power dynamics essay

Read our research on: Gun Policy | International Conflict | Election 2024

Regions & Countries

3. power dynamics play a key role in problems and innovation.

Many of the experts in this canvassing said power dynamics play a key role in technology development and social and civic innovation and have substantial impact in regard to broad societal issues. These experts highlighted the discrepancies they see in regard to who has access to power and who controls the instruments of power. Some said well-meaning individuals in positions of power do not understand the issues faced by the general public that relies upon digital platforms and systems.

While some respondents are greatly concerned about the ways in which tech companies’ capitalist interests may affect social and civic innovation in the next decade, others expect that tech and social evolution will allow the public more opportunities to advocate for change. This chapter includes comments selected from those made by all respondents, regardless of their answer to the main question about the impact of technology on innovation by 2030. It includes predictions about the types of innovations that may emerge to counter abuses or imbalances in power. The comments are organized under five subthemes: Those in power seek to maintain it; those in power have no incentive to change; government regulation could address these problems; surveillance capitalism is coming to a head; and technology can be a catalyst for advocacy against abuses of power.

Those in power seek to maintain power

Some respondents were critical of today’s digital form of market capitalism, which has created an environment that is proving to be problematic on many levels. Money equals power. Those in control of digital systems and platforms are highly motivated to remove or subsume any threats to their dominance. Market capitalism in today’s digital realm has led to a small number of large players who are driven by driving up profit.

The companies hold all the cards. And governments don’t have the expertise they need to regulate in ways that will be effective or work out well. Mark Surman

Jonathan Morgan, senior design researcher for the Wikimedia Foundation, said, “I’m mostly concerned with the role of digital platform owners and technology providers as stiflers of innovation. People are pretty locked into the tools they use to live, work and socialize. Increasingly, these activities are mediated by a small number of economically and politically powerful companies that actively squash competition, undermine and jettison open standards and protocols and resist regulation. These are anti-competitive practices that stifle innovation; they are anti-social practices that inhibit the development of new social norms. Our continued use of/dependence on the technologies they provide props up these organizations, allowing them to continue to engage in activities that undermine the fabric of our society in a variety of subtle and not-so-subtle ways.”

Mark Surman , executive director of Mozilla Foundation and co-founder of Commons Group, wrote, “Right now, the big U.S. tech companies basically write the rules of the road. If governments and citizens can take back some of that power and build up the talent and vision to create civic innovation, we’ll see the kind of social innovation we need. That said, current trends don’t bode well. The companies hold all the cards. And governments don’t have the expertise they need to regulate in ways that will be effective or work out well.”

Henning Schulzrinne , Internet Hall of Fame member and former chief technology officer for the Federal Communications Commission, commented, “In certain countries, the state will make sure that there is no social and civic innovation, at least any that fundamentally threatens the existing power arrangements. In other countries, where private industry has largely captured regulatory and legislative bodies, protections of privacy and against AI-based discrimination, for example, or mitigation of social problems will be difficult as long as they are not aligned with industry interests.”

Marc Rotenberg , executive director of the Electronic Privacy Information Center, observed, “A small number of platforms dominate communications, and they have devised techniques to minimize opposition. Consider how social movements arose in the past. Workers could organize other workers to seek better working conditions. Activists could join together in their communities to seek changes on matters from the funding for a park to the removal of a toxic waste disposal site. But Facebook prevents the use of its platform for any organizing against Facebook. By the company’s own terms and conditions, users are not able to establish groups with names such as ‘Facebook Users for Privacy Protection’ or ‘Stop the Trolls on Facebook.’ Ironically, the company cites intellectual property law to prevent the use of its own identity by others. That is how technology firms diminish civic innovation.”

Isaac Mao , director of Sharism Lab, said, “Technologies can help facilitate some kinds of social and civic innovations at first, but eventually those market leaders of technical products become barriers to further innovations because of their profit-driven nature. Social and civic applications running on those platforms are very vulnerable. It can be an on/off fate someday, like China’s WeChat platform. Technologies running in commercial interests will also drive out other smaller players and technologies. This is harmful. We need more open technologies and open platforms run by trustable organizations.”

A pioneering researcher of human-computer interaction commented, “I am concerned that technology will effectively undermine resistance to it. I believed the opposite until only a few months ago. Now, I am stunned by the amount of tech money thrown at the ‘morals’ of artificial intelligence, just when AI and surveillance are becoming synonymous. So, I am much more concerned.”

Estee Beck , author of “A Theory of Persuasive Computer Algorithms for Rhetorical Code Studies,” commented, “The [Federal Trade Commission] issued several recommendation reports from 1998 to 2012 on regulation of private industry’s growth with technology with regard to surveillance and privacy. Despite attempts of private industry to self-regulate, failures abound. The FTC will continue to target specific cases to apply remedy as they arise. Private industry will continue to push the bounds of ethical action.”

Stuart Umpleby, retired cybernetician, professor of management and director research at George Washington University, commented, “There is currently a lot of innovation in electronic media. We can expect some successes in improving the social responsibility of social media. There is increasing participation in state and local politics due to acrimony at the national level. Artificial intelligence can be used to identify hate speech and errors and point to better information. However, any methods intended to improve social media could also be used to coarsen discussion. The balance of change may depend on who has the most money. People are becoming more adept at using social media for group discussions. People from other locations, anywhere in the world, can be involved. Hence, people with other views can be included and ideas can be shared at greater distance. The gap between the digitally literate and the digitally illiterate will grow. There will continue to be many efforts to increase digital literacy.”

Jeff Johnson , a professor of computer science at the University of San Francisco, who previously worked at Xerox, HP Labs and Sun Microsystems, responded, “Although the question considers ‘social and civic innovation’ as a positive force, it can also be negative. Gaming the system for corporate or personal benefit is a negative form of social and civic innovation. Internet worms, viruses, hackers and bots that gather people’s information, target ads and messages or wreak havoc are another form of social and civic innovation. Not all innovations are positive. In the 1990s, Richard Sclove hosted a series of citizen panels on democracy in the (still young) digital age (see the book “Governance.com: Democracy in the Digital Age”). His prognosis was positive, but at that time the main ‘social’ media consisted of email lists, electronic bulletin boards and Usenet newsgroups. The rise of Facebook, YouTube, Snapchat and the like has unfortunately turned the tide toward the negative.”

Barney Dalgarno , a professor expert in learning in 3D environments at Charles Sturt University, Australia, said, “I think there will be a push for innovations and regulations to moderate the negative impacts to privacy and unbiased information distribution, however the vested interests of those who wield political and economic power are likely to prevail. In an environment where information distribution is heavily controlled by those with a vested interest in maintaining their control, I don’t see any pathway to a widespread rebellion against the unregulated internet.”

J.M. Porup , a cybersecurity journalist, said, “America today is an oligarchy enforced by the secret police. Preventing any kind of meaningful social or political progress is essential to maintaining that status quo. Information technology gives totalitarian power to the toxic partnership between Silicon Valley, Wall Street and the so-called ‘intelligence community.’ Power desires – always – more power, and fights like hell to prevent any loss of power. This technology shift rewrites constitutional law, yet we keep citing law as though technology cares a whit for words on paper.”

Mike O’Connor , retired, a former member of the ICANN policy development community, commented, “Follow the money and ethics. The forces of good are ethical, thoughtful and resource-poor. The negative forces are scurrilous and have plenty of money to buy/leverage the tech to advance their cause.”

Keri Jaehnig , chief marketing officer for a media-marketing agency, wrote, “The development and adoption of artificial intelligence and cryptocurrencies will change how we live. This will make the advantaged have more opportunity and will make the poor poorer. Employment displacement will absolutely occur. Some new industry and opportunity will evolve, but it is hard to gauge at this point how much and if it will ever be enough.”

Rick Lane , a future-of-work strategist and consultant, said, “We have already seen the power of tech to create misinformation campaigns when Silicon Valley companies and their supporters manipulate data and search to promote their own policy agenda. If data and search manipulation is not addressed, then the social and civic innovation that we all hope for in this new digital age will be stifled.”

Juan Ortiz Freuler , policy fellow at the Web Foundation, predicted, “Many innovations will take place with the purpose of easing some of the social tensions and increase surveillance to neutralize the rest. Enacting big social changes will become increasingly difficult. Unless action is taken within the next decade, power and wealth will increasingly concentrate in the hands of the few, and citizens will lose capacity to coordinate in favor of systemic changes.”

