successful aging essay

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Critical Perspectives on Successful Aging: Does It “Appeal More Than It Illuminates”?

Stephen katz.

1 Department of Sociology, Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario, Canada.

Toni Calasanti

2 Department of Sociology, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg.

“Successful aging” is one of gerontology’s most successful ideas. Applied as a model, a concept, an approach, an experience, and an outcome, it has inspired researchers to create affiliated terms such as “healthy,” “positive,” “active,” “productive,” and “effective” aging. Although embraced as an optimistic approach to measuring life satisfaction and as a challenge to ageist traditions based on decline, successful aging as defined by John Rowe and Robert Kahn has also invited considerable critical responses. This article takes a critical gerontological perspective to explore such responses to the Rowe–Kahn successful aging paradigm by summarizing its empirical and methodological limitations, theoretical assumptions around ideas of individual choice and lifestyle, and inattention to intersecting issues of social inequality, health disparities, and age relations. The latter point is elaborated with an examination of income, gender, racial, ethnic, and age differences in the United States. Conclusions raise questions of social exclusion and the future of successful aging research.

Successful aging is one of gerontology’s most successful ideas. Although historical traces of it can be found in Renaissance texts ( Gilleard, 2013 ), the modern gerontological idea emerged in the 1950s and was later crystallized in the work of John Rowe and Robert Kahn. Successful aging has been churned into theoretical paradigms, health measurements, retirement lifestyles, policy agendas, and antiaging ideals. Researchers have also generated a discourse of kin terms such as “productive aging,” “positive aging,” “optimal aging,” “effective aging,” “independent aging,” and “healthy aging,” which together promote (a) an industry of books, conferences, journals, funding, and research programs, (b) web sites (e.g., http://healthyandsuccessfulaging.wordpress.com/ ), and (c) institutional identities. For example, Wayne State University’s Institute of Gerontology’s banner is “Promoting Successful Aging in Detroit and Beyond,” and Florida State University has a new “Institute of Successful Longevity.” Indeed, Carol Ryff’s (1982) comment, now 30 years on, that, “like goodness, truth, and other human ideals, successful aging may appeal more than it illuminates” (p. 209), still holds true. This essay examines the theoretical development of successful aging and the critical literature that has ensued, with a focus on the disparities of aging and social inequality in the United States today.

Robert Havighurst (1961) provided an early formulation of successful aging. In the first issue of The Gerontologist , he optimistically described successful aging in terms of life satisfaction that emphasized “the greatest good for the greatest number” (p. 8). Havighurst and his associates saw that successful aging was both an adaptable theory and a testable experience. Furthermore, it could apply to both disengagement and activity theories, which were otherwise contending models of retirement living at the time. Later, large-scale studies such as the First Duke Longitudinal Study ( Palmore, 1979 ) multiplied the factors and predictors for successful aging over longer periods of time. Although Havighurst (1961) cautioned that “no segment of a society should get satisfaction at a severe cost to some other segment” (p. 8), the enduring appeal of successful aging was its positive characterization of the aging process (“The Measurement of Life Satisfaction” ( Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1961 ) is listed at the top of Ferraro and Schafer’s (2008) “Gerontology’s Greatest Hits” for most frequently cited social science article in the Journals of Gerontology ). Successful agers were satisfied, active, independent, self-sufficient, and, above all, defiant of traditional narratives of decline. Thus, for gerontologists, successful aging scholarship combined antiageist advocacy with empirical research. At the same time, the research paralleled the postwar American preoccupation with individual adaptability and adjustment in later life, a relationship that became a mainstay in the successful aging paradigm developed by John Rowe and Robert Kahn (see Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009 ).

Rowe and Kahn (1987, 1997, 1998 ) introduced a more medical framework in which usual aging and successful aging could be differentiated: The former term referred to nonpathologic but higher risk individuals and the latter term referred to lower risk and higher functioning individuals. Although their earlier work equated successful aging with the absence or avoidance of disease, they later widened it to include cognitive and lifestyle factors. What Rowe and Kahn offered was a hypothesis that merged physical, cognitive, and lifestyle factors with measurable indicators of disease and disability. In effect, Rowe and Kahn maintained that the appropriate lifestyle could result in successful aging, which they defined as (a) forestalling disease and disability, (b) maintaining physical and mental function, and (c) social engagement ( Rowe and Kahn, 1998 , p. 38). According to Rowe, the “new gerontology” recognized that successful aging requires “full engagement in life, including productive activities and interpersonal relations” in addition to health maintenance ( Rowe, 1997 , p. 367). To their credit, Rowe and Kahn, following their predecessors, evoked a much-needed optimistic narrative of positive aging in their consistent emphasis on self-directed health across the life course; that indeed one’s experiences in later life could be measured in terms of success, rather than dowsed in conventional expectations for failure. At the same time, however, by aligning their “new gerontology” so strongly to the role of individual volition and lifestyle in maintaining, improving, and even reversing disabling problems, Rowe and Kahn moved successful aging further from the social determinants of health. This issue, along with other limitations in the successful aging paradigm, is elaborated subsequently.

Responses, Limitations, and Exclusions

Although the successful aging literature has grown vast, for purposes of brevity here we divide the main responses to the Rowe–Kahn paradigm into the following categories: (a) Empirical and methodological limitations, (b) theoretical assumptions around ideas of choice and lifestyles, and (c) lack of attention to intersecting social inequalities and age relations.

Successful Aging: Limitations and Modifications From Within

One of the greatest challenges faced by those working within the successful aging framework is the inconsistency across studies in terms of conceptualization and measures, so much so that the meaning of successful aging is often more implied than delineated ( Knight & Ricciardelli, 2003 ; Phelan, Anderson, LaCroix, & Larson, 2004 ; Pruchno, Wilson-Genderson, Rose, & Cartwright, 2010 ). In fact, in their review of quantitative studies, Depp and Jeste (2006) identified 29 definitions in the 28 studies they examined, with most (but not all) including a measure of disability or physical function. This variability alone presents limitations to research on successful aging.

Researchers concerned with the empirical and methodological limitations of successful aging have responded by extending or adapting successful aging criteria in alternative ways. The most prominent example is the work of Baltes and Baltes (1990) and their model of “selective optimization with compensation” in which aging individuals compensate for losses and limitations by adjusting their expectations and goals to focus on those with the highest priorities. Curb and coworkers (1990) propose the notion of “effective aging” to encompass both successful agers and those in the “middle ground” who face physiologic losses and disease (p. 828). Martin and Gillen develop a “spectrum model of aging” to broaden successful aging research at the level of individual development over the life course with the aim of improving care and quality of life ( Martin & Gillen, 2013 ).

These innovative exercises often respond to a perceived methodological shortcoming of the Rowe–Kahn paradigm: Its neglect of what aging, successful or otherwise, means to older people, a situation addressed through qualitative discovery and self-reporting studies ( Bowling, 2006 ; Fagerström & Aarsten, 2013 ; Rossen, Knafl, & Flood, 2008 ; Strawbridge, Wallhagen, & Cohen, 2002 ; Strawbridge & Wallhagen, 2003 ; Torres & Hammarström, 2009 ). Although life is lived as a subjective process in time through a diversity of contexts and relationships, “the successful aging paradigm seems to define success as an outcome … a game which can be won or lost on the basis of whether or not individuals are diagnosed as successful or usual” ( Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009 , p. 706). When the voices of older individuals are included, we learn that disability and disease are not necessarily experienced in terms of unsuccessful aging nor is successful aging a precondition of aging well, and this has led some scholars to modify the model to incorporate coping and other strategies ( Phelan et al., 2004 ; Van Wagenen, Driskell, & Bradford, 2013 ). And the repeatedly demonstrated discrepancy between the objective criteria (variously measured) and older individuals’ experiences and definitions ( Montross et al., 2006 ) of successful aging has resulted in researchers’ calls to alter the notion of successful aging by combining subjective and objective dimensions. For instance, Pruchno and coworkers (2010) argue for the utility of exploring both dimensions simultaneously, rendering a typology “of successful aging, whereby some people are successful according to both definitions, others are successful according to neither, and still others are successful according to one, but not the other definition” (p. 822).

Our discussion of these limitations, debates over measurements and appropriate criteria, and modifications is not undertaken in order to adjudicate these, but to elucidate them so that we might comment upon their ramifications for gerontology, a topic to which we turn in the final section of this article. Here, we note that regardless of how these debates are decided, their resolution does not move them away from the successful aging framework itself but instead serves to further its prominence and use.

Individual Choice and Lifestyles

The successful aging paradigm has drawn criticism for its assumptions around concepts of individual choice, agency, and lifestyle ( Katz, 2013 ). Individualist culture shapes Rowe and Kahn’s formulation about successful aging, which not only emphasizes successes and failures, but also individual responsibility for same. In their book ( Rowe and Kahn, 1998 ), they wrote: “Our main message is that we can have a dramatic impact on our own success or failure in aging. Far more than is usually assumed, successful aging is in our own hands.” (p. 18, emphasis ours). And “To succeed … means having desired it, planned it, worked for it. All these factors are critical to our view of aging which … we regard as largely under the control of the individual. In short, successful aging is dependent upon individual choices and behaviors. It can be attained through individual choice and effort” (p. 37). However the problems of individual choice go back to the lifestyle ideas of sociologists Georg Simmel and Max Weber. Simmel thought that urban modernity created “a tendency towards extreme subjectivism,” a kind of coerced individualism (Simmel in Frisby, 1992 , p. 76) that was also constructive of new characters at the edge of cosmopolitan life (e.g., the stranger, the modern prostitute, the adventurer). Max Weber’s critique of lifestyles was part of his analysis of status and class division. Weber claimed that, while people may have pretensions to certain status-bound lifestyles, “the possibility of maintaining the life-style of a status group is usually conditioned on economics” ( Weber in Runciman, 1978 , p. 52).

For both Simmel and Weber, lifestyle choices and individual volition are always constrained by the material conditions that accumulate lifelong advantages and disadvantages. In this vein, Pierre Bourdieu (1984) modernized the critique of lifestyle practices to include cultural capital, whereby individual choices are disclosed as the products of privilege; hence, those with the most access to health benefits and services also frame their health behaviors within positive lifestyle outcomes. Like Bourdieu, Anthony Giddens (1991 , 1999 ) forefronts lifestyle in his theories of reflexive and posttraditional individualism, arguing that the structuring of life chances limit individual lifestyle options. The critical traditions of Simmel, Weber, Bourdieu, and Giddens can be seen in the work of contemporary sociologists of aging, such as Hendricks and Hatch (2009) , who aver that “lifestyles and social resources deriving from social arrangements work in tandem to structure the life course, yielding cumulative advantages or disadvantages leading to one or another experience in older age” (p. 440).

