Notes (public domain material).

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• Biography of Sir Seretse Khama, African Statesman
• Biography of Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Father of Tanzania
• The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland
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Zambia gains independence from Britain

African American Registry , (2011) ‘Zambia gains independence’ , [online] Available at www.aaregistry.org [Accessed 21 September 2012]|

Exploring Africa (2011) ‘Unit Two: Studying Africa through Social Studies’ [online] Available at https://exploringafrica.matrix.msu.edu [Accessed 21 September 2012]|

South African History Online , ‘Kenneth Kaunda becomes the Prime Minister of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia)’ , [online], available at www.sahistory.org.za (Accessed: 21 September 2012)

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50 Years Later, Zambians Are Asking What Independence Day Means

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Zambia's National Freedom Day last year in Lusaka. October 24, 2013, photo by Owen Miyanza. Demotix.

Zambia celebrated  its golden jubilee  last week, on October 24. This year's anniversary marked the first time in 50 years of independence that Zambia's sitting head of state was absent at the festivities, as President Michael Sata was abroad for what his staff called a “ medical check up .”

While Zambians all over the world celebrated the holiday with food, the national colours, and anything else they could lay their hands on, some observations have raised serious questions about the country's past and future.

Zambia's official golden jubilee logo.

The most high-profile criticism came from the opposition: United Party for National Development (UPND) leader Hakainde Hichilema called on people to wear black to commemorate and not celebrate the occasion:

What did the freedom fighters envisage this country will be 50 years down the road? Is it what it is today? Since the PF came to power on a platform of lies and deceit the country has witnessed repression, the country has witnessed violation of fundamental human rights, freedoms and liberties, bias public media coverage, police brutality, political violence of unprecedented levels I never thought I would live post 1991 to see a country that has so much political violence.

Some Zambian social media users didn't agree with Hichilema, who spent the day comforting the bereaved and  distributing bags of  corn meal and cooking oil, but it was Canicius Banda, one of UPND's two vice presidents, who attracted the most attention on Zambia's golden jubilee with a question posed on Facebook. Banda challenged the public to think harder about the holiday, asking if independence day celebrates the mere passage of time, or the country's achievements since that hot summer night 50 years ago, when Northern Rhodesia transformed itself into the Republic of Zambia. He wrote :

ON ZAMBIA'S GOLDEN JUBILEE [The Case of Merely Rejoicing Over the Passage of Time and NOT Achievement/The Calendar Parties]: Vernon Mwaanga, one of Zambia's own freedom fighters and political authorities, in his book, The Long Sunset, observes as follows: ‘…the colonialists left more than 40 years ago and in the case of many African countries we can no longer blame them for our woes. Slavery belongs to our painful past. Now we must transform our countries and move towards modernity, correcting our past mistakes, but moving forward all the time…’ The Republican Vice President Dr Guy Scott, fifty years post-independence, only one week ago, commenting on the 2015 National Budget said this: ‘Our priorities as a nation are wrong. Instead of fighting unemployment we are focusing on single-digit inflation; meanwhile citizens in the Lukanga swamps are surviving on [eating] scorpions. This is not right.’ Mr Alexander Chikwanda, Minister of Finance, a few weeks ago stated as follows: ‘We have failed to progress in this country because of leadership failure.’ Mr Chikwanda is spot on with his diagnosis. As we start another 50 years, we need a new breed of youthful, patriotic, nationalistic, knowledgeable, wise and God-fearing leaders. This is our prayer. Lord hear us! And we are sure that He will answer our prayer. These ‘Belinda Times’, times of deception must surely end!

Michael Chishala, in a contribution to the online news website Zambian Watchdog, wrote :

After 50 years of self-rule, it is shameful that our economic statistics are equivalent to war-torn countries, some of which are now doing better than us in many areas. Every Zambian government has blamed something other than themselves for the mess we are in. They are elected to bring change but they fail, while we the citizens are not putting enough pressure on them. It is time we the new generation make a change.

Chishala then posed some ways forward for Zambia:

I believe there has to be a change of ideas and attitudes. Zambians should firstly realize that they should take their vote seriously and not be swept off their feet by smooth talking politicians. They should adopt a skeptical disposition and thoroughly question prospective candidates … Civil Society, the Church, political parties and all of us must press for a drastic reduction in the powers of the Executive, arguably the greatest single problem.

In a joint pastoral letter on Independence Day Eve, Zambia's three “mother” body churches—the Zambia Episcopal Conference, Christian Council of Zambia, and Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia— stressed the need for poverty reduction as a top priority:

The challenge though still remains for Zambia to put in place better redistributive policies so that the majority poor and the most vulnerable in our society are not left to be mere spectators in the current economic activities. In other words, the country’s economic boom would only be meaningful if it significantly reduces poverty among the people of Zambia and allows the active participation of the majority citizenry. Unfortunately, what we see being achieved is the ever widening gap between the rich and the poor and marginalization of rural areas in terms of infrastructure development and economic activities.

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