Shane Kerr , lead engineer for NS1 internet domain security, wrote, “As wealth and power consolidates, traditional options to achieve success in society decline. Historically this would have created unrest and demands for reform. With modern technology, it may be possible that large minorities or even majorities of society will be able to ‘opt out’ of competition for power and prestige, and instead find alternative ways to measure success and the quality of their lives. People are already able to create, share, modify and otherwise enjoy photography, video, music and so on in ways that were barely possible to previous generations. Things in this vein will likely become more and more significant. In an ideal world, those winning the competition for power and control will be convinced that their victory is ultimately hollow without being a part of the wider human experience and competition. In a less than ideal world, they will use their power to attempt to eliminate joy and prevent anyone who does not follow their path from being happy.”

The odds are in favor of these innovations to be driven by states and by corporations, rather than by civil society. Lokman Tsui

John Skrentny , a professor of sociology at the University of California, San Diego, said, “Beliefs in (short-term) shareholder value as the reason for corporate existence and the interpretation of antitrust law that views monopolies as bad only if they hurt consumers, coupled with the Supreme Court’s distortion of democracy to allow unlimited flows of cash and unlimited gerrymandering, all align as deep forces making democracy ever more difficult to achieve and sustain in the U.S., no matter the innovation capabilities of the people.”

Doug Royer , a retired technology developer/administrator, responded, “The love of money is the root of evil. (1 Timothy 6:10 – Christian Bible – one interpretation). Companies will, and their stockholders will, continue to desire profit. People will always want things cheaper. Governments will always try to grease the loudest wheel, even when it is just noise to get attention or money. However, a society having access to trends as they happen and to the people making the decisions keeps away more manipulation of the masses than ever before possible.”

Lokman Tsui , a professor at the School of Journalism and Communication of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, formerly Google’s head of free expression in Asia and the Pacific, commented, “I understand social and civic innovation to be innovation driven by civil society, for civil society. I believe there will be some social and civic innovation in the next decade. But I am also concerned that the odds are not in their favor. I believe that the closed and centralized nature of the new technologies of the next decade will make this very difficult. The odds are in favor of these innovations to be driven by states and by corporations, rather than by civil society. What I see happening is that, increasingly, states and corporations are forming alliances such that the development of future innovations benefit each other at the detriment of civil society. The development of the GDPR in Europe is remarkable precisely because I see it as an exception to the norm.”

Those in power have no incentive to change

Several of the experts in this canvassing expressed concerns that those in power have little incentive to change.

James S. O’Rourke IV , a University of Notre Dame professor whose research specialty is reputation management, said, “In thinking about whether technological innovations will improve or restrain society and contribute to the common good, the answer clearly is ‘yes’ to both questions. Western liberal civilizations have taken a laissez-faire approach to technology. ‘The market will sort this out,’ we’re told. In the interim, reputations are ruined, lives are pulled apart, wealth is unfairly or illegally transferred. Social and psychological trauma are the result. If technology created the dilemma we now face, technology will – without question – offer ways for us to mitigate harm and improve the lives of ordinary citizens. The problem, however, is one of incentives. Most technology firms and their entrepreneurial owners are driven far more by the accumulation of wealth than the improvement of society. ‘I’m all for improving life in this country,’ they say, ‘but only if there is clearly a market for that.’ An associated problem is that government at state and national levels is insufficiently clever to deal with such issues. The smartest, most innovative, most intellectually nimble among us don’t go to work for the government (especially in regulatory roles). The best and brightest do not run for public office. And the law always trails the effects of technology. Officials step in on behalf of the public interest long after the harm is done and the money is gone.”

Jonathan Taplin , author of “Move Fast and Break Things: How Google, Facebook and Amazon Cornered Culture and Undermined Democracy,” commented, “Google and Facebook are two of the largest corporations in the world (measured by market capitalization). They will use their financial and lobbying power to fend off significant regulation. … I would like to believe that real progress could be made on these issues, but I’m afraid that the financial power of the internet monopolies is too strong. I am highly doubtful that real progress will be made unless there is a catastrophe resulting in an autocratic state that leads to true citizen revolt.”

Art Brodsky , a self-employed consultant, wrote, “I would like to think technology could help the situation, but we’ve seen no sign of that so far. Big companies have too much to gain and too little to lose as a result of current abuses. They have no incentives to do anything. The government also is powerless. … We have seen no evidence that tech companies have the best interests of the public at heart. Through lax enforcement of antitrust laws and little privacy protection, they focus on their bottom line only. As with other businesses, there is no sense of social responsibility and no institution bold enough to impose one.”

Bernie Hogan, senior research fellow at Oxford Internet Institute, said, “Technology warps scales in favour of those who can wield the technology. It has always been the case, from the gun, the stirrup, the telephone and now the internet. This time, however, technology is operating on scales that we simply do not comprehend and cannot meaningfully do so. Google and Facebook can only make inferences about the rankings of their search results and newsfeeds, respectively; they cannot give a clear answer about why precisely one element showed up before another. High frequency trading algorithms are similarly abstract and opaque. … The notion that we are either going to have ‘no change’ or substantial improvement is remarkably rosy. We are much more likely to have increased inequality, greater more effective propaganda and dissent codified and monitored. We will see some change in data security. Mostly we will see advances in health, particularly in areas where big data classification is useful such as detecting drug interactions, classifying genes and so forth. In areas that require extensive human coordination, we are only likely to see more attempts at control and centralisation along with the march of stark inequality.”

Ellery Biddle , an advocacy director for Global Voices whose specialty is protection of online speech and fundamental digital rights, said, “Facebook, Google and Amazon each have a unique monopoly on the types of information they organize and offer to users. This means they are also the primary sources of many of our biggest problems. Unfortunately, all three of these companies have also occupied a significant amount of space (and injected a lot of money) in the academic, policy and civil society conversations that are intended to solve these problems. What we are left with is a situation of capture, in which the companies are creating problems with one hand and then presenting solutions for them with another. Take Facebook. This company has built a revenue model around the idea that clicks are good/profitable (as they generate ad revenue) and that material that receives lots of clicks should be given more visibility. It has also found unprecedented ways to profit from people’s data. This is what lies at the core of the fake news/disinformation problem. Fake news was always there, it just wasn’t so pervasive or present on our screens until we had a company that built a revenue model on clicks/shock value. In responding to the issue, Facebook has put on a great performance of engaging with fact-checkers and talking about disinformation dynamics. But the company has not changed its basic revenue model, which is the root of the problem. Facebook is never going to change this on its own – it makes far too much money for this to be a viable option. So, the solution must lie in some kind of regulation. Data-protection rules could actually have some impact here, as they would force the company to shift its practices away from endless data collection and tracking, which are deeply intertwined with the ‘engagement’ revenue model. We need to move away from this and seek solutions outside of these big tech companies. There may be other kinds of technology that could really change the game here, and bring us back to a more distributed, decentralized internet, but this has yet to take off.”

Bill D. Herman , a researcher working at the intersection of human rights and technology, wrote, “Private industry has every incentive to create more addictive tech, and little incentive to improve society. Innovation around that won’t happen in a direction that helps, at least not in total.”

There may be other kinds of technology that could really change the game here, and bring us back to a more distributed, decentralized internet, but this has yet to take off. Ellery Biddle

Philippe Blanchard , founder of Futurous, an innovation consultancy based in Switzerland, responded, “The major difficulty in the rise of a social and civic innovation comes from the pervasiveness of the general-purpose technologies and the globalisation. Technology will develop faster in less-regulated environments, and the critical mass of some use/technologies will push for its generalization worldwide.”

Emilio Velis , executive director of the Appropedia Foundation, commented, “There is a growing involvement of the internet and technology on behalf of society for civic change. There will undoubtedly be a great surge of these innovations in the next few years. The only drawback to this is the lack of economic incentives to the way they work, especially for underdeveloped settings. How can innovations thrive and be effective for the bottom of the pyramid?”

Leila Bighash , an assistant professor of communication at the University of Arizona, expert in online public information, news and social media, said, “While I believe technology will be used by democratic adversaries to subvert institutions and processes, technology will also continue to be used to try to mitigate those efforts. There are issues with big tech companies not having incentives to pursue pro-democracy projects. Unfortunately, many of them, with their advocacy of completely free/open speech, have created a situation where all speech is given a platform, and sometimes the messages that spread are harmful. Nonprofits and others do not have the means that those big tech companies have, so citizens and governments have to start pressuring or incentivizing large companies to engage in activities that will bolster democracy. If this pressure works, then social and civic innovation at a mass scale will occur. If the pressure doesn’t work, there may still be some smaller groups pursuing this innovation but it will not occur as quickly. We already see some efforts to build tools that mark sources of news on social media with indicators of their veracity. Volunteer groups who are highly engaged and motivated could be created/used to suss out mis/disinformation. Companies themselves could be incentivized by governments or citizen groups to remove messages, including deepfakes and other disinformation. Communication researchers are learning how fact-checking works to correct people’s misinformed views, and this research could help create new systems, tools and groups. Governments will have to start creating new laws, but of course this will likely be the slowest to move.”