These and related critiques make it clear that aging research has to theorize lifestyle, choice, health, and successful aging beyond personal choice because lifestyles are configured by differential opportunities and relations of social inequality ( Calasanti and King, 2011 ; Dannefer, 2003 , 2006 ). However, these critical perspectives on lifestyle are lost in the successful aging research because individual choice is reduced to decontextualized health-relevant choices, such as smoking, diet, or exercise ( Franklin & Tate, 2009 ). For example, policy recommendations such as A Survey in Europe on Nutrition and the Elderly: A Concerted Action (2003) conclude that “the identification of people with unhealthy lifestyle habits, and finding ways to improve lifestyle habits of specific target groups is the challenge of future prevention programmes in young and elderly subjects” ( Haveman-Nies, de Groot, & van Staveren, 2003 , p. 432).

Where successful aging research conceives of health advantages and disadvantages as the results of individual responsibility, buoyed by media narratives of aging winners and losers ( Rozanova, 2010 ), it thus fails to acknowledge social relations of power, environmental determinants of health, and the biopolitics of health inequalities. Indeed, lifestyle and individual volition fit a contemporary consumerist, neoliberal, and entrepreneurial style of thought that dominates health and retirement politics. Where this style of thought intersects with person-centered explanations of health, such as those pronounced in successful aging discourse, the result can be a powerful opposition to state welfare entitlements that “defeat[s] the political lobbying for more social support and resources” ( Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009 , p. 708).

Intersecting Social Inequalities and Age Relations

The most contentious critiques of the successful aging paradigm target those whom it excludes. For example, scholars have questioned what successful aging means for groups who live with dependency and disabilities ( Minkler & Fadem, 2002 ). If they are considered unsuccessful agers in theory, then such labeling deeply affects their treatment by health care regimes in practice. Further, if populations are homogenized as either successful or unsuccessful agers, then the diversity of the aging experience is flattened, especially the consequences of social inequalities as they intersect with age relations. These should figure in theories of successful aging more fully than they do, given all that researchers of intersecting inequities have discovered about patterns in spending power and access to health care, which remain two critical pathways to successful aging as defined by Rowe and Kahn. The advantages and disadvantages that accrue across the life course become more salient in later life. The time in which people are to be “successful agers” is one in which those aged 65 and older are faced with ageism. To this they bring varying material and social resources (based on the intersections of gender, race, ethnicity, class, and sexuality) with which to resist being subjected to this form of inequality. A brief examination of financial and health resources can demonstrate how social inequalities shape opportunities for and constraints upon successful aging in the United States (similar patterns accrue in many other countries in the global North).

Beginning with income, we note that gender-based differences in earnings persist despite women’s increased employment rates ( DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith, 2013 , p. 11, Figure 2). Individual choice cannot explain these discrepancies, which prevail despite educational levels and occupational incumbency. For instance, gender comparisons at various occupational levels find that women’s absolute earnings are highest when they have obtained a professional degree; yet the gap between their income and that of men’s with a similar degree (72%) is also greater than at any other educational level ( AAUW, 2013 , p. 10, Figure 6). Such differences are further shaped by their intersections with race and ethnicity such that White women out-earn racial and ethnic minority women at each educational level ( AAUW, 2013 , p. 14, Figure 7). Similarly, although women’s occupations pay less overall than do men’s, women who work in traditionally male jobs still earn less than their male peers; and even in female-dominated occupations, such as registered nursing, women’s earnings are only 91% of men’s ( AAUW, 2013 ).

Similar racial and ethnic patterns of economic inequalities persist. In 2012, the ratio of Black to non-Hispanic White median income was 0.58, not significantly changed from 1972, whereas the ratio of Hispanic to non-Hispanic White median income actually declined from 0.74 to 0.68 ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 , p. 8). Poverty rates also reflect these disparities; only 9.7% of non-Hispanic Whites were poor in 2012 compared with 11.7%, 25.6%, and 27.2% of Asians, Hispanics, and Blacks, respectively ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 , pp. 14–15). Such systemic differences in earnings become magnified in a time of recession where impacts of economic downturns are not evenly dispersed. Racial and ethnic groups with the lowest incomes (Blacks and Hispanics) saw the largest percentage decreases in the 2008 recession ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2009 , p. 7), while class-based income inequality increased ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 ). Older workers also face increasing odds of losing their jobs and difficulty finding comparable employment in later life ( Johnson, 2009 ; Roscigno, 2010 ). Once unemployed, Black and Hispanic older workers are less likely than non-Hispanic Whites to find new jobs and thus face long-term joblessness or leave the labor force altogether; Hispanic women are particularly disadvantaged ( Flippen & Tienda, 2000 ) and all such workers lose income for their Social Security and/or other pensions. Ending up in jobs that pay much less than previous occupations furthers their financial woes. Taken together, these factors mean they also will have lower incomes in retirement ( Johnson, 2009 , p. 29).

The results of these employment and income patterns include differences in health and health care, which affect the ability to realize ideals of successful aging. For example, those who have unstable or low-paid work have fewer benefits and lower access to health care, which in turn influences their ability to work and receive higher wages. Racial and ethnic minority members of the working class are more likely to occupy lower skilled jobs that are exposed to toxic working conditions or are physically demanding, thus increasing their health risks. Yet such workers are also less likely to have health insurance coverage of any kind ( Brown, 2009 ; DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 ; Williams, 2004 ) and tend to receive care in less optimal settings without the benefits of a continuity of care ( Williams, 2004 ). Taken together, racial and ethnic minority groups are more likely to enter old age in poor physical health. Adding to these outcomes, gender relations also influence the ways in which people define and maintain health. For example, scholars have faulted the performance of masculinity for leading men to engage in risky behaviors or to neglect health protective behaviors ( Courtenay, 2000 ). Yet men do attend to their bodies in contexts where good health and functional capacity are connected to masculine ideals and expectations ( O’Brien, Hunt, & Hart, 2005 ).

If different groups enter their later years with varying financial resources, then these deeply affect how they govern their ability to engage in the activities related to successful aging as defined by Rowe and Kahn. Indeed, older men and women have significantly disparate median incomes and average monthly Social Security benefits ( Administration on Aging, 2013 ; Social Security Administration, 2013 ), but given that men’s median income is almost twice as high as women’s, it is obvious that men also have more sources of income. Reliance on Social Security for a large portion of one’s income certainly bodes poorly for financial security in old age; among those who are poor or near poor (below 200% of the federal poverty line), three fourths of their income comes from Social Security ( Issa & Zedlewski, 2011 ). And gender, race, ethnicity, and class all shape the likelihood that one will rely predominantly on Social Security and experience financial strain. Given these financial realities, it follows that many people aged 65 and older—and women more than men, as well as minority group members and poor or working-class people—are constrained in their lifestyle or health choices. This is so despite the availability of Medicare because, while the entitlement enhances older groups’ access to health care, their copayments and deductibles remain problematic to those with low levels of disposable income. In 2012, nine percent of those aged 65 and older are considered poor under the official poverty threshold ($11,011 for an individual 65+). However, this number jumps to 15% when the supplemental poverty measure, which takes such health expenditures into account, is used ( Short, 2013 ).

Again, the intersections between race, ethnicity, gender, and age are salient. Racial ethnic minority group members do not receive equivalent treatment for dementia despite their receipt of Medicare, even when socioeconomic status, health care access and utilization, and comorbidities are considered ( Zuckerman et al., 2008 ). Black Medicare beneficiaries also receive fewer medical procedures and lower quality medical care than do Whites, even under similar conditions of income, insurance, disease, and medical facility ( Williams, 2004 ). Furthermore, because Medicare is more geared toward acute than chronic illnesses, this means that women who have higher rates of chronic disabilities ( Quadagno, 2014 ) pay more out-of-pocket expenses than do men, despite their lower financial means. Such do not appear to be the result of lifestyle decisions or other personal choices but are configured by relations of power. And to the extent that power relations themselves are not dismantled, the inequalities that constrain individual choice will persist, and the call to age successfully will continue to demarcate winners and losers and will itself serve as another marker of group-based differences.

Critical Conclusions

A key contribution of critical gerontology is its reflexive attitude toward the major concepts by which problems of aging are addressed. Successful aging is certainly one such concept. It has animated a controversial space in which almost every branch of gerontology has participated in some way, including the protagonists themselves. In an exchange between Matilda White Riley and Robert Kahn, Riley accused Rowe and Kahn of not taking into account the fact that “changes in lives and changes in social structures are fundamentally interdependent” and thus neglecting “the dependence of successful aging upon structural opportunities” ( Kahn, 1998 , p. 151). Kahn replied that an obstacle to demonstrating “the effects of major structural interventions is the expense and difficulty of mounting such interventions” (p. 151). For Riley, the sociologist, understanding aging requires a vision of group activities and social structures. For Kahn, the scientist, society is a human population laboratory into which social improvement is based on rational intervention. In response to a different criticism concerning the lack of self-reporting in successful aging research ( Strawbridge et al., 2002 ), Kahn says that, despite his and Rowe’s best intentions to invite researchers “to investigate the heterogeneity among older people” and to “encourage people to make lifestyle choices that would maximize their own likelihood of aging well,” he shares the concerns of his critics “that the term successful aging may itself have the unintended effect of defining the majority of the elderly population as unsuccessful and therefore failing. I believe that this problem, to the extent that it exists, reflects a characteristic of contemporary American culture rather than something intrinsic to the concept” ( Kahn, 2002 , p. 726). However, Rowe and Kahn’s well-taken point concerning the importance of exploring heterogeneity again refers to individual differences; this is quite different from group-based differences resulting from social inequalities.

Rowe and Kahn’s work (1998) sought to combat myths of aging, particularly those that rely upon and promulgate narratives of decline. However, the hypothesis that successful aging is a minimization of declines in physical and cognitive health, or in social connections—rather than as a social location different from (and in conflict with) middle age—shows too little of both the social forces that affect success and the groups’ definitions of it. Both access to the means to success, however defined, and the very definition of success itself are matters of social inequality. Ultimately, the power relations that underlie ageism are not challenged ( Calasanti, 2003 ). In part, these power relations derive from a culture in which ageism is so embedded that we may not realize that middle age serves as its implicit standard ( Calasanti, 2003 ). Thus, gerontologists might consider demonstrating the value of diverse, inclusive, less ageist, and less ethnocentric experiences of aging, for example, the Eastern spiritual context of “harmonious aging” ( Liang & Luo, 2012 ). Again, other studies that have modified the successful aging framework by focusing on subjective assessments provide starting points from which to build alternative conceptions that value old age as qualitatively different from middle and other age categories, rather than a time of life defined by loss or lack of success. In Knight and Ricciardelli’s (2003) study, older participants wisely understood the purpose of their aging lives because “it was a time to take things as they came” (p. 237).

As for the future, in both of his responses above, Kahn suggests that greater interdisciplinarity is needed between scientists and social scientists in order to actively improve the lives of older individuals. To this end, we, as sociologists, hope our review of the critiques of successful aging—in concept, theory, and practice—makes a contribution. We also expect that, in the spirit of critical gerontology, the successful aging paradigm in all of its manifestations will continue to inspire passionate debate between the disciplines, to question why certain models fill theoretical voids in gerontology, to be wary of the popular appeal of positive discourses in aging research, to think historically about the concepts we promote and their exclusionary consequences for the people we care about, and to see clearly which interests are served and knowledges mobilized by the ideas we espouse.

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What Does “Successful Aging” Mean to you? — Systematic Review and Cross-Cultural Comparison of Lay Perspectives of Older Adults in 13 Countries, 2010–2020

• ORIGINAL ARTICLE
• Published: 16 October 2020
• Volume 35 , pages 455–478, ( 2020 )

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• Afton J. Reich 1 , 2 ,
• Kelsie D. Claunch 1 , 3 ,
• Marco A. Verdeja 2 ,
• Matthew T. Dungan 2 ,
• Shellie Anderson 1 , 4 ,
• Colter K. Clayton 1 , 5 ,
• Michael C. Goates 6 &
• Evan L. Thacker   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3813-0885 1 , 2  

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Successful aging is a concept that has gained popularity and relevance internationally among gerontologists in recent decades. Examining lay older adults’ perspectives on successful aging can enhance our understanding of what successful aging means. We conducted a systematic review of peer reviewed studies from multiple countries published in 2010–2020 that contained qualitative responses of lay older adults to open-ended questions such as “What does successful aging mean to you?” We identified 23 studies conducted in 13 countries across North America, Western Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and Oceania. We identified no studies meeting our criteria in Africa, South America, Eastern Europe, North Asia, or Pacific Islands. Across all regions represented in our review, older adults most commonly referred to themes of social engagement and positive attitude in their own lay definitions of successful aging. Older adults also commonly identified themes of independence and physical health. Least mentioned were themes of cognitive health and spirituality. Lay definitions of successful aging varied by country and culture. Our findings suggest that gerontology professionals in fields including healthcare, health psychology, and public health may best serve older adults by providing services that align with older adults’ priority of maintaining strong social engagement as they age. Lay perspectives on successful aging acknowledge the importance of positive attitude, independence, and spirituality, in addition to physical and cognitive functioning.

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Afton J. Reich, Kelsie D. Claunch, Shellie Anderson, Colter K. Clayton & Evan L. Thacker

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Reich, A.J., Claunch, K.D., Verdeja, M.A. et al. What Does “Successful Aging” Mean to you? — Systematic Review and Cross-Cultural Comparison of Lay Perspectives of Older Adults in 13 Countries, 2010–2020. J Cross Cult Gerontol 35 , 455–478 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10823-020-09416-6

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s10823-020-09416-6

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Successful Aging of Societies

As America ages, policy-makers’ preoccupations with the future costs of Medicare and Social Security grow. But neglected by this focus are critically important and broader societal issues such as intergenerational relations within society and the family, rising inequality and lack of opportunity, productivity in late life (work or volunteering), and human capital development (lifelong education and skills training). Equally important, there is almost no acknowledgment of the substantial benefits and potential of an aging society. The MacArthur Foundation Research Network on an Aging Society offers policy options to address these issues and enhance the transition to a cohesive, productive, secure, and equitable aging society. Such a society will not only function effectively at the societal level but will provide a context that facilitates the capacity of individuals to age successfully. This volume comprises a set of papers, many of which are authored by members of the MacArthur Network, focusing on various aspects of the opportunities and challenges facing the United States while it passes through its current demographic transformation. This essay provides a general overview of the strategy the Network has used to address the various components of this broad subject.

John W. Rowe, a Fellow of the American Academy since 2005, is Professor at the Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health and Chair of the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on an Aging Society. He is the author of Successful Aging (with Robert L. Kahn, 1998) and was the Chair of the Institute of Medicine of the National Academies project the Future Health Care Workforce for Older Americans, which authored the report Retooling for an Aging America: Building the Health Care Workforce (2008).

Policy-makers and pundits are increasingly preoccupied with the negative economic effects of population aging on public health and pension entitlements, including Medicare and Social Security. The enormous unfunded future obligations of these programs, especially Medicare, tend to crowd out all other considerations. While these entitlement programs surely require modifications to ensure their sustainability and fairness, the current debate neglects other critically important issues related to the aging of America: future intergenerational relations and tensions; socioeconomic disparities and inequalities; changes in the structure and function of the family and its capacity to serve the traditional safety-net role; the impact of technology; and the critical importance of adaptation of core societal institutions, including education, work and retirement, housing, transportation, and even the design of the built environment (the supporting residential, recreational, commercial, and transportation infrastructure). Equally important, there is almost no acknowledgment of the substantial positive contributions and potential productivity of an aging society.

Our goal is to develop and help implement policies that assure our transition to a cohesive, productive, secure, and equitable aging society. Failure to reach this goal will leave us with a society rife with intergenerational tensions – characterized by enormous gaps between the haves and the (increasingly less-educated) have-nots in quality of life and opportunity – and unable to provide needed goods and services for any of its members, especially a progressively older and more dependent population.

Gloomy though this scenario is, it is avoidable. We have time to put in place policies that will help strengthen the future workforce, increase productive engagement of older individuals, and enhance the capacity of families to support elders. Many such policies may, at the same time, lessen the burden on Social Security.

How did we get here? Given the advance warning decades ago that an age wave was coming, why has U.S. society been unable to prepare? Part of the failure to act lies with a set of archaic beliefs regarding the true nature of societal aging. Stakeholders failed to realistically assess challenges and envision opportunities and squandered the time available to formulate appropriate public policy. The denial continues: a recent Pew Research Center survey of global attitudes on aging shows that less than 26 percent of Americans feel that an aging society is a “major issue”! Only Indonesia and Egypt ranked lower on the survey. 1 Contributing to this denial are two pervasive and disabling myths about aging in the United States: the first myth concerns the impact of the baby boom; the second assumes that an aging society is only concerned with the elderly.

The influence of the baby boom on U.S. population aging is not temporary. Contrary to what the popular myth suggests, the passing of the baby boomers through the age structure will not terminate population aging or return us to the age structure of earlier periods of U.S. history. Rather, the demographic changes that have taken place over the last century are permanent. The age structure of all current and future populations either have already been transformed or are about to permanently shift, aggravated in part by the unusually large post – World War II birth cohort, but driven primarily by the combined effect of unprecedented increases in life expectancy and decreases in birth rates.

The second widely accepted myth is that an aging society is defined by and is solely concerned with its elders. This belief tends to pit generations against each other, overlooking the critical fact that the proper unit of analysis for policy-makers is not one specific age cohort but rather society as a whole. Policy-makers must consider the intergenerational effects of their policies and design solutions that benefit all of society, not just any one interest group.

Whereas countries in Western Europe aged ahead of the United States – reflecting their post – World War II baby bust and sustained reductions in total fertility below the replacement rate – the U.S. baby boom and higher fertility rate have combined to delay by a few decades the emergence of an aging society (defined here as one with more individuals over age sixty-five than are under age fifteen). For instance, the United States will not meet Germany’s current population age distribution until 2030. And Germany’s age structure has not caused ruin for its society or its economy. Thus, one would think that the experiences of the Western European countries, which are like the United States in many ways, would provide a clear road map for the policies the United States needs to adopt for a successful transition to a productive and equitable aging society. But although the United States certainly has much to learn from looking at the experiences of older societies in Europe and even of Japan, differences across societies, cultures, and policy strategies may limit the utility of these comparisons, thus requiring the development of a uniquely American resolution to the issues presented by an aging society. In short, international comparisons can be valuable, but we must be cautious in generalizing experiences from other cultures.

The MacArthur Network has developed a set of closely related components that form the core of a theory of adaptation in an aging society. Although there is substantial overlap between these components, identifying each has value. To begin, a plan of action must first:

1) Analyze society and its institutions. The unit of analysis should be the society and the adaptation of its core institutions (such as family, work and retirement, education, media, religion, and civic affairs) and should encompass a multigenerational and intergenerational perspective, rather than focus solely on individuals of any one age group (elders or youth).

2) Take a long-term view and consider structural lag. The primary focus should be on adjusting and adapting core institutions – including education, work and retirement, health care, the design and function of housing and cities, and transportation – over the long term. It is important to keep in mind gerontologist Matilda Riley’s concept of structural lag: the recognition that most societal institutions are resistant to change and lag behind the shifting population of their members. 2

3) Adopt a life-course perspective. U.S. society needs to adopt a life-course perspective that urges redistribution of life’s activities (such as education, work, retirement, childrearing, and leisure) across the individual life span. Stakeholders need to detail the impact of socioeconomic, racial/ ethnic, and gender differences on life-course trajectories and specify how they influence the effectiveness of various lifestyle related interventions.

4) Consider benefits and risks. Analysis of policy changes should consider both the possible benefits and risks to an aging society and should develop a unifying strategy that optimizes the balance between the two. As societies attempt to deal with the many challenges derived from demographic transition, too little attention is paid to its potential upside: the longevity dividend. This includes the previously unimaginable capability of older individuals to participate productively in society either through the workforce or through civic engagement. Older people have much to offer, including accrued knowledge, stability, unique creative capacities for synthetic problem solving, and increased ability to manage conflicts and consider the perspectives of other age groups. As a society, the United States should harness the life-stage-appropriate capabilities and goals of people of all ages, including older adults, to enhance societal benefits and reduce social stratification.

5) Focus on human capital. Policy-makers should focus on strategies that take advantage of all available talent in the population, employ social norms based on ability rather than chronological age, and transition from an emphasis on investment early in life to recognition that investments across the full life span can pay dividends. These payoffs will be individual, intergenerational, and societal (with both crossover and spillover effects); and because they can be positive or negative, the outcomes must be monitored.

The MacArthur Network has developed three strategies for policy analysis. First, it is critical to develop a toolbox of more sensitive and predictive economic and social indicators – including lifestyle dimensions – that permit accurate assessment of the current conditions and likely future trajectory of the population and society along the principal policy dimensions of interest. We need an alternative to the archaic old-age dependency ratio, which simply equates old age with dependency. Metrics that express the full array of benefits-to-costs relationships of a long-lived society, as well as alternatives for life-course trajectories, are also essential. This toolbox can be used to model possible outcomes of societal investment in factors that alter the impact of an aging population. Second, in order to encourage the identification of effective solutions, researchers and policy-makers must present and analyze multiple policy options, rather than advocate single proposals, and should target multiple factors (such as the financial, social, life-course evolution, behavioral, and physical). Further, policy-makers should consider and employ both private and public involvement and federal and local approaches.

Finally, policy analysis must assess policy impacts. The MacArthur Network suggests adopting a strategy similar to that used to assess the environmental impact of a planned development. Specifically, Network members propose that all policies be evaluated for the effects they have within each generation, as well as on the interactions between generations (known as assessing intergenerational effects), in order to be most effective.

In addition, the MacArthur Network has identified six high-priority domains for policy analysis. They include:

1) Intergenerational relations. This general area requires understanding at both the societal and individual family-unit levels. For society, the core question relates to cohesion. What is the potential for the widening gap between the haves and have-nots and for the increased competition over scarce resources being channeled into entitlements to tear at the fabric of our society and create a “war” between the generations?

The MacArthur Network prefers to use the term cohesion to describe the issues related to intergenerational relations (or tensions) because it focuses on age integration rather than age segregation and addresses intergenerational transfers, attitudes, multigenerational strategies, and changes in family structure. Cohesion can be viewed as the debate regarding the traditional social compact – which we prefer over the more commonly used legalistic “contract” – between the generations.