Government regulation could address these issues

Many respondents to this canvassing suggest that government regulation may be the key to incentivizing companies to change.

Tracey Follows , futurist and founder of Futuremade, a futures consultancy based in the UK, wrote, “I feel that there is enough government interest in using technology to mitigate some of the risks, inequalities and harms that are emerging from the digital world. Most governments do not want to upset the monopolistic, global platforms that drive growth and create employment, and have not to date pressured them to pay their taxes and to come under regulatory policies. That will change over the next five years. In the UK, the government is looking at new regulatory structures to prevent ‘online harms’ and is also calling for tighter restrictions on the type of content that appears in social feeds and online in general. Hard to say how successful this will be national or regional governments play a cat and mouse game with global players. However, I think things will change and change quickly once the public cotton-on to facial recognition and voice assistance as surveillance. Already there are now questions being asked and court cases being heard about the infringement of privacy from facial recognition systems being used by, for example, the police. Coupled with further awareness of China’s social credit system, ordinary folk are about to wake up to a whole lot more than Alexa putting the coffee on in the morning. The governments will be forced to respond otherwise western citizens will begin to find ways to protest at their lack of privacy and start suing companies for the degradation of their mental health due to surveillance.”

I think new tools will likely be created to strengthen the voices of workers and the disadvantaged. Ioana Marinescu

Ann Adams , a retired technology worker, commented, “Once the profit model changes, mitigation will follow. Unfortunately, governments have to intervene, as business currently has no incentive to change.”

Ioana Marinescu , an assistant professor of economics at the University of Pennsylvania School of Social Policy and Practice, an expert in labor policy, responded, “I think new tools will likely be created to strengthen the voices of workers and the disadvantaged. These tools’ emergence would be strengthened by regulations that empower people.”

Susan Price , founder and CEO of Firecat Studio, a user-centered design and communication technologies expert, said, “As the technology and civic leaders’ understanding of the issues mature together we’ll see the pain lessen over time as more appropriate regulation is put into place.”

Melissa Michelson , a professor of political science at Menlo College and author of “Mobilizing Inclusion: Redefining Citizenship Through Get-Out-the-Vote Campaigns,” wrote, “Despite the many shortcomings and negative impacts of the digital age, I remain optimistic that innovators and leaders will find ways to overcome those negatives to use digital tools to allow for overall positive impacts on our social and civic lives. Every generation is threatened by the perceived drawbacks of new communication technologies, including television and telephones. Change is scary, and it can be easier to see the threats than the promise, but I believe that civic-minded people will find ways to control those negatives and allow for the benefits of the digital world to enhance and strengthen our democracy, whether that is through regulation, market competition or other new technologies that we cannot yet imagine.”

Roger E.A. Farmer , research director at the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, London, and professor of economics at the University of Warwick, author of “Prosperity for All,” wrote, “There is no yes-or-no answer to this question. Technology is already influencing the political process. A lot depends on how tech-media giants are regulated. Twitter, Instagram and Facebook are monopolies in the transmission of culture in the same way AT&T was a monopoly in the telecommunications industry in earlier decades. They should be broken up or regulated and treated as media organizations by the courts.”

While some experts saw potential in government regulation, others debated if governments will be able to address these power imbalances and if potential regulation will solve any of the current issues. They suggest that among the potential hang-ups to meaningful regulatory change is the fact that many lawmakers are ill-equipped to create such legislation. They also question the potential efficacy of regulation.

Doc Searls , internet pioneer and editor-in-chief of Linux Journal, said, “For most people, the first response to disturbing disruptions is regulatory: ‘Give us new privacy laws!’ ‘Break up Big Tech.’ ‘Turn Silicon Valley back into fruit orchards!’ But that puts the regulatory cart in front of the development horse. We need development before everything. And we need norms after that. Those are the horses and the harnesses. The regulatory cart should follow the lead of both. With the GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) in Europe we have a helpful lesson in how creating regulations in the absence of tech is a giant fail. What the GDPR does is address wrongdoing by perpetrators who are highly incentivized financially to keep doing all the wrong things they’ve been doing ever since they found they could track people like marked animals for the purpose of harvesting data about personal activities and using that data to aim ‘relevant,’ ‘interest-based’ and ‘interactive’ ads at those people’s eyeballs everywhere they go in the digital world. Those ads don’t work … but they do pay the perps; and it’s too damned easy for the perps to put up insincere and misleading ‘cookie notices’ that obtain equally insincere ‘consent’ and thus to claim compliance. Successfully! At least so far. Meanwhile, all we need as individuals is the digital equivalent of privacy technologies we’ve had for the duration in the natural world: clothing and shelter. Getting those in the virtual world is job one. Fortunately, some of us are already on the case. Stay tuned.”

Bruce Bimber , a professor of political science at the University of California, Santa Barbara, commented, “The scale of social innovation needed to bring societies successfully into the future is enormous. At least two problems arise. The first is that we can’t get there incrementally, just by accumulating bits and pieces of adaptation and innovation; yet the sort of big change need would disrupt too many powerful interests invested in the slowly changing status quo, from which so much money can be made. The second is that political institutions in many places have been too much hollowed out, polarized and captured to provide leadership for bold change.”

Annemarie Bridy , a professor of law specializing in the impact of new technologies on existing legal frameworks, wrote, “In recent public hearings, policymakers have demonstrated repeatedly that they lack a basic understanding of how today’s most socially consequential technologies work. Without better-informed policymakers, we have little hope of effectively regulating developing technologies that profoundly impact human behavior and social welfare, including those involving automated decision-making and pervasive biometric surveillance.”

Neal Gorenflo , co-founder, chief editor and executive director at Shareable, a nonprofit news outlet that has covered the latest innovations in the sharing economy, responded, “If history is any guide, the United States should see a civic and perhaps even a religious revival. However, circumstances are different, the power imbalances may be at or progress to a point of no return soon. The ever-increasing power and pervasiveness of technology, the speed at which it is deployed, the inability of government and public to even understand it, never mind control it, the downgrading of our individual and collective behavior and decision making all bring into question if citizens can rally like we have before. I hope we can aim to be part of that, but I have my doubts, too. We may have been asleep at the wheel too long to avert disaster.”

Some experts said change may best be found in the design of innovative new companies and tools that are built with public betterment in mind.

Ethan Zuckerman , director of MIT’s Center for Civic Media and co-founder of Global Voices, said, “Development of social media technologies over the past 20 years has suffered from the false assumption that technology is and can be neutral. The assumption was that platforms like Facebook could be used for good or for ill, and that platform designers should work to keep their tools as open to as many uses as possible. We’re now realizing that no technologies are neutral. Build a technology around the idea of increasing engagement and you’re likely to create incentives for clickbait and disinformation. Over the next 10 years, I hope to see a wave of new platforms consciously designed to evoke different civic behaviors. We need mass innovation in design of social tools that help us bridge fragmentation and polarization, bring diversity into our media landscapes and help find common ground between disparate groups. With these as conscious design goals, technology could be a powerful positive force for civic change. If we don’t take this challenge seriously and assume that we’re stuck with mass-market tools, we won’t see positive civic outcomes from technological tools.”

Development of social media technologies over the past 20 years has suffered from the false assumption that technology is and can be neutral. Ethan Zuckerman

Alex Halavais , an associate professor of critical data studies at Arizona State University, wrote, “There has long been a tension between civic uses of networked technologies and their co-option by both industrial and government actors. From open source projects, including things like Wikipedia, to the blogosphere, the early social web has largely given way to advertising-based platformization. Throughout this process there have been attempts to make space for more civic and public online spaces, but these have met with relatively meager success. There is a growing backlash against the corporate web, which creates the opportunity for new projects within the cooperative web. These are hardly a sure thing, of course, but there seems to be a growing interest in approaches that ‘route around’ corporate excesses by platforms that seem beholden to advertisers, and to a much lesser degree to government regulation. We already know how to build cooperative online spaces, and revelations of the last couple of years are providing ways for those who interact online to seek out alternatives at a growing rate.”