Substantial empirical evidence shows strong support by middle-aged and younger Americans for older Americans and highlights social cohesion’s benefits; but, as many observers have noted, the future increase of entitlement costs may place substantial stress on this balance. 3 Depending on future economic and educational gaps, will future young-adult and middle-aged Hispanics, for example, reflect the same support for elderly white Americans? Further, what impact will future immigration policies, whose intent may be to eliminate the shortfall of skilled U.S. workers, have on these tensions?

2) Family (evolution, supports, changing roles). Families make up the front line of our adaptation to an aging society. For the family, the core question of the aging society relates to the uncertainty regarding its capacity to play its traditional role as safety net and exhibit adaptive capacities to respond to a variety of financial, social, and health-related needs. Factors threatening the family’s role include the emergence of an array of family forms with different capacities for support (such as a childless family unit), increased longevity, geographic dispersion, economic challenges, and likely future reductions in entitlements.

Moreover, these changes are amplified by the growing diversity that results from increased stratification. The strength and salience of intergenerational ties become more prominent features in an aging society, and the traditional life course is being altered in part because of increased longevity. The transition to adulthood comes five or more years later than it used to, placing parents of young adults in the challenging position of helping support their parents or even their grandparents while launching their own children toward independence. 4 Families with resources can manage this balancing act relatively well, but a growing number of families will be overly burdened trying to contend with these competing demands without proven ways of managing the more complex, intergenerational family systems. Issues such as intrafamilial supports, housing, financial transfers, caregiving, and new familial roles will also inform critical policy decisions surrounding the changing face of U.S. families.

3) Productivity (work and retirement, functional status and disability, technology, roles of older individuals in society). The future roles of older individuals in society will have a dramatic impact on the likelihood that the United States will be productive, cohesive, and equitable. This set of issues can be conveniently divided between work and retirement matters and civic engagement matters, although they are closely interrelated. The likelihood of a retiree volunteering is very much influenced by whether that person volunteered while still in the workforce. 5 Thus, approaches to encouraging people to volunteer while still in the workforce – via modifications in time and place of work, provision of opportunities for engaging in what individuals consider meaningful activities, and development of paid volunteerism strategies – may have a substantial positive effect on post-retirement engagement. Such engagement is beneficial not only for retirees but also for the general population.

Technology bridges the worksite to areas of civic engagement and, depending on the type of technology and its fit with the abilities and needs of older individuals, can wind up either facilitating or inhibiting their participation. Substantial opportunity exists for policy changes and technological and other worksite modifications and educational interventions that will not only make retention of older workers more attractive to employers, but will also take advantage of the many strengths older workers offer. It is important for policy-makers to be aware of the “lump-of-labor” fallacy and the growing body of empirical evidence indicating that older individuals need not be moved out of the workforce to make room for younger workers. 6 In addition, policy should be informed by the most recent findings regarding trends in disability in populations of elders and near-elders. Much of the most recent work suggests that the severe disability rates (as measured by activities of daily living and instrumental activities of daily living scales) are now stable in older individuals, having halted their decades-long decline; and that, for unknown reasons, functional mobility impairments may be rising in individuals aged fifty to sixty-five. 7 It will be important for policy-makers to understand the likely influence of these trends on the adequacy of the future U.S. labor force, as well as on the future demand for personal care services.

4) Human capital development (such as lifelong education and skills training). Some of the same societal forces that led to longer lives have also shortened the half-life of knowledge in science and technology. How can human capital be expanded at different points along the life course? Can the misalignment between education and work that is aggravated by increasing longevity be improved through a closer relationship between educational institutions and the workplace?

Stakeholders need to understand and employ the most effective approaches to keep young individuals in school and to provide a coherent approach to lifelong learning that gives individuals the skills and attitudes they need to continue to productively evolve within overall societal and work environments. Although returning to school – now common among younger adults – is still relatively rare among individuals over forty, providing access to educational institutions for the near-old and old is no less critical than keeping younger people in school. Education must be redefined as a lifelong experience.

5) Health and health care. Although it might seem that the ongoing national debate about health care reform may have exhausted this topic, the Network believes that some important and often neglected areas of the discussion are directly related to the demographic transformation. These include the development of a more geriatrically sophisticated health care system in which most providers (physicians, nurses, dentists, social workers, psychologists, pharmacists, and others) are competent in diagnosing and treating medical diseases and syndromes that are common in old age, as well as a strong reliance on new interdisciplinary models of care that are more effective in managing the health care problems of frail older individuals with multiple impairments. In addition, a reorientation to a life-course preventive health model is needed to strengthen education about healthy lifestyles and intervention implementation in at-risk groups so that future older individuals will enter the Medicare program healthier and at higher levels of functioning than their predecessors. Finally, the United States needs sustainable and clearly articulated policies that deal humanely with care at the end of life.

6) Relevance to successful aging of individuals. Over the past fifteen years, successful aging has been a major theme of gerontological research. Much of the work in the field has been stimulated by the model of successful aging proposed by the MacArthur Network on Successful Aging, which is focused primarily at the level of the individual. 8 It is self-evident that the changes that occur at the societal level in response to the demographic transformation may have major positive or negative effects on the capacity of individuals to age successfully. While many of the issues and policy options discussed in this volume are relevant to individuals, our primary current focus is at the level of society. The interaction between societal change and the status of aging individuals represents fertile territory for future research.

These major themes and recommendations are explored in depth in the essays found in this issue of Dædalus . Among the essays are S. Jay Olshansky’s “The Demographic Transformation of America,” which looks toward the changing face of aging and life expectancy in America. Robert Hummer and Mark Hayward’s essay “Hispanic Older Adult Health & Longevity in the United States: Current Patterns & Concerns for the Future” explores the “Hispanic paradox” – that first-generation Hispanic immigrants have a greater life expectancy than both nonimmigrant Americans and residents of their native countries – in addition to troubling health and well-being warning signs for the future Hispanic population. Frank Furstenberg, Caroline Hartnett, Martin Kohli, and Julie Zissimopoulos have written “The Future of Intergenerational Relations in Aging Societies,” which examines the family’s capacity to respond to the growing challenges and demands for support of a rapidly aging America; while Lisa Berkman, Axel Boersch-Supan, and Mauricio Avendano point toward how adaptation of our expectations of the elderly can lead to a more productive and resilient society in “Labor-Force Participation, Policies & Practices in an Aging America: Adaptation Essential for a Healthy & Resilient Population.”

In our essay “Productivity & Engagement in an Aging America: The Role of Volunteerism,” Dawn Carr, Linda Fried, and I propose that the impact of volunteerism in an aging population be recognized and invested into, and that programs harness the social capital of older adults to improve the well-being of the elderly and address critical needs of society as a whole. And S. Jay Olshansky, Dana Goldman, and I contributed the essay “Resetting Social Security,” which considers the critical financial safety net of social security and what impact might result from further changes to its age of eligibility requirements.

In their essay “Global Population Aging: Facts, Challenges, Solutions & Perspectives,” David Bloom, David Canning, and Alyssa Lubet provide an overview of global population aging and its contributing factors; outline some of the major challenges associated with widespread population aging; and describe current and possible future responses to these challenges. Finally, Julie Zissimopoulos, Dana Goldman, S. Jay Olshansky, John Rother, and I conclude the issue with “Individual & Social Strategies to Mitigate the Risks & Expand Opportunities of an Aging America.” This essay discusses the major risks associated with aging at both the level of the individual and the level of society, and presents courses of action for policy-makers in education, work and retirement, financial security, health care, and social cohesion to promote the benefits and reduce the risks of longer life. Taken together, these policy options provide a broad blueprint for successful societal adaptation to the aging of America.

1 Pew Research Center, Attitudes about Aging: A Global Perspective (Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center, 2014).

2 Matilda Riley and John Riley, “Structural Lag: Past and Future,” in Age and Structural Lag: Society’s Failure to Provide Meaningful Opportunities in Work, Family, and Leisure , ed. Matilda Riley, Robert L. Kahn, and Ann Foner (New York: Wiley-Interscience, 1994).

3 James Schulz and Robert Binstock, Aging Nation: The Economics and Politics of Growing Older in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008).

4 Gordon Berlin, Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr., and Mary Waters, “The Transition to Adulthood,” The Future of Children 20 (1) (Spring 2010): 1–18.

5 Barbara A. Butrica, Richard W. Johnson, and Sheila R. Zedlewski, “Volunteer Dynamics of Older Americans,” The Journals of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences & Social Sciences 64 (5) (February 2009): 644–655.

6 Axel Boersch-Supan, Reduction of Working Time: Does it Decrease Unemployment? MEA Discussion Paper No. 2003 (Mannheim, Germany: University of Mannheim, Mannheim Research Institute for the Economics of Aging, 2002); and John Gruber and David Wise, eds., Social Security Programs and Retirement Programs Around the World: The Relationship to Youth Employment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).

7 National Research Council, “Health and Disability in the Working-Age and Elderly Populations,” in Aging and the Macroeconomy: Long-Term Implications of an Older Population (Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press, 2012).

8 John W. Rowe and Robert L. Kahn, “Human Aging: Usual and Successful,” Science 237 (4811) (1987): 143–149; John W. Rowe and Robert L. Kahn, “Successful Aging,” The Gerontologist 37 (4) (1997): 433–440; and John Wallis Rowe and Robert L. Kahn, Successful Aging (New York: Pantheon Books, 1998).

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Responses, limitations, and exclusions, critical conclusions.

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Critical Perspectives on Successful Aging: Does It “Appeal More Than It Illuminates”?

Decision Editor: Nicholas G. Castle, PhD

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Stephen Katz, Toni Calasanti, Critical Perspectives on Successful Aging: Does It “Appeal More Than It Illuminates”?, The Gerontologist , Volume 55, Issue 1, February 2015, Pages 26–33, https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnu027

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“Successful aging” is one of gerontology’s most successful ideas. Applied as a model, a concept, an approach, an experience, and an outcome, it has inspired researchers to create affiliated terms such as “healthy,” “positive,” “active,” “productive,” and “effective” aging. Although embraced as an optimistic approach to measuring life satisfaction and as a challenge to ageist traditions based on decline, successful aging as defined by John Rowe and Robert Kahn has also invited considerable critical responses. This article takes a critical gerontological perspective to explore such responses to the Rowe–Kahn successful aging paradigm by summarizing its empirical and methodological limitations, theoretical assumptions around ideas of individual choice and lifestyle, and inattention to intersecting issues of social inequality, health disparities, and age relations. The latter point is elaborated with an examination of income, gender, racial, ethnic, and age differences in the United States. Conclusions raise questions of social exclusion and the future of successful aging research.

Successful aging is one of gerontology’s most successful ideas. Although historical traces of it can be found in Renaissance texts ( Gilleard, 2013 ), the modern gerontological idea emerged in the 1950s and was later crystallized in the work of John Rowe and Robert Kahn. Successful aging has been churned into theoretical paradigms, health measurements, retirement lifestyles, policy agendas, and antiaging ideals. Researchers have also generated a discourse of kin terms such as “productive aging,” “positive aging,” “optimal aging,” “effective aging,” “independent aging,” and “healthy aging,” which together promote (a) an industry of books, conferences, journals, funding, and research programs, (b) web sites (e.g., http://healthyandsuccessfulaging.wordpress.com/ ), and (c) institutional identities. For example, Wayne State University’s Institute of Gerontology’s banner is “Promoting Successful Aging in Detroit and Beyond,” and Florida State University has a new “Institute of Successful Longevity.” Indeed, Carol Ryff’s (1982) comment, now 30 years on, that, “like goodness, truth, and other human ideals, successful aging may appeal more than it illuminates” (p. 209), still holds true. This essay examines the theoretical development of successful aging and the critical literature that has ensued, with a focus on the disparities of aging and social inequality in the United States today.

Robert Havighurst (1961) provided an early formulation of successful aging. In the first issue of The Gerontologist , he optimistically described successful aging in terms of life satisfaction that emphasized “the greatest good for the greatest number” (p. 8). Havighurst and his associates saw that successful aging was both an adaptable theory and a testable experience. Furthermore, it could apply to both disengagement and activity theories, which were otherwise contending models of retirement living at the time. Later, large-scale studies such as the First Duke Longitudinal Study ( Palmore, 1979 ) multiplied the factors and predictors for successful aging over longer periods of time. Although Havighurst (1961) cautioned that “no segment of a society should get satisfaction at a severe cost to some other segment” (p. 8), the enduring appeal of successful aging was its positive characterization of the aging process (“The Measurement of Life Satisfaction” ( Neugarten, Havighurst, & Tobin, 1961 ) is listed at the top of Ferraro and Schafer’s (2008) “Gerontology’s Greatest Hits” for most frequently cited social science article in the Journals of Gerontology ). Successful agers were satisfied, active, independent, self-sufficient, and, above all, defiant of traditional narratives of decline. Thus, for gerontologists, successful aging scholarship combined antiageist advocacy with empirical research. At the same time, the research paralleled the postwar American preoccupation with individual adaptability and adjustment in later life, a relationship that became a mainstay in the successful aging paradigm developed by John Rowe and Robert Kahn (see Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009 ).

Rowe and Kahn (1987, 1997, 1998 ) introduced a more medical framework in which usual aging and successful aging could be differentiated: The former term referred to nonpathologic but higher risk individuals and the latter term referred to lower risk and higher functioning individuals. Although their earlier work equated successful aging with the absence or avoidance of disease, they later widened it to include cognitive and lifestyle factors. What Rowe and Kahn offered was a hypothesis that merged physical, cognitive, and lifestyle factors with measurable indicators of disease and disability. In effect, Rowe and Kahn maintained that the appropriate lifestyle could result in successful aging, which they defined as (a) forestalling disease and disability, (b) maintaining physical and mental function, and (c) social engagement ( Rowe and Kahn, 1998 , p. 38). According to Rowe, the “new gerontology” recognized that successful aging requires “full engagement in life, including productive activities and interpersonal relations” in addition to health maintenance ( Rowe, 1997 , p. 367). To their credit, Rowe and Kahn, following their predecessors, evoked a much-needed optimistic narrative of positive aging in their consistent emphasis on self-directed health across the life course; that indeed one’s experiences in later life could be measured in terms of success, rather than dowsed in conventional expectations for failure. At the same time, however, by aligning their “new gerontology” so strongly to the role of individual volition and lifestyle in maintaining, improving, and even reversing disabling problems, Rowe and Kahn moved successful aging further from the social determinants of health. This issue, along with other limitations in the successful aging paradigm, is elaborated subsequently.

Although the successful aging literature has grown vast, for purposes of brevity here we divide the main responses to the Rowe–Kahn paradigm into the following categories: (a) Empirical and methodological limitations, (b) theoretical assumptions around ideas of choice and lifestyles, and (c) lack of attention to intersecting social inequalities and age relations.

Successful Aging: Limitations and Modifications From Within

One of the greatest challenges faced by those working within the successful aging framework is the inconsistency across studies in terms of conceptualization and measures, so much so that the meaning of successful aging is often more implied than delineated ( Knight & Ricciardelli, 2003 ; Phelan, Anderson, LaCroix, & Larson, 2004 ; Pruchno, Wilson-Genderson, Rose, & Cartwright, 2010 ). In fact, in their review of quantitative studies, Depp and Jeste (2006) identified 29 definitions in the 28 studies they examined, with most (but not all) including a measure of disability or physical function. This variability alone presents limitations to research on successful aging.

Researchers concerned with the empirical and methodological limitations of successful aging have responded by extending or adapting successful aging criteria in alternative ways. The most prominent example is the work of Baltes and Baltes (1990) and their model of “selective optimization with compensation” in which aging individuals compensate for losses and limitations by adjusting their expectations and goals to focus on those with the highest priorities. Curb and coworkers (1990) propose the notion of “effective aging” to encompass both successful agers and those in the “middle ground” who face physiologic losses and disease (p. 828). Martin and Gillen develop a “spectrum model of aging” to broaden successful aging research at the level of individual development over the life course with the aim of improving care and quality of life ( Martin & Gillen, 2013 ).

These innovative exercises often respond to a perceived methodological shortcoming of the Rowe–Kahn paradigm: Its neglect of what aging, successful or otherwise, means to older people, a situation addressed through qualitative discovery and self-reporting studies ( Bowling, 2006 ; Fagerström & Aarsten, 2013 ; Rossen, Knafl, & Flood, 2008 ; Strawbridge, Wallhagen, & Cohen, 2002 ; Strawbridge & Wallhagen, 2003 ; Torres & Hammarström, 2009 ). Although life is lived as a subjective process in time through a diversity of contexts and relationships, “the successful aging paradigm seems to define success as an outcome … a game which can be won or lost on the basis of whether or not individuals are diagnosed as successful or usual” ( Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009 , p. 706). When the voices of older individuals are included, we learn that disability and disease are not necessarily experienced in terms of unsuccessful aging nor is successful aging a precondition of aging well, and this has led some scholars to modify the model to incorporate coping and other strategies ( Phelan et al., 2004 ; Van Wagenen, Driskell, & Bradford, 2013 ). And the repeatedly demonstrated discrepancy between the objective criteria (variously measured) and older individuals’ experiences and definitions ( Montross et al., 2006 ) of successful aging has resulted in researchers’ calls to alter the notion of successful aging by combining subjective and objective dimensions. For instance, Pruchno and coworkers (2010) argue for the utility of exploring both dimensions simultaneously, rendering a typology “of successful aging, whereby some people are successful according to both definitions, others are successful according to neither, and still others are successful according to one, but not the other definition” (p. 822).

Our discussion of these limitations, debates over measurements and appropriate criteria, and modifications is not undertaken in order to adjudicate these, but to elucidate them so that we might comment upon their ramifications for gerontology, a topic to which we turn in the final section of this article. Here, we note that regardless of how these debates are decided, their resolution does not move them away from the successful aging framework itself but instead serves to further its prominence and use.

Individual Choice and Lifestyles

The successful aging paradigm has drawn criticism for its assumptions around concepts of individual choice, agency, and lifestyle ( Katz, 2013 ). Individualist culture shapes Rowe and Kahn’s formulation about successful aging, which not only emphasizes successes and failures, but also individual responsibility for same. In their book ( Rowe and Kahn, 1998 ), they wrote: “Our main message is that we can have a dramatic impact on our own success or failure in aging. Far more than is usually assumed, successful aging is in our own hands.” (p. 18, emphasis ours). And “To succeed … means having desired it, planned it, worked for it. All these factors are critical to our view of aging which … we regard as largely under the control of the individual. In short, successful aging is dependent upon individual choices and behaviors. It can be attained through individual choice and effort” (p. 37). However the problems of individual choice go back to the lifestyle ideas of sociologists Georg Simmel and Max Weber. Simmel thought that urban modernity created “a tendency towards extreme subjectivism,” a kind of coerced individualism (Simmel in Frisby, 1992 , p. 76) that was also constructive of new characters at the edge of cosmopolitan life (e.g., the stranger, the modern prostitute, the adventurer). Max Weber’s critique of lifestyles was part of his analysis of status and class division. Weber claimed that, while people may have pretensions to certain status-bound lifestyles, “the possibility of maintaining the life-style of a status group is usually conditioned on economics” ( Weber in Runciman, 1978 , p. 52).

For both Simmel and Weber, lifestyle choices and individual volition are always constrained by the material conditions that accumulate lifelong advantages and disadvantages. In this vein, Pierre Bourdieu (1984) modernized the critique of lifestyle practices to include cultural capital, whereby individual choices are disclosed as the products of privilege; hence, those with the most access to health benefits and services also frame their health behaviors within positive lifestyle outcomes. Like Bourdieu, Anthony Giddens (1991 , 1999 ) forefronts lifestyle in his theories of reflexive and posttraditional individualism, arguing that the structuring of life chances limit individual lifestyle options. The critical traditions of Simmel, Weber, Bourdieu, and Giddens can be seen in the work of contemporary sociologists of aging, such as Hendricks and Hatch (2009) , who aver that “lifestyles and social resources deriving from social arrangements work in tandem to structure the life course, yielding cumulative advantages or disadvantages leading to one or another experience in older age” (p. 440).

These and related critiques make it clear that aging research has to theorize lifestyle, choice, health, and successful aging beyond personal choice because lifestyles are configured by differential opportunities and relations of social inequality ( Calasanti and King, 2011 ; Dannefer, 2003 , 2006 ). However, these critical perspectives on lifestyle are lost in the successful aging research because individual choice is reduced to decontextualized health-relevant choices, such as smoking, diet, or exercise ( Franklin & Tate, 2009 ). For example, policy recommendations such as A Survey in Europe on Nutrition and the Elderly: A Concerted Action (2003) conclude that “the identification of people with unhealthy lifestyle habits, and finding ways to improve lifestyle habits of specific target groups is the challenge of future prevention programmes in young and elderly subjects” ( Haveman-Nies, de Groot, & van Staveren, 2003 , p. 432).

Where successful aging research conceives of health advantages and disadvantages as the results of individual responsibility, buoyed by media narratives of aging winners and losers ( Rozanova, 2010 ), it thus fails to acknowledge social relations of power, environmental determinants of health, and the biopolitics of health inequalities. Indeed, lifestyle and individual volition fit a contemporary consumerist, neoliberal, and entrepreneurial style of thought that dominates health and retirement politics. Where this style of thought intersects with person-centered explanations of health, such as those pronounced in successful aging discourse, the result can be a powerful opposition to state welfare entitlements that “defeat[s] the political lobbying for more social support and resources” ( Dillaway & Byrnes, 2009 , p. 708).