Mark Andrejevic , an associate professor of communications at the University of Iowa, commented, “It is possible that we will see significant social and civic innovation in other regions than the U.S., but I am not optimistic about our current trajectory because the tools that we rely on for civic life are part of the problem. We have entrusted so much of our information ecosphere to huge commercial platforms that have evolved to fit neatly with the means and modes of contemporary information consumption in ways that are not conducive to the formation of functional civic dispositions. This is the problem we face: To innovate at the civic level we need communication systems and practices that allow us to deliberate in good faith, to recognize the claims of others we do not know, to form ‘imagined communities’ that bind us to a sense of shared, common or overlapping public interests. There is a Catch-22 involved here: We need to create new tools, but to create new tools we need civically functional modes and means of communication to start with. This is not to say that there is no way out or that history has somehow stopped. It is to suggest that we have reached the point that successful social and civic innovation will only result from a profound crisis or social breakdown. We will be building on the ruins. We have demonstrated that even when we see the coming crisis we have lost the ability to avert it. This strange paralysis haunts our current moment economically, politically and environmentally.”

Surveillance capitalism is coming to a head

Surveillance capitalism is a term used to describe the market-driven business practice of digital platform providers and others of offering a “free” or reduced-rate service while collecting data about users to sell to third parties, often for marketing purposes. Many of the experts in this canvassing see this as a major underlying flaw in the design of today’s digital information platforms – the primary cause of many digital threats to democracy. Some experts believe that public outcry about how their data are being used could be a catalyst for changes in privacy law.

Christian Huitema , president at Private Octopus and longtime internet developer and administrator, said, “Surveillance is a business model. Asking surveillance companies to be more respectful of privacy is asking them to make less profit. This is not going to happen without some kind of coercion. That may come from laws and regulations, but companies are pretty efficient lobbyists. Laws and regulations will only happen if a popular movement pushes them. Actually, if such a popular movement develops, it might start pushing back against the pillaging of personal data. That would be a first step in reining in the surveillance capitalists.”

Seth Finkelstein , programmer, consultant and Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Pioneer of the Electronic Frontier Award winner, wrote, “I’m not hopeful about ameliorating the social media hate mobs. The driving causes there are too deeply linked to the incentives from outrage-mongering. I should note there’s a cottage industry in advice about social media pitfalls and good conduct. But this is hardly better than the simplistic ‘If it sounds too good to be true, it probably is.’ That’s not bad advice in itself, but it’s no substitute for something comparable to laws and regulations against fraud. Corporations that have their entire focus on selling advertising around outrage and surveillance are not stewards of news, democratic institutions, beneficial self-expression and so on. They are not ever going to become such stewards, as that is not what they do. However, it is generally not a good career strategy for someone to advocate programs such as extensive public funding of news and education, strong worker protections, laws encouraging unions, general support of public goods (that will likely not produce speaking fees or think-tank grants from those corporations). I suspect some the recent interest in the effects of ‘algorithms’ is in part a way of talking about these problems in a more politically acceptable manner, without directly addressing capitalism. This is all tied into the issues of inequality, plutocracy and the destruction of civic spaces. Monopolistic big businesses aren’t your friend, unless you’re a plutocrat. Either such companies are reined in, or society becomes highly distorted by their profit imperatives. We can make minor changes around the edges here, with stronger data protection laws, or demanding the marginalization of some specific bad actors who have grabbed the attention of a bunch of pundits. But that is all simply addressing the worst symptoms, not the cause. The particular technological background is different in various eras. But we shouldn’t let that blind us to the historical underlying fundamental political conflict.”

Digital technology will continue to provide mechanisms for violating privacy and trust that outstrip mechanisms for protecting them. Scott Burleigh

David P. Reed , pioneering architect of the internet, an expert in networking, spectrum and internet policy, wrote, “Social and civic innovation will be countered very effectively by technological surveillance and behavior modification technologies being developed to maximize corporate profitability. This highly effective technology inhabits the very tools of future social and civic innovation, enabling money to be directed efficiently to control each innovation in the direction that serves interests other than those of the citizens themselves.”

Scott Burleigh , principal engineer at a major U.S. agency, commented, “The negatives of the digital age are rooted in the growing elusiveness of privacy and of trust. Digital technology will continue to provide mechanisms for violating privacy and trust that outstrip mechanisms for protecting them. People who care about these things will come to spend as little time on the grid as possible. I think there are technologies that actually could help, and I would like to believe that they will, that I’m wrong about this. But I don’t think I am.”

Vince Carducci , researcher of new uses of communication to mobilize civil society and dean at the College of Creative Studies, predicted, “What has variously been termed ‘platform’ or ‘surveillance’ capitalism will not prevent social innovation per se so much as direct it a particular way. Twentieth-century institutions such as unions, state bureaucracies and social welfare systems will continue to be disrupted by technologies that concentrate power in fewer hands.”

Matt Moore , innovation manager at Disruptor’s Handbook, Sydney, Australia, said, “Technologies will help and hinder social and civic innovation. They will drive people apart. They will bring people together. Based on our track record, these outcomes are inevitable. Their scale and scope are still largely unknown. The first 20 years of the World Wide Web (from, say, 1990 to 2010) gave many hints of new communities, new social possibilities. To me, these feel like they have been lost – or at least obscured. The web feels like a far more corporate space, controlled by a small number of large companies (Facebook, Google, Amazon) whose main business model is surveillance capitalism. Our cities will be ever more filled with sensors producing data that will feed into artificial intelligence systems. In theory, this will make cities more efficient. In practice, it may make them more chaotic – as large volumes of partial, biased data give us the illusion of omniscience. If data truly is the ‘new oil’ then that presumably means we will fight wars over it and its side effects will be toxic and expensive. On the plus side, as demographics change, technology can help us form the new communities (of age, identity, interdependence) that we will need in the next decade.”

Scott B. MacDonald , an experienced chief economist and international economic adviser, wrote, “We should be very deeply concerned that technology will be used for better control and influencing of people and not necessarily for their betterment. The more information we know about people can allow a better customization of their lifestyle, but it provides knowledge of what they read and think. Social media and the like also will be formed by influencers, who will seek to determine what is morally right – either arch-conservative ideas or social justice warrior frameworks, both of which lend themselves to a ‘Brave New World’ landscape where you don’t have to think; you can discuss, but only as long as your views conform with the views passed via technology from the commanding heights.”

David Cake , an active leader of ICANN’s Non-Commercial Users Constituency, commented, “Privacy and surveillance is becoming understood as one of the largest, and most complex, issues that must be addressed in the wake of technological change. Attitudes to privacy is emerging as one of the biggest dividers in responses to social and civic innovation. It is clear that privacy and surveillance concerns will only be partially mitigated, as surveillance becomes increasingly practical. But attitudes to use of surveillance techniques will be a major social divider between nations and societies. We see huge rifts emerging around the issue (such as attitudes to the GDPR) and there are certainly nations who are pushing ahead with aggressive surveillance and social control mechanisms. But the existence of the GDPR, and the widespread acceptance of the need for it, is a hopeful sign that acceptance of the need to regulate privacy invasive practices is rising.”

Some respondents were hopeful that these issues will be worked out if new economic systems are designed and implemented to meet the needs of the digital age. One of them is Henry Lieberman , a research scientist at MIT’s Computer Science and Artificial Intelligence Lab (CSAIL). He wrote, “The continued progress of science will make advances in all areas, such as physical and mental health, etc. The perceived ‘dangers’ of digital technology – loss of privacy, job loss, fake news and hate speech, ‘dehumanization’ of society, etc., are mostly pathologies of capitalism, not pathologies of technology. The next economic systems won’t have the perverse incentives of capitalism that lead to most of these problems. See http://www.whycantwe.org/ .”

A pair of experts said government surveillance is a growing issue that will be of great consequence in the coming decade.

John Sniadowski , a systems architect based in the UK, wrote, “Many sovereign states are busily weaponising digital platforms to disseminate misinformation, AKA propaganda. In decades prior to the internet, states would regulate the broadcast media. Now they take action to assert control over digital lives by using technology to increasingly track individuals on a scale never before possible. Also, by enacting laws enforcing the use of ‘digital surveillance’ via gagging rules and other enforcement laws, it becomes increasingly difficult for individuals to lawfully protest. Also, technological advances allow the building of the so-called ‘great firewall of China’ where all but the most sophisticated digital citizen is denied information channels that the state consider prohibited and illegal content.”

Rob Frieden , a professor of telecommunications and law at Penn State who previously worked with Motorola and has held senior policy-making positions at the Federal Communications Commission and the National Telecommunications and Information Administration, said, “Sadly, I do not see individual or even collective ‘self-help’ efforts as having sufficient effectiveness vis-a-vis the tools available in a surveillance society. Governments appear to have a nearly unlimited budget to acquire the latest and greatest technologies for surveillance. How can an off-the-shelf encryption option providing ‘pretty good privacy’ match the power, range and resources available to governments?”