Intersecting Social Inequalities and Age Relations

The most contentious critiques of the successful aging paradigm target those whom it excludes. For example, scholars have questioned what successful aging means for groups who live with dependency and disabilities ( Minkler & Fadem, 2002 ). If they are considered unsuccessful agers in theory, then such labeling deeply affects their treatment by health care regimes in practice. Further, if populations are homogenized as either successful or unsuccessful agers, then the diversity of the aging experience is flattened, especially the consequences of social inequalities as they intersect with age relations. These should figure in theories of successful aging more fully than they do, given all that researchers of intersecting inequities have discovered about patterns in spending power and access to health care, which remain two critical pathways to successful aging as defined by Rowe and Kahn. The advantages and disadvantages that accrue across the life course become more salient in later life. The time in which people are to be “successful agers” is one in which those aged 65 and older are faced with ageism. To this they bring varying material and social resources (based on the intersections of gender, race, ethnicity, class, and sexuality) with which to resist being subjected to this form of inequality. A brief examination of financial and health resources can demonstrate how social inequalities shape opportunities for and constraints upon successful aging in the United States (similar patterns accrue in many other countries in the global North).

Beginning with income, we note that gender-based differences in earnings persist despite women’s increased employment rates ( DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith, 2013 , p. 11, Figure 2). Individual choice cannot explain these discrepancies, which prevail despite educational levels and occupational incumbency. For instance, gender comparisons at various occupational levels find that women’s absolute earnings are highest when they have obtained a professional degree; yet the gap between their income and that of men’s with a similar degree (72%) is also greater than at any other educational level ( AAUW, 2013 , p. 10, Figure 6). Such differences are further shaped by their intersections with race and ethnicity such that White women out-earn racial and ethnic minority women at each educational level ( AAUW, 2013 , p. 14, Figure 7). Similarly, although women’s occupations pay less overall than do men’s, women who work in traditionally male jobs still earn less than their male peers; and even in female-dominated occupations, such as registered nursing, women’s earnings are only 91% of men’s ( AAUW, 2013 ).

Similar racial and ethnic patterns of economic inequalities persist. In 2012, the ratio of Black to non-Hispanic White median income was 0.58, not significantly changed from 1972, whereas the ratio of Hispanic to non-Hispanic White median income actually declined from 0.74 to 0.68 ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 , p. 8). Poverty rates also reflect these disparities; only 9.7% of non-Hispanic Whites were poor in 2012 compared with 11.7%, 25.6%, and 27.2% of Asians, Hispanics, and Blacks, respectively ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 , pp. 14–15). Such systemic differences in earnings become magnified in a time of recession where impacts of economic downturns are not evenly dispersed. Racial and ethnic groups with the lowest incomes (Blacks and Hispanics) saw the largest percentage decreases in the 2008 recession ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2009 , p. 7), while class-based income inequality increased ( DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 ). Older workers also face increasing odds of losing their jobs and difficulty finding comparable employment in later life ( Johnson, 2009 ; Roscigno, 2010 ). Once unemployed, Black and Hispanic older workers are less likely than non-Hispanic Whites to find new jobs and thus face long-term joblessness or leave the labor force altogether; Hispanic women are particularly disadvantaged ( Flippen & Tienda, 2000 ) and all such workers lose income for their Social Security and/or other pensions. Ending up in jobs that pay much less than previous occupations furthers their financial woes. Taken together, these factors mean they also will have lower incomes in retirement ( Johnson, 2009 , p. 29).

The results of these employment and income patterns include differences in health and health care, which affect the ability to realize ideals of successful aging. For example, those who have unstable or low-paid work have fewer benefits and lower access to health care, which in turn influences their ability to work and receive higher wages. Racial and ethnic minority members of the working class are more likely to occupy lower skilled jobs that are exposed to toxic working conditions or are physically demanding, thus increasing their health risks. Yet such workers are also less likely to have health insurance coverage of any kind ( Brown, 2009 ; DeNavas-Walt et al., 2013 ; Williams, 2004 ) and tend to receive care in less optimal settings without the benefits of a continuity of care ( Williams, 2004 ). Taken together, racial and ethnic minority groups are more likely to enter old age in poor physical health. Adding to these outcomes, gender relations also influence the ways in which people define and maintain health. For example, scholars have faulted the performance of masculinity for leading men to engage in risky behaviors or to neglect health protective behaviors ( Courtenay, 2000 ). Yet men do attend to their bodies in contexts where good health and functional capacity are connected to masculine ideals and expectations ( O’Brien, Hunt, & Hart, 2005 ).

If different groups enter their later years with varying financial resources, then these deeply affect how they govern their ability to engage in the activities related to successful aging as defined by Rowe and Kahn. Indeed, older men and women have significantly disparate median incomes and average monthly Social Security benefits ( Administration on Aging, 2013 ; Social Security Administration, 2013 ), but given that men’s median income is almost twice as high as women’s, it is obvious that men also have more sources of income. Reliance on Social Security for a large portion of one’s income certainly bodes poorly for financial security in old age; among those who are poor or near poor (below 200% of the federal poverty line), three fourths of their income comes from Social Security ( Issa & Zedlewski, 2011 ). And gender, race, ethnicity, and class all shape the likelihood that one will rely predominantly on Social Security and experience financial strain. Given these financial realities, it follows that many people aged 65 and older—and women more than men, as well as minority group members and poor or working-class people—are constrained in their lifestyle or health choices. This is so despite the availability of Medicare because, while the entitlement enhances older groups’ access to health care, their copayments and deductibles remain problematic to those with low levels of disposable income. In 2012, nine percent of those aged 65 and older are considered poor under the official poverty threshold ($11,011 for an individual 65+). However, this number jumps to 15% when the supplemental poverty measure, which takes such health expenditures into account, is used ( Short, 2013 ).

Again, the intersections between race, ethnicity, gender, and age are salient. Racial ethnic minority group members do not receive equivalent treatment for dementia despite their receipt of Medicare, even when socioeconomic status, health care access and utilization, and comorbidities are considered ( Zuckerman et al., 2008 ). Black Medicare beneficiaries also receive fewer medical procedures and lower quality medical care than do Whites, even under similar conditions of income, insurance, disease, and medical facility ( Williams, 2004 ). Furthermore, because Medicare is more geared toward acute than chronic illnesses, this means that women who have higher rates of chronic disabilities ( Quadagno, 2014 ) pay more out-of-pocket expenses than do men, despite their lower financial means. Such do not appear to be the result of lifestyle decisions or other personal choices but are configured by relations of power. And to the extent that power relations themselves are not dismantled, the inequalities that constrain individual choice will persist, and the call to age successfully will continue to demarcate winners and losers and will itself serve as another marker of group-based differences.

A key contribution of critical gerontology is its reflexive attitude toward the major concepts by which problems of aging are addressed. Successful aging is certainly one such concept. It has animated a controversial space in which almost every branch of gerontology has participated in some way, including the protagonists themselves. In an exchange between Matilda White Riley and Robert Kahn, Riley accused Rowe and Kahn of not taking into account the fact that “changes in lives and changes in social structures are fundamentally interdependent” and thus neglecting “the dependence of successful aging upon structural opportunities” ( Kahn, 1998 , p. 151). Kahn replied that an obstacle to demonstrating “the effects of major structural interventions is the expense and difficulty of mounting such interventions” (p. 151). For Riley, the sociologist, understanding aging requires a vision of group activities and social structures. For Kahn, the scientist, society is a human population laboratory into which social improvement is based on rational intervention. In response to a different criticism concerning the lack of self-reporting in successful aging research ( Strawbridge et al., 2002 ), Kahn says that, despite his and Rowe’s best intentions to invite researchers “to investigate the heterogeneity among older people” and to “encourage people to make lifestyle choices that would maximize their own likelihood of aging well,” he shares the concerns of his critics “that the term successful aging may itself have the unintended effect of defining the majority of the elderly population as unsuccessful and therefore failing. I believe that this problem, to the extent that it exists, reflects a characteristic of contemporary American culture rather than something intrinsic to the concept” ( Kahn, 2002 , p. 726). However, Rowe and Kahn’s well-taken point concerning the importance of exploring heterogeneity again refers to individual differences; this is quite different from group-based differences resulting from social inequalities.

Rowe and Kahn’s work (1998) sought to combat myths of aging, particularly those that rely upon and promulgate narratives of decline. However, the hypothesis that successful aging is a minimization of declines in physical and cognitive health, or in social connections—rather than as a social location different from (and in conflict with) middle age—shows too little of both the social forces that affect success and the groups’ definitions of it. Both access to the means to success, however defined, and the very definition of success itself are matters of social inequality. Ultimately, the power relations that underlie ageism are not challenged ( Calasanti, 2003 ). In part, these power relations derive from a culture in which ageism is so embedded that we may not realize that middle age serves as its implicit standard ( Calasanti, 2003 ). Thus, gerontologists might consider demonstrating the value of diverse, inclusive, less ageist, and less ethnocentric experiences of aging, for example, the Eastern spiritual context of “harmonious aging” ( Liang & Luo, 2012 ). Again, other studies that have modified the successful aging framework by focusing on subjective assessments provide starting points from which to build alternative conceptions that value old age as qualitatively different from middle and other age categories, rather than a time of life defined by loss or lack of success. In Knight and Ricciardelli’s (2003) study, older participants wisely understood the purpose of their aging lives because “it was a time to take things as they came” (p. 237).

As for the future, in both of his responses above, Kahn suggests that greater interdisciplinarity is needed between scientists and social scientists in order to actively improve the lives of older individuals. To this end, we, as sociologists, hope our review of the critiques of successful aging—in concept, theory, and practice—makes a contribution. We also expect that, in the spirit of critical gerontology, the successful aging paradigm in all of its manifestations will continue to inspire passionate debate between the disciplines, to question why certain models fill theoretical voids in gerontology, to be wary of the popular appeal of positive discourses in aging research, to think historically about the concepts we promote and their exclusionary consequences for the people we care about, and to see clearly which interests are served and knowledges mobilized by the ideas we espouse.

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Why Do We Age? Scientists Are Figuring It Out.

Researchers are investigating how our biology changes as we grow older — and whether there are ways to stop it.

By Dana G. Smith

According to some estimates, consumers spend $62 billion a year on “anti-aging” treatments. But while creams, hair dyes and Botox can give the impression of youth, none of them can roll back the hands of time.

Scientists are working to understand the biological causes of aging in the hope of one day being able to offer tools to slow or stop its visible signs and, more important, age-related diseases. These underlying mechanisms are often called “ the hallmarks of aging .” Many fall into two broad categories: general wear and tear on a cellular level, and the body’s decreasing ability to remove old or dysfunctional cells and proteins.

“The crucial thing about the hallmarks is that they are things that go wrong during aging, and if you reverse them,” you stand to live longer or be healthier while you age, said Dame Linda Partridge, a professorial research fellow in the division of biosciences at University College London who helped develop the aging hallmarks framework.

So far, the research has primarily been conducted in animals, but experts are gradually expanding into humans. In the meantime, understanding how aging works can help us put advice and information about the latest “breakthrough” into context, said Venki Ramakrishnan, a biochemist and Nobel laureate who wrote about many of the hallmarks of aging in his new book, “Why We Die: The New Science of Aging and the Quest for Immortality.”