Technology can be a catalyst for advocacy against abuses of power

Many of these experts say that power imbalances and privacy concerns may mobilize the citizenry to push for change. Technology facilitates connecting with like-minded others to inform them of maleficence and advocate for redress. Just as previous digital movements have used technology to rally people together for causes in the past decade (e.g., Arab Spring , Black Lives Matter , the #MeToo movement , the Women’s March ), a number of these experts anticipate future movements will continue to harness technological tools during the coming decade.

Alexander B. Howard , independent writer, digital governance expert and open-government advocate, said, “Civic innovation in the U.S. has come from multiple sources in the past and will continue to do so in the future. Cities, states, Congress, federal agencies and even the courts will all build better services, interfaces and governance frameworks for public access to information, participation, policymaking and voter registration. So will existing tech companies that work with them, along with ones yet to be founded that will pioneer models for participatory media that don’t depend on surveillance capitalism. Media companies, particularly nonprofits, will be a key force for innovation in connecting the public writ large and specific communities to trustworthy information and one another by adopting and developing both open and closed networks. Libraries and schools will perform similar roles in many communities, as teachers continue to experiment with improving education. Researchers and scientists at universities will collaborate with watchdogs, technologists and government to build better tools and approaches.”

Technology change is fundamentally disruptive – in other words: The more technology changes, the more things stay insane. Micah Altman

Charlie Firestone , executive director of the Communications and Society Program and vice president, Aspen Institute, wrote, “I am optimistic about the use of technologies towards positive uses in addressing our democratic society. I think this will come as a reaction to the abuses that have given rise to the ‘techlash.’ As abuses increase, which will likely happen in the coming few years, a reaction will bring reforms that will enhance democratic elements such as 1) civic participation and dialogue; 2) more widespread registration, financial contributions and voting; and 3) connecting to neighbors.”

Micah Altman , director of the Center for Research in Equitable and Open Scholarship at MIT, commented, “A 19th century French critic famously quipped: ‘The more things change, the more they stay the same.’ And there are many regularities in human preferences; limits on individual human physical, emotional and cognitive performance; and entrenched societal interests that create substantial inertia in human social and civic institutions. However, in the last decade and a half we’ve witnessed social-media-powered revolutions, crowd-sourced surveillance and countersurveillance, do-it-yourself redistricting and even a public-participation draft of a national constitution. This decade will see many more experiments, some will have impact, a few will stick. Technology change is fundamentally disruptive – in other words: The more technology changes, the more things stay insane.”

Christopher Savage , a policy entrepreneur, responded, “Technology always starts with the rich/privileged and then diffuses to everyone else. Electric lighting. Cars. Landline phones. TVs. Computers. Mobile phones. Etc. This is going to happen as well with the means of influence over ideology and opinion, and, thus, with political power. Over the last decade professional political/policy folks have begun to learn to use technology tools (from cable news to email lists to targeted ads to Twitter-enabled flash mobs) to do what they’ve always done: create pressure on elected officials and bureaucrats to do what the professionals want. But the democratizing effects of widely dispersed tools for reaching potential political allies at the grassroots level, combined with growing populist/popular distrust of traditional institutions and interest groups, will begin to erode the message control of those groups. The internet has disintermediated countless institutions that had long had bottleneck control in their domains – from newspapers to taxicab companies to hotels to travel agents. Traditional influencers of opinion and ideology (interest groups and political parties) are ripe for disintermediation as well.”

Douglas Rushkoff , a media theorist, author and professor of media at City University of New York, said, “Interesting that you didn’t have an answer that was more like, ‘Technology will hamper but not prevent our ability to enact social and civic innovation.’ Tech will make it harder, but it won’t prevent us from doing so. As inequality increases, eventually people will need to turn to one another for mutual aid. Communities will have to form for basic survival. The wealthy may move into augmented realities in order to shield themselves from the realities of the 99%, but most others will begin to find rapport and then solidarity by looking up from tech at one another, instead.”

Jamais Cascio , a distinguished fellow at the Institute for the Future selected by Foreign Policy magazine in its “Top 100 Global Thinkers” predicted, “By 2030 the benefits of these social, civic and technological innovations won’t be fully visible. The primary driver for ultimately succeeding in beneficial innovation is, in my view, generational, not just technological. Millennials and (in other regions) similar cohorts that grew up surrounded by networked communications will be taking on greater political, economic and social authority. These are people for whom effectively all media has been diverse, hyperbolic and created for ongoing engagement (not just one-and-done watching). They are likely to have greater skills at recognizing manipulation and seeing webs of influence (rather than lines).”

Charles Ess , a professor of digital ethics at the University of Oslo, said, “Despite the looming, if not all but overwhelming, threats of surveillance capitalism versus the Chinese social credit system, there are some encouraging signs that people can develop and exploit the more-positive possibilities of current and emerging technologies. First of all, however, it seems clear that putting hope in technology alone is simply mistaken if not counterproductive. As Merlyna Lim (2018) has convincingly demonstrated in her extensive analysis of global protests since 2010, successful activist movements and ensuring social and political transformations depend on ‘hybrid human-communication-information networks that include social media’ – but in which ‘the human body will always be the most essential and central instrument.’ (‘ Roots, Routes and Routers: Communications and Media of Contemporary Social Movements .’ Journalism and Communication Monographs. May 2018.) The rising interest in hacker spaces, DIY and so on shows some indication that at least some numbers of people are increasingly interested in better understanding and utilizing these technologies in the name of good lives of flourishing and democracy, rather than simple consumption. If these movements can be encouraged, such human-social-technological amalgams will continue to spark eruptions of activity and movements in the right directions – as at least counterexamples and counterweights to the otherwise much darker and daunting developments.”

Gina Neff , senior research fellow at the Oxford Internet Institute studying innovation and digital transformation, wrote, “Without broader participation in the conversations today that lead to the tools of tomorrow, civil society will be left behind. Too many people are being left behind in the decisions about today’s technologies and data ecosystems.”

Rey Junco , director of research at CIRCLE in the Tisch College of Civic Life at Tufts University, observed, “We have seen social technologies be used for good and to promote social and civic change. CIRCLE conducted polling of youth aged 18-24 around the 2018 midterm elections. A relevant finding from this polling was that youth were much more engaged in offline activism (such as attending a march, sitting in or occupying a place as an act of civil disobedience, walking out of school or college to make a statement or participating in a union strike) in 2018 than in 2016 and that this increase in participation is significantly correlated to online activism (or what had traditionally be termed ‘slacktivism’). In other words, there is clearly evidence that technology use can spur civic innovation and lead to the spread and uptake of youth movements. The prototypical example of such a movement is the gun violence prevention movement. For months leading up to the 2018 election cycle, young people highlighted the problem of gun violence and school safety in many communities and made it part of the national conversation, which made a sizable impact in politics and in the media. Parkland students founded Never Again MSD , which called for protests and demonstrations to lobby for anti-gun violence legislation and co-organized the March for Our Lives in Washington, D.C., along with numerous voter registration drives and get-out-the-vote efforts. They used social media such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram to spread their message, and in turn caught the attention of other young people across the nation. Indeed, this movement elevated the conversation around gun violence prevention to a central theme for the 2018 midterms. Therefore we can expect, at some point, that technology will be used not only to further and spur social and civic innovation, but also to help solve some of the problems that said technology has created – such as the spread of misinformation and the contributions to political polarization.”

Axel Bruns , a professor at the Digital Media Research Centre at Queensland University of Technology, said, “Adversity breeds innovation, and the present moment is one of severe adversity both for society in general and for a range of distinct societal groups in particular. At the same time that technologies are being used to surveil, control and attack them, such groups are also innovatively repurposing technologies to respond, resist and fight back. While this will generate significant change, it will not simply have uniformly positive or negative outcomes – the same tools that are being used constructively by minorities to assert and protect their identity and interests are also being used destructively by other fringe groups to disrupt and interfere with such processes. Technology is not neutral in any of this, but it is also not inherently a force for good or bad.”

Paola Ricaurte , a fellow at Harvard’s Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society, wrote, “As technologies evolve with new functionalities, awareness about their risks and harms will increase. People will demand the improvement of their quality of life, the respect for human rights and the environment. However, there will be greater difficulties for those who are excluded from the digital economy to participate actively in the generation of new knowledge and to resist against the power of big tech.”

At the same time that technologies are being used to surveil, control and attack them, such groups are also innovatively repurposing technologies to respond, resist and fight back. Axel Bruns

Prateek Raj , an assistant professor in strategy and economics at Indian Institute of Management, Bangalore, commented, “Technology is already shaping social and civic institutions in developing countries like India. We live in a digital world, and it is bound to shape our physical reality. As long as local grassroots activism is strong, we can expect positive innovations driven by technology to happen as well. The key issue, however, is to make sure that no single entity has too much power in the digital world, so that it can block civic innovations from gaining salience. One such threat is the crisis in local journalism due to the drying up of advertising revenue (that today goes to digital giants), and prioritization of visceral content in online social media feeds.”

Jaime McCauley , an associate professor of sociology at Coastal Carolina University expert in social movements and social change, observed, “Despite its shortcomings, social media and technology have proven to be useful in civic engagement, from the Arab Spring to neighborhoods organizing on local issues. Human history is one of innovation. We will continue to use whatever tools are available to us for good AND ill. Hopefully, good will win out.”

Banning Garrett , an independent consultant and futurist, said, “Much of the problem with technology has been a result of its democratization. While the current focus is on the extraordinary power and wealth of the big tech companies and their ability to harvest vast amounts of our data for commercial purposes, it is also case that technology has been democratized and put into the hands of users incredibly powerful tools of empowerment. These technologies – both the hardware like iPhones and platforms like Facebook – are powerful tools for individuals to not only ‘publish’ their views but also to organize others to act politically. We have already seen this for the last decade, of course, but it could take new and powerful forms in the future as virtual communities become better organized and more powerful politically, bypassing existing political parties and influencing institutions and political outcomes directly. How this will all evolve will not depend on technology but on developments in the economy and political leadership. The post-Trump era could be more of the same divisive, partisan politics, or it could move toward a rejection of the current trends. Social and civic innovation will influence which direction the country goes and will also be influenced by the trends.”

William L. Schrader , founder of PSINet and internet pioneer, now with Logixedge, predicted, “I see more freedom coming for oppressed people throughout the world. Whether it is LGBTQ, people of color, people of caste, people with or without money, people of religion – I see the technology supporting social media actively leveling the playing field for all. And NO, it will not be complete by 2030, but who would have thought that we’d have gotten this far in progressing positively by 2019 after Stonewall riots in 1969? The educated populace will win over the uneducated, the unbiased will win over the biased, and the belief that people are basically GOOD will prevail. But it will take time. We all have a choice to be positive or negative, and I stand by my beliefs that the internet, in general, will be an overall help to society in every way.”

Mike Gaudreau , a retired entrepreneur and business leader, wrote, “Polarization of politics will continue and positions will harden in the U.S. two-party system. The left will become too utopian and the right will veer toward national socialism that suits those who think immigrants are the cause of their issues. I fear there may be another civil war in the U.S. in the next 10 to 20 years, or at least a period of upheaval as seen in the 1960s.”

Sign up for our Internet, Science and Tech newsletter

New findings, delivered monthly

Report Materials

Table of contents, around the world, people who trust others are more supportive of international cooperation, two-thirds of u.s. adults say they’ve seen their own news sources report facts meant to favor one side, in views of u.s. democracy, widening partisan divides over freedom to peacefully protest, experts predict more digital innovation by 2030 aimed at enhancing democracy, the state of americans’ trust in each other amid the covid-19 pandemic, most popular.

About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

Power Dynamics Essays

Clients or challengers, nature of the relationship between carole and perdue using resource dependence theory, the lifelong trauma inflicted by racism, harmonizing diversity: intersectionality and unveiling dynamics in dance culture, boarding school literature, “king, douglass and vuong, history, and you:” testing king’s “ways of meeting oppression”, why do theorists believe that violence begins in society (refer to 2–3 examples from popular culture discussed in class.), visual representation in the digital age, manipulation is an inherent theme in henrik ibsen’s a doll’s house and william shakespeare’s othello., reasoning, power, and worldviews as decision forces, power dynamics in healthcare organizations: a case analysis, limits to emancipation in the practice of international relations, the turpin incident and elements of criminal justice, decoding controversial media: nivea — white is purity, power dynamics and cultural ideologies in “rain” and “people like them”, popular essay topics.

• American Dream
• Artificial Intelligence
• Black Lives Matter
• Bullying Essay
• Career Goals Essay
• Causes of the Civil War
• Child Abusing
• Civil Rights Movement
• Community Service
• Cultural Identity
• Cyber Bullying
• Death Penalty
• Depression Essay
• Domestic Violence
• Freedom of Speech
• Global Warming
• Gun Control
• Human Trafficking
• I Believe Essay
• Immigration
• Importance of Education
• Israel and Palestine Conflict
• Leadership Essay
• Legalizing Marijuanas
• Mental Health
• National Honor Society
• Police Brutality
• Pollution Essay
• Racism Essay
• Romeo and Juliet
• Same Sex Marriages
• Social Media
• The Great Gatsby
• The Yellow Wallpaper
• Time Management
• To Kill a Mockingbird
• Violent Video Games
• What Makes You Unique
• Why I Want to Be a Nurse
• Send us an e-mail

Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University

Marketing Aug 1, 2016

Understanding power dynamics will make you more persuasive, how powerful you feel affects the messages you convey—and the ones you want to hear..

This audio is powered by Spokn.

David Dubois

Derek D. Rucker

Adam D. Galinsky

Yevgenia Nayberg

Persuasion is a fundamental component of communication, whether between brands and consumers, within organizations, or in everyday discussions.

So how can you be more persuasive?

One important factor can be whether to stress competence or warmth in a message. For marketers, this translates to deciding whether to communicate or advertise aspects of your firm’s expertise and efficiency or your firm’s sincerity and approachability.

But, when should you stress competence versus warmth? The answer can sometimes depend on the feeling of power experienced by both the communicator and the audience, according to research by Derek Rucker , a professor of marketing at the Kellogg School.

“The relationship between audience and communicator power is dynamic. Our research stressed the importance of knowing both pieces of the puzzle.”

Rucker and his colleagues found that audiences who felt powerful were more swayed by pitches that focused on competence and skillfulness, whereas those who felt powerless were more persuaded by pitches that emphasized warmth and sincerity. This research challenges a long-discussed assumption that powerful people always hold sway and powerless people are always easier to bend.

Learn more about Kellogg’s executive education program on strategic marketing communications in the digital age here .

Power Dynamics and Persuasion

Rucker and his coauthors— David Dubois of INSEAD and Adam Galinsky of Columbia University—explored the relationship between power and persuasion in four experiments. The experiments rely on techniques to temporarily affect how powerful participants feel in the moment. In one experiment, for instance, participants were asked to write sentences using either powerful words (like “authority” and “dominates”) or powerless ones (like “obey” and “submits”). In another, participants were told to recall an instance in which they felt either powerful or powerless.

After being placed into a state of low or high power, participants were assigned to be either communicators or audience members. Communicators were tasked with persuading the audience to, for example, use a new gym facility or dine at a specific restaurant. In multiple experiments, the researchers had either “high-power communicators” or “low-power communicators” deliver messages to “high-power audiences” or “low-power audiences.”

Across the experiments, the researchers observed two clear trends.

First, the power of the communicator influenced the type of arguments they used. High-power communicators gravitated toward more competence-related arguments, whereas low-power communicators used more warmth-related arguments.

Second, high-power audiences were more persuaded by messages from high-power communicators. And low-power audiences were more persuaded by messages from low-power communicators.

Matching Mindsets

Why did this happen?

“When people feel powerful, they appear to care more about competence, and they deem that as important,” Rucker says. “So, high-power communicators use competence arguments more, and those arguments are more appealing to high-power audiences. Conversely, when people feel powerless they appear to care more about warmth, and so low-power communicators use warmth arguments more, and these arguments are more appealing to low-power audiences.”

In other words, when a communicator’s perspective aligns well with that of her audience, she is more likely to use arguments that matter to them. And, of course, the opposite is true when the power levels of the communicator and audience are not aligned.

For instance, “a person in a high-power mindset might talk about the competence of a charity to a person in a low-power mindsest. The high-power mindset might lead the communicator to emphasize competence,” Rucker says. “But the person in the low-power mindset might think, ‘They might be competent to carry out their mission, but can they be trusted?’ And the reverse is true. A person in a low-power mindset might say, ‘This restaurant is so friendly and inviting.’ But a person in a high-power mindset might think, ‘That’s fine, but I’m interested in the quality of the food.’”

So a mismatch in the mindsets of a communicator and an audience can create an unitended disconnect between them, making it harder for the communicator to be persuassive.

What Difference Does It Make?