We asked experts about the hallmarks of aging, how they can lead to disease and how scientists are attempting to modify them. Not all of the hallmarks are listed here, but two of the main themes are highlighted below.

Wear and Tear

Many age-related changes start with our cells, and even our genes, acquiring damage and acting up as we get older.

Problems with DNA

While we think of our genes as being set from birth, DNA does accumulate changes over the years. Sometimes errors are introduced when a cell divides, a spontaneous typo emerging when the DNA is copied and pasted from one cell into another. Mutations can also occur as a result of environmental exposures, like ultraviolet radiation from the sun.

Our cells have ways to repair these genetic mutations, but they become less efficient with age, which means the mistakes can pile up. Scientists aren’t exactly sure why our DNA repair mechanisms decline. “That’s a $1 billion question,” said Andrew Dillin, a professor of molecular and cell biology at the University of California, Berkeley. “All we know is that the efficiency goes down with age.”

The main consequence of this is that cells stop working properly and get flagged as garbage (more on this later). In the worst-case scenarios, mutations can occur in genes that suppress tumors, leading to the onset of cancer.

Problems with the chromosomes

Every time a cell replicates and its DNA is copied, the ends of its chromosomes get a little shorter. These special parts of the genome are called telomeres and are often likened to the plastic caps on the ends of shoelaces that prevent them from unraveling.

Once a cell’s telomeres get too short, it stops dividing. This process is healthy when we’re young, because it helps prevent cells from replicating forever and turning cancerous. But as we age, telomere shortening becomes a problem, particularly in stem cells, which the body uses to replenish skin, blood and other tissues.

Stem cells have a special tool to combat this, but eventually even they lose their telomeres. When that happens, “they can no longer divide, and so you lose your stem cell populations,” Dr. Dillin said.

Stem cell depletion is a major contributor to some of the physical signs of aging, including gray hair and thinner, less elastic skin . Some skin care products claim to replace your stem cells, but there is little evidence that they work.

Problems with the epigenome

Other changes occur through what’s known as epigenetics — chemical modifications to the genome that influence which genes are turned on or off in a cell. Some epigenetic changes occur naturally as we develop, while others are brought on by our environment. Some experts say that epigenetic changes can be used to determine a person’s “ biological age .”

Scientists have discovered that many of the epigenetic mechanisms that help control the activity and even the identity of our cells start to degrade with age. If this happens in too many cells, it can affect organ health and function. For example, epigenetic changes in heart cells can contribute to thickened arteries or a reduced ability for the heart to respond positively to exercise.

There is currently a flurry of anti-aging research looking at epigenetic changes because they are more easily reversible than something like DNA mutations, said Dr. Eric Verdin, the president of the Buck Institute for Research on Aging.

Problems with the mitochondria

A critical component of cell health is energy production, which comes from the mitochondria — the power plant of the cell. As we age, mitochondria also stop working as well as before, becoming less efficient and creating less energy.

“If you’re not generating enough energy, all of a sudden all of the other cellular processes are not going to function as efficiently,” said Dr. Verdin, who is involved with two companies pursuing anti-aging drugs.

Changes in cellular energy can affect other aspects of a cell’s health, including epigenetics, Dr. Dillin said. Damaged mitochondria can also leak out of the cell, causing inflammation — another aspect of aging that is associated with many chronic health conditions.

Regular exercise — experts’ top recommendation for how to age well — is one of the best ways to improve mitochondrial health.

Garbage Disposal Issues

Not only do faulty cells build up with age because of the problems mentioned above, but the body’s way of disposing of them also goes awry.

Problems disposing of bad cells

One of the most important ways malfunctioning cells are dealt with is by relegating them to a state known as senescence. These cells stop dividing, and they start to secrete inflammatory chemicals that signal to the immune system to dispose of them.

Ordinarily, this isn’t a problem — in fact, it’s a necessary part of normal cell turnover — but as we age, two things happen. First, there are more cells that need to be discarded. Second, the disposal system starts to break down. As a result, senescent cells build up, causing ever more inflammation.

“When we’re young, normally our immune system is able to deal with the senescent cells,” said Matthew Kaeberlein, the chief executive officer of the longevity company Optispan and the former director of the University of Washington Healthy Aging and Longevity Research Institute. “But as we get older, in part because of chronic inflammation, our immune system isn’t able to do that anymore. So you get this accumulation of senescent cells, which then drives more damage, more inflammation, less immune function.”

Scientists are exploring ways to enhance the disposal of senescent cells with a class of drugs known as senolytics , though the research is still in preliminary stages.

Problems disposing of bad proteins

Most cells carry out their functions via the proteins they create. If DNA is the blueprint for a house, and cells are the construction workers, then proteins are the wood, nails and drywall.

It’s normal for proteins to get messed up — they’re often called misfolded proteins — and there are lots of ways to fix them. But, again, those processes start to decline as we age, and misfolded proteins accumulate and cause problems. One notable disease that’s associated with bad proteins is Alzheimer’s, where amyloid and tau form plaques and tangles in the brain.

One way the body disposes of misfolded proteins, as well as other malfunctioning parts of cells, is through a process known as autophagy, which means “self eating” in Greek. “Autophagy is the process by which all these defective things in the cell are destroyed,” Dr. Ramakrishnan said. “And if you interfere with that mechanism, you get this pileup of, essentially, garbage in the cell, which itself causes stress and causes aging.”

Autophagy declines with age. Some drugs that are being studied for their effect on aging, most notably rapamycin , increase the process. However, in large doses rapamycin suppresses the immune response (it’s primarily used to prevent organ transplant rejection), so some researchers are concerned about healthy people taking the drug.

The experts agreed that experimental anti-aging therapies are not yet ready for widespread use, though they’re optimistic about the future of the field. “So far, I would say the winds haven’t been particularly quick, but there will be breakthroughs,” Dr. Partridge said. For now, she added, the best thing that people can do to age well is adopt healthy lifestyle habits, like exercise and good nutrition.

A previous version of this article misstated the name of the organization where Dr. Verdin works. It’s the Buck Institute for Research on Aging, not the Buck Institute on Aging.

How we handle corrections

Dana G. Smith is a Times reporter covering personal health, particularly aging and brain health. More about Dana G. Smith

A Guide to Aging Well

Looking to grow old gracefully we can help..

Researchers are investigating how our biology changes as we grow older — and whether there are ways to stop it .

You need more than strength to age well — you also need power. Here’s how to measure how much power you have  and here’s how to increase yours .

Ignore the hyperbaric chambers and infrared light: These are the evidence-backed secrets to aging well .

Your body’s need for fuel shifts as you get older. Your eating habits should shift , too.

People who think positively about getting older often live longer, healthier lives. These tips can help you reconsider your perspective .

The sun’s rays cause the majority of skin changes as you grow older. Here’s how sunscreen helps prevent the damage .

Joint pain, stiffness and swelling aren’t always inevitable results of aging, experts say. Here’s what you can do to reduce your risk for arthritis .

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First successful projects, then lasting relationships!

As it has been in the past 40 years, Mimsa believe in providing competitive prices without compromising their principles of quality. We have managed to create lasting relationships based on honesty and cooperation while adding new customers each year.

Nothing is more important for us than Customer satisfaction!

Mimsa prioritizes customer satisfaction in the services they provide, and strives to understand the customers’ requests thoroughly in order to fulfil their needs and expectations. According to Mimsa Aluminium, every single customer should always be provided with the quality and services above expectations.

Every single completed project is the beginning of a lasting relationship for us.

Mimsa executes every project with experience and knowledge, while continuously improving itself and its high-quality production. Therefore, Mimsa never regards a project as a completed business. Every single project is a successful representation of lasting relationships. Thus, Mimsa pay great attention to post-sale support and keep on supplying uninterrupted support to their customers after completion.

It is very important for us that every single project we execute creates value to our workers, community and environment!

Aiming to create value for the community, environment and humankind in each project. Mimsa perceive that the occupational training of its employees and the new entrants to the workforce gets these individuals well equipped for the industry and community, and so does whatever needed without second thoughts.

Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother’ Story Essay

Introduction.

The older adult who is described in this assignment is my grandmother. She had a significant impact on my life, both in childhood and as I grew up. Although she died from lung cancer some years ago, she is still an example for me in many life situations.

I believe that my grandmother can be considered a symbol of “successful aging” in many ways. First of all, her behavior did not change to worse, which is typical of many older adults. She was lucky not to develop any mental diseases and preserved a clear mind until it was damaged by metastases in the brain. She was a lady for as long as I remember her and maintained the lady’s habits till the end of her days. She was never rude or harsh with people and was an example of decent behavior.

Secondly, her attitudes to life are worth mentioning. My grandmother believed that happiness and success in life depended on attitudes and that being positive is the right choice. I adored the way she handled problems. In fact, she tried to present any problem as a small misunderstanding. For example, when she was diagnosed with cancer, she did not give up the way many people do. She did not look doomed and behaved as if her treatment was a challenge or a game.

Thirdly, her peer relationships can be an example to follow. My grandmother was a leader, and people could follow her. She was ahead of the community center after she retired because she could not stay at home doing anything. They had a big volunteer project at the community center and helped elderly and disabled community members or those experiencing difficult times. She had many friends and acquaintances and was constantly on the move.

However, the aspect I can assess best of all is her family relationships. Despite her active social life, she always had enough time for the family and was our keeper of traditions. She was not only a grandmother but a good friend for me because we were very close and could share many secrets. When the cancer was diagnosed, she was afraid of being helpless and becoming a burden on her family. Still, each of us was eager to visit her at the hospital or help at home not because of the feeling of duty, but due to a desire to be useful for a close person.

My grandmother’s health habits almost did not change during her lifetime. She preferred traditional evidence-based medicine, took care of herself, and had regular examinations. She was doing her daily morning exercises for as long as I can remember. At weekends, we sometimes took long walks to the park. She believed that activity and movement are a contribution to health.

Finally, as for the sources of meaning in her life, I would mention the following. The major source of meaning in life for my grandmother was her family. She was attentive and caring with all of us. She valued every moment spent with her family, both close and distant relatives. Also, I can say that another source of meaning for her was life itself. She loved life and considered it to be one of the most significant values.

Nevertheless, there was an aspect in my grandmother’s life, which does not symbolize “successful aging.” The only age-related problem she had was hypertension, which developed despite her attention to health and regular examinations. Immediately after it was diagnosed, hypertension interfered with her usual activities and had a negative impact on the quality of life as a whole because my grandmother could not do the usual things as quickly as she did before. Still, the effective treatment plan helped her return to habits and the disease did not influence her much in the following years,

The experiences with my grandmother have an impact on my work with older adult clients. First of all, my attitudes to older adult clients are positive due to my grandmother. I realize that aging is not an easy process for a person both physically and psychologically because my grandmother shared her feelings related to changes occurring with her. The major objective of my work is to provide the best possible help for everyone. This principle was also formed under the influence of my grandmother. She was always eager to help, and I grew up with the belief that helping and doing one’s best are normal behaviors. Finally, my expectations regarding working with older adults were formed under the influence of my grandmother and her friends. However, this impact is sometimes negative because I expect my patients to stay positive and active as my grandmother did, and many older adults are not positive about aging and age-related health changes. Still, these experiences provide me with many examples from my grandmother’s life, which I can share with my patients. I should say that this sharing frequently helps to shift people’s negative attitudes and stimulate the adequate perception of aging in older adults.