The research suggests that tailoring a message to the mindset of an audience can increase its impact.

Since feelings of power, as opposed to actual social position, are often in flux, paying attention to the context around the message’s delivery might be crucial. An appeal that normally would be perfect for a given audience might fall flat if the audience’s feeling of power has been altered by societal or personal events, such as a CEO who was recently fired.

The research also suggests the importance of choosing the right person to craft the message—because powerful messengers might be inclined to frame an argument in a way that is suitable for powerful audiences, but not for low-power audiences.

“The relationship between audience and communicator power is dynamic,” Rucker says. “Our research stressed the importance of knowing both pieces of the puzzle.”

But Rucker is not ready to conclude that matching is always effective and mismatching always ineffective. It is a question he hopes to research more in the future.

“I’m a contextualist, so I’m very open-minded to the idea that mismatches might sometimes be beneficial,” he says. “Maybe there are cases where having a mismatch is good, for example, when a mismatch causes people to pay attention to information they would have otherwised ignored. I look forward to exploring this issue in greater depth.”

Sandy & Morton Goldman Professor of Entrepreneurial Studies in Marketing; Professor of Marketing; Co-chair of Faculty Research

About the Writer Theo Anderson is a writer and editor who lives in Chicago.

Dubois, David, Derek D. Rucker, and Adam D. Galinsky. 2016. “Dynamics of Communicator and Audience Power: The Persusiveness of Competence Versus Warmth.” Journal of Consumer Research.

Read the original

Home — Essay Samples — Literature — Lord of The Flies — Power Dynamics in Lord of the Flies

Power Dynamics in Lord of The Flies

• Categories: Lord of The Flies Novel Power

About this sample

Words: 593 |

Published: Mar 16, 2024

Words: 593 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Cite this Essay

Let us write you an essay from scratch

• 450+ experts on 30 subjects ready to help
• Custom essay delivered in as few as 3 hours

Get high-quality help

Prof. Kifaru

Verified writer

• PRO Courses Guides New Tech Help Pro Expert Videos About wikiHow Pro Upgrade Sign In
• EDIT Edit this Article
• EXPLORE Tech Help Pro About Us Random Article Quizzes Request a New Article Community Dashboard This Or That Game Popular Categories Arts and Entertainment Artwork Books Movies Computers and Electronics Computers Phone Skills Technology Hacks Health Men's Health Mental Health Women's Health Relationships Dating Love Relationship Issues Hobbies and Crafts Crafts Drawing Games Education & Communication Communication Skills Personal Development Studying Personal Care and Style Fashion Hair Care Personal Hygiene Youth Personal Care School Stuff Dating All Categories Arts and Entertainment Finance and Business Home and Garden Relationship Quizzes Cars & Other Vehicles Food and Entertaining Personal Care and Style Sports and Fitness Computers and Electronics Health Pets and Animals Travel Education & Communication Hobbies and Crafts Philosophy and Religion Work World Family Life Holidays and Traditions Relationships Youth
• Browse Articles
• Learn Something New
• Quizzes Hot
• This Or That Game New
• Train Your Brain
• Explore More
• Support wikiHow
• About wikiHow
• Log in / Sign up
• Relationships

How Do Power Dynamics Affect Your Relationships?

Last Updated: September 26, 2023 Fact Checked

• Power Dynamics Definition
• Power Dynamics in Relationships
• Power Dynamic Examples

How to Build Healthy Power Dynamics

Can you change power dynamics.

• Importance of Power Dynamics

Expert Interview

This article was co-authored by Erin Conlon, PCC, JD and by wikiHow staff writer, Aly Rusciano . Erin Conlon is an Executive Life Coach, the Founder of Erin Conlon Coaching, and the host of the podcast "This is Not Advice." She specializes in aiding leaders and executives to thrive in their career and personal lives. In addition to her private coaching practice, she teaches and trains coaches and develops and revises training materials to be more diverse, equitable, and inclusive. She holds a BA in Communications and History and a JD from The University of Michigan. Erin is a Professional Certified Coach with The International Coaching Federation. There are 10 references cited in this article, which can be found at the bottom of the page. This article has been fact-checked, ensuring the accuracy of any cited facts and confirming the authority of its sources. This article has been viewed 8,298 times.

Have you ever noticed that you act differently around certain groups of people? How you act and respond to your peers results from a societal construct called power dynamics. Power dynamics are in every relationship—you have a power dynamic with your boss, coworkers, romantic partners, and best friends. But what dynamic do you have, and what does it say about your relationship? In this article, we’ve laid out everything you need to know, from the top types of power dynamics to the best ways to balance power. Read on to discover where you fall on the totem pole and how you can cultivate healthy power levels.

Things You Should Know

• A power dynamic is a social system that develops between 2 or more people to determine who’s in charge.
• A power dynamic can be healthy or unhealthy. Power that isn’t distributed evenly can quickly turn toxic.
• To build a healthy dynamic in relationships, work on setting boundaries, being honest, and addressing conflicts right away.

What are power dynamics?

• Power dynamics can refer to the formal authority distributed within a group of people or relationship, or it can show informal ways power is shown within an organization.
• Imagine power dynamics like a scale. Healthy power dynamics balance each other out, providing equal power and support, while unhealthy power dynamics lean more to 1 side than the other.

How do power dynamics affect relationships?

• Change this dynamic with respectful communication. Sit down with your partner and express your relationship wants and needs equally.
• Balance this dynamic by stepping out of your comfort zone , planning weekly dates, and/or discussing what you both want from the relationship.
• Change this dynamic by seeing a therapist to find peace with your past. Work on building trust with yourself and your partner to strengthen intimacy.

Examples of Power Dynamics

• In the workplace, this dynamic is normal and can look like your boss asking you to complete a specific task even if you don’t want to do it.
• In relationships, this power dynamic can be toxic and involves 1 partner having control over the other.
• In friendships, formal dynamics can be unhealthy and may involve 1 friend bossing other friends around.

• In the workplace, this dynamic may pop up when an extremely friendly or good-looking coworker asks you for a favor, and you find yourself saying “yes” without batting an eye.
• In relationships, this power may occur if 1 partner is an exceptionally good talker or attractive.
• In friendships, this dynamic can happen if your friend group has 1 friend you all fawn over.

• In the workplace, this power dynamic can look like being put on a project because you have excelled on similar projects before.
• In relationships, this type of power can look like your partner advising you how to make dinner because they usually cook.
• In friendships, this dynamic may occur if you meet a friend at their home in a place you’ve never been before.

• In the workplace, this power can look like a manager giving you a poor review.
• In relationships, this dynamic may occur if your partner stops you from calling a friend or relative.
• In friendships, this power dynamic could look like a friend threatening to tell your crush you like them.

• In the workplace, this dynamic can look like a recruiter connecting you to an employer and a job you’re qualified for.
• In relationships, this power may happen if you and your partner find a new date night activity you both enjoy.
• In friendships, this dynamic type can help you find friends in clubs, organizations, or everyday outings.

• In the workplace, this dynamic can look like a man getting hired over or paid more than a woman.
• In relationships, this power may occur if a male partner refuses to cook or clean because he’s a man.
• In friendship, this dynamic could look like a female friend being scared to be called “sensitive” in front of male friends.

• In the workplace, this power can look like accepting that your boss makes the rules and you must follow them to get paid.
• In relationships, this dynamic can be toxic and might occur if you don’t feel like you’re on an equal playing field with your partner.
• In friendships, this power is understanding that the freshman of your school looks up to you as a senior, so you should set a good example.

• Boundaries can look like saying “no” to extra work tasks when your schedule’s full, asking friends to stop calling after a specific time, or mentioning to your partner that you prefer hand-holding over hugs.

• Use “I” statements to explain what you want and need from the partnership. For instance, statements like, “I’d like a raise” and “I feel as though we’re not on the same page” radiate confidence.
• Not sure what you want? Try journaling to sort through and process your thoughts.

• Work on getting to know your crush, friend, or coworker before diving into a relationship or project. Try asking them fun questions or inquiring about their favorite movies or hobbies.

• For example, say your boyfriend refuses to do the dishes because he believes it’s a job for a woman. Let him know how this stereotype makes you feel by saying something like, “It hurts my feelings that you think I’m the only one who’s able to do household chores. I’d appreciate it if we could do them together.”
• As another example, pretend your boss threatens to fire you unrightfully. Talk to HR about the incident.
• In another instance, perhaps a friend starts bossing your friend group around while you’re working on a school project. Kindly ask the group what roles everyone would like to have, then evenly distribute them. This way, 1 friend can’t dictate everyone’s jobs—you all get a chance to choose.

• Think of it this way: power isn’t fixed; it’s dynamic! Power can change quickly in a company or relationship because it’s fluid and dependable on who’s in charge. [13] X Trustworthy Source Harvard Business Review Online and print journal covering topics related to business management practices Go to source

Why is understanding power dynamics important?

• In the workplace, understanding where you stand within the company can help you better communicate your needs as an employer and negotiate potential raises.
• In relationships, knowing the type of power dynamic you have as a couple can help you learn what you need to work on to strengthen your relationship.
• In friendships, power dynamics help you understand where you stand with your peers so you know who to talk to about specific topics.

Expert Q&A

• If you feel threatened or unsafe in your relationship or workplace because of an unhealthy power dynamic, seek help from a licensed professional, HR representative, or police officer. Your safety and well-being are a top priority. Thanks Helpful 0 Not Helpful 0

You Might Also Like

Thanks for reading our article! If you’d like to learn more about power dynamics, check out our in-depth interview with Erin Conlon, PCC, JD .

• ↑ https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/02654075211017670
• ↑ https://bigthink.com/neuropsych/power-in-relationships/
• ↑ https://interactioninstitute.org/power-dynamics-the-hidden-element-to-effective-meetings/
• ↑ https://courses.lumenlearning.com/wm-introductiontosociology/chapter/types-of-authority/
• ↑ https://hbr.org/2022/08/how-to-figure-out-the-power-dynamics-in-a-new-job
• ↑ https://www.auckland.ac.nz/en/students/student-support/personal-support/be-well/healthy-relationships/gender-and-power-dynamics.html
• ↑ https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/psychoanalysis-unplugged/201711/sexual-assault-is-about-power
• ↑ https://health.clevelandclinic.org/how-to-set-boundaries/
• ↑ https://climb.pcc.edu/blog/how-power-dynamics-might-be-hurting-your-ability-to-give-effective-feedback-to-colleagues-and-subordinates
• ↑ https://www.forbes.com/sites/traversmark/2023/06/20/does-your-relationship-have-a-lopsided-power-dynamic-a-psychologist-gives-3-identifiers/?sh=6cbad20e557b

About This Article

• Send fan mail to authors

Did this article help you?

Featured Articles

Trending Articles

Watch Articles

• Terms of Use
• Privacy Policy
• Do Not Sell or Share My Info
• Not Selling Info

Get the best dating & love tips

wikiHow's Relationships Newsletter

Power Dynamics in The Crucible Essay Sample

Rumors backed up with a good image can do dangerous things. The Crucible by Arthur Miller showcases the dark impact gossip can have on people. Puritans reigned as a dictatorship and those who did not follow their principles would be hanged for witchcraft. The play tells a fictionalized story focused on a group of young women in Salem who were falsely accused of witchcraft. The trials and increasing accusations led the town into hysteria causing nineteen deaths. The dynamic in the town led to the hysteria and the increasing accusations, as power was abused. Abigail Williams, in The Crucible by Arthur Miller, holds referent and coercive power over the town by her ability to bend the views of people in power, manipulating girls from the town into following her plans, ability to convincingly tell a story, and act out her desired outcome.

Power dynamics can be split up in five different forms, legitimate, reward, expert, referent, coercive, and informational.  Referent power, as explained in French and Ravens Article, Five Forms of Power, is having an influence on others acquired by having a good reputation. The abuse of referent power can be explained as, “someone who is likeable, but who lacks integrity  and honesty, may rise to power – and use that power to hurt and alienate people as well as to gain personal advantage” (   ). The dynamic of this can be observed in many characters in the book since referent power is easily attainable. On the other side of power hurting others there is coercive power which is defined as, “The belief that a person can punish others for noncompliance” (  ). Coercive power and referent power can work together to keep the referent power believable by manipulating others to go along with lies being spread. Abigail Miller is an example of using referent and coercive power.

In The Crucible by Arthur Miller, Abigail Williams displays this relationship with Mary Warren because of Abigail's malicious use of her good reputation to accuse Mary of witchcraft. During the heat of Abigail's south siding interrogation, She needed to shift the focus from her onto someone else, someone who she did not like. Abigail started seeing a bird talking to her and the other girls joined in making a reaction out of Mary, “..utterly confounded, and becoming overwhelmed by Abigail’s - and the girls’ - utter conviction, starts to whimper, hands halved raised, powerless, and all the girls begin whimpering exactly as she does” (Miller 3. 1. 108). The height of the witchcraft trials in Salem sparked by Abigail's desire for revenge led to the possible hanging of Mary. Uniquely, every townsperson can see through the lies spread by Abigail, the court judges see Abigail for her reputation.

Abigail’s motive to gain power is based on jealousy and revenge over others in the town. For Abigail to change her power over others for more humanitarian reasons would be out of character as her main desire of her power was to convince John Proctor to leave Elizabeth and eradicate everyone in her way. The use of the fear of witchcraft against her enemies and causing them to die is very serious, “And God gave me strength to call them liars, and God made men to listen to me, and by God I will scrub the world clean for the love of Him!” (Miller 2.2.141). Believing that it is her god's mission for Abigail to get rid of everyone she believes as liars is not someone who would so easily use power to not hurt people. With this in mind, the warped reality Abigail was living in set the worst intentions into her mind and the lack of empathy of those she affected.

The judgement and strict principles of Puritan society set up situations like the Salem witch trials to happen. The fear of others different then them and the impact they can do to the town caused the fear of witches to appear. As the insecurity of the Puritan empire caused the accusations to take power, “Our opposites are always robed in secual sin, and it is from this unconscious conviction that demonology gains both its attractive sensuality and its capacity to infuriate and frighten” (Miller 1.1.34). Any mentions of a sinning activity or ideology could infuriate and frighten the powerful townspeople to eradicate the people participating in it. Notably, Abigail knew the weight of being accused of an opposite of puritan values to weight her choice of power gain. The spiraling of accusations and deaths led to the growth of Abigail's power, “ How many names are here? Ninety - one, Your Excellency.” (Miller 3.1.87). The more evidence and more people being accused made the high Puritans worried that their dominating uphold on Salem would be overturned. With this intention, it made them want to clear out the rebelling people.

Abigail Williams in The Crucible by Arthur Miller, is characterized as a manipulative and vengeful person. She is using her good reputation and innocence to take out everyone in her way to John Proctor by her ability to bend the views of the people in power, manipulating girls in the town to follow her plans,  and ability to act out her desired outcome. With the types of power shown by French and Ravens, Five Forms of Power, coercive and referent power were accessible and abused by Abigail.

Related Samples

• The Song of The Pearl in The Pearl by John Steinbeck Essay Example
• Essay Sample on Merchant of Venice: Antonio And Shylock
• Troy Selfish in Fences Essay Example
• Essay Sample on Love and Hate in Romeo and Juliet
• Helicopter Parenting Essay Example
• Romeo and Juliet Narrative Essay Example
• Tiresias' Monologue in Antigone Essay Sample
• La Ronde by Arthur Schnitzler Play Analysis
• Self-Preservation In The Crucible (Play Analysis)
• Theme of Power in Antigone Essay Example

Didn't find the perfect sample?

You can order a custom paper by our expert writers

• Nov 13, 2023
• 26 min read

Literary Theory 101: Power Dynamics and Postcolonial Perspectives in Literary Studies

This series examines literary criticism from all angles, examining numerous analytical frameworks, modes of interpretation, and constraints. It belongs to the degree in English Studies offered by the Complutense University of Madrid. Once the series comes to completion, the reader may be able to analyze the components that contribute to a text's literary character, such as coherence and literality, and will develop a critical approach toward contemporary literary theory. The reader of these articles might grasp the shifting paradigms of fiction analysis within this theoretical framework, establishing a link between the philosophy of language and the evolution of analytical methods in literary criticism. This series aims to offer an insight into the complex relationship between style and the cultural environment, historical factors that have shaped the idea of style as well as the changing literary canon. By examining the complex ways in which literature, language, and culture interact with one another, this series aims to help the readers develop their capacity for critical thinking and interpretation.

This Literary Theory 101 is divided into the following chapters:

Literary Theory 101: Unveiling the Collective Subconscious in Myth Criticism

Literary Theory 101: Challenging Gender Dynamics in Literature

Literary Theory 101: Power Structures and Cultural Studies in Literary Analysis

Literary Theory 101: Umberto Eco's Influence on Reader Response Criticism

Literary Theory 101: Power Dynamics and Postcolonial Perspectives

Literary Theory 101: Contemporary Ecocriticism

The development of postcolonial studies in the latter half