• Chicago (A-D)
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IvyPanda. (2024, February 18). Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother' Story. https://ivypanda.com/essays/successful-and-unsuccessful-aging-my-grandmother-story/

"Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother' Story." IvyPanda , 18 Feb. 2024, ivypanda.com/essays/successful-and-unsuccessful-aging-my-grandmother-story/.

IvyPanda . (2024) 'Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother' Story'. 18 February.

IvyPanda . 2024. "Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother' Story." February 18, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/successful-and-unsuccessful-aging-my-grandmother-story/.

1. IvyPanda . "Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother' Story." February 18, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/successful-and-unsuccessful-aging-my-grandmother-story/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Successful and Unsuccessful Aging: My Grandmother' Story." February 18, 2024. https://ivypanda.com/essays/successful-and-unsuccessful-aging-my-grandmother-story/.

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40 facts about elektrostal.

Written by Lanette Mayes

Modified & Updated: 02 Mar 2024

Reviewed by Jessica Corbett

Elektrostal is a vibrant city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia. With a rich history, stunning architecture, and a thriving community, Elektrostal is a city that has much to offer. Whether you are a history buff, nature enthusiast, or simply curious about different cultures, Elektrostal is sure to captivate you.

This article will provide you with 40 fascinating facts about Elektrostal, giving you a better understanding of why this city is worth exploring. From its origins as an industrial hub to its modern-day charm, we will delve into the various aspects that make Elektrostal a unique and must-visit destination.

So, join us as we uncover the hidden treasures of Elektrostal and discover what makes this city a true gem in the heart of Russia.

Key Takeaways:

• Elektrostal, known as the “Motor City of Russia,” is a vibrant and growing city with a rich industrial history, offering diverse cultural experiences and a strong commitment to environmental sustainability.
• With its convenient location near Moscow, Elektrostal provides a picturesque landscape, vibrant nightlife, and a range of recreational activities, making it an ideal destination for residents and visitors alike.

Known as the “Motor City of Russia.”

Elektrostal, a city located in the Moscow Oblast region of Russia, earned the nickname “Motor City” due to its significant involvement in the automotive industry.

Home to the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Elektrostal is renowned for its metallurgical plant, which has been producing high-quality steel and alloys since its establishment in 1916.

Boasts a rich industrial heritage.

Elektrostal has a long history of industrial development, contributing to the growth and progress of the region.

Founded in 1916.

The city of Elektrostal was founded in 1916 as a result of the construction of the Elektrostal Metallurgical Plant.

Located approximately 50 kilometers east of Moscow.

Elektrostal is situated in close proximity to the Russian capital, making it easily accessible for both residents and visitors.

Known for its vibrant cultural scene.

Elektrostal is home to several cultural institutions, including museums, theaters, and art galleries that showcase the city’s rich artistic heritage.

A popular destination for nature lovers.

Surrounded by picturesque landscapes and forests, Elektrostal offers ample opportunities for outdoor activities such as hiking, camping, and birdwatching.

Hosts the annual Elektrostal City Day celebrations.

Every year, Elektrostal organizes festive events and activities to celebrate its founding, bringing together residents and visitors in a spirit of unity and joy.

Has a population of approximately 160,000 people.

Elektrostal is home to a diverse and vibrant community of around 160,000 residents, contributing to its dynamic atmosphere.

Boasts excellent education facilities.

The city is known for its well-established educational institutions, providing quality education to students of all ages.

A center for scientific research and innovation.

Elektrostal serves as an important hub for scientific research, particularly in the fields of metallurgy, materials science, and engineering.

Surrounded by picturesque lakes.

The city is blessed with numerous beautiful lakes, offering scenic views and recreational opportunities for locals and visitors alike.

Well-connected transportation system.

Elektrostal benefits from an efficient transportation network, including highways, railways, and public transportation options, ensuring convenient travel within and beyond the city.

Famous for its traditional Russian cuisine.

Food enthusiasts can indulge in authentic Russian dishes at numerous restaurants and cafes scattered throughout Elektrostal.

Home to notable architectural landmarks.

Elektrostal boasts impressive architecture, including the Church of the Transfiguration of the Lord and the Elektrostal Palace of Culture.

Offers a wide range of recreational facilities.

Residents and visitors can enjoy various recreational activities, such as sports complexes, swimming pools, and fitness centers, enhancing the overall quality of life.

Provides a high standard of healthcare.

Elektrostal is equipped with modern medical facilities, ensuring residents have access to quality healthcare services.

Home to the Elektrostal History Museum.

The Elektrostal History Museum showcases the city’s fascinating past through exhibitions and displays.

A hub for sports enthusiasts.

Elektrostal is passionate about sports, with numerous stadiums, arenas, and sports clubs offering opportunities for athletes and spectators.

Celebrates diverse cultural festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal hosts a variety of cultural festivals, celebrating different ethnicities, traditions, and art forms.

Electric power played a significant role in its early development.

Elektrostal owes its name and initial growth to the establishment of electric power stations and the utilization of electricity in the industrial sector.

Boasts a thriving economy.

The city’s strong industrial base, coupled with its strategic location near Moscow, has contributed to Elektrostal’s prosperous economic status.

Houses the Elektrostal Drama Theater.

The Elektrostal Drama Theater is a cultural centerpiece, attracting theater enthusiasts from far and wide.

Popular destination for winter sports.

Elektrostal’s proximity to ski resorts and winter sport facilities makes it a favorite destination for skiing, snowboarding, and other winter activities.

Promotes environmental sustainability.

Elektrostal prioritizes environmental protection and sustainability, implementing initiatives to reduce pollution and preserve natural resources.

Home to renowned educational institutions.

Elektrostal is known for its prestigious schools and universities, offering a wide range of academic programs to students.

Committed to cultural preservation.

The city values its cultural heritage and takes active steps to preserve and promote traditional customs, crafts, and arts.

Hosts an annual International Film Festival.

The Elektrostal International Film Festival attracts filmmakers and cinema enthusiasts from around the world, showcasing a diverse range of films.

Encourages entrepreneurship and innovation.

Elektrostal supports aspiring entrepreneurs and fosters a culture of innovation, providing opportunities for startups and business development.

Offers a range of housing options.

Elektrostal provides diverse housing options, including apartments, houses, and residential complexes, catering to different lifestyles and budgets.

Home to notable sports teams.

Elektrostal is proud of its sports legacy, with several successful sports teams competing at regional and national levels.

Boasts a vibrant nightlife scene.

Residents and visitors can enjoy a lively nightlife in Elektrostal, with numerous bars, clubs, and entertainment venues.

Promotes cultural exchange and international relations.

Elektrostal actively engages in international partnerships, cultural exchanges, and diplomatic collaborations to foster global connections.

Surrounded by beautiful nature reserves.

Nearby nature reserves, such as the Barybino Forest and Luchinskoye Lake, offer opportunities for nature enthusiasts to explore and appreciate the region’s biodiversity.

Commemorates historical events.

The city pays tribute to significant historical events through memorials, monuments, and exhibitions, ensuring the preservation of collective memory.

Promotes sports and youth development.

Elektrostal invests in sports infrastructure and programs to encourage youth participation, health, and physical fitness.

Hosts annual cultural and artistic festivals.

Throughout the year, Elektrostal celebrates its cultural diversity through festivals dedicated to music, dance, art, and theater.

Provides a picturesque landscape for photography enthusiasts.

The city’s scenic beauty, architectural landmarks, and natural surroundings make it a paradise for photographers.

Connects to Moscow via a direct train line.

The convenient train connection between Elektrostal and Moscow makes commuting between the two cities effortless.

A city with a bright future.

Elektrostal continues to grow and develop, aiming to become a model city in terms of infrastructure, sustainability, and quality of life for its residents.

In conclusion, Elektrostal is a fascinating city with a rich history and a vibrant present. From its origins as a center of steel production to its modern-day status as a hub for education and industry, Elektrostal has plenty to offer both residents and visitors. With its beautiful parks, cultural attractions, and proximity to Moscow, there is no shortage of things to see and do in this dynamic city. Whether you’re interested in exploring its historical landmarks, enjoying outdoor activities, or immersing yourself in the local culture, Elektrostal has something for everyone. So, next time you find yourself in the Moscow region, don’t miss the opportunity to discover the hidden gems of Elektrostal.

Q: What is the population of Elektrostal?

A: As of the latest data, the population of Elektrostal is approximately XXXX.

Q: How far is Elektrostal from Moscow?

A: Elektrostal is located approximately XX kilometers away from Moscow.

Q: Are there any famous landmarks in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to several notable landmarks, including XXXX and XXXX.

Q: What industries are prominent in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal is known for its steel production industry and is also a center for engineering and manufacturing.

Q: Are there any universities or educational institutions in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal is home to XXXX University and several other educational institutions.

Q: What are some popular outdoor activities in Elektrostal?

A: Elektrostal offers several outdoor activities, such as hiking, cycling, and picnicking in its beautiful parks.

Q: Is Elektrostal well-connected in terms of transportation?

A: Yes, Elektrostal has good transportation links, including trains and buses, making it easily accessible from nearby cities.

Q: Are there any annual events or festivals in Elektrostal?

A: Yes, Elektrostal hosts various events and festivals throughout the year, including XXXX and XXXX.

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THE HISTORY OF THE COMPANY CREATION

1993 how the construction company remstroy was created   the year 1993 was a period when a lot of construction companies, which had been working successfully during the soviet times and had rich staff capacity, were forced to cease their activity for various reasons. a lot of capable specialists either had to look for another job or change their field. but there were also those who were willing to realise their potential in the field of construction in accordance with the received degree and the experience they had accumulated. thus, in 1993 in elektrostal (moscow oblast) a group of specialists and people sharing each other’s ideas, who had enormous educational background and the highest degree in architecture, organized and registered ooo firm erg which began its rapid development and successful work, offering its service both on the construction market and other areas. 2000 industrial construction is the main area   seven years of successful work have shown that combining different types of activities in the same company is not always convenient. and in the year 2000 the founders of ooo firm erg decided to create and register a monoprofile construction company ooo remstroy construction company. industrial construction was chosen as the priority area. it was in this area that the directors of ooo sk remstroy began their working life and grew as specialists. in order to achieve the set goal, they selected a mobile team of professionals in the field of industrial construction, which allows us to cope with the tasks assigned to ooo sk remstroy throughout russia and the near abroad. 2010 manufacturing of metal structures   we possess modern equipment that allows us to carry out the entire cycle of works on the manufacture of metal structures of any complexity without assistance. designing – production – installation of metal structures. a staff of professionals and well-coordinated interaction of the departments let us carry out the work as soon as possible and in accordance with all customer’s requirements.” extract from the list of members of self-regulatory organizations, construction.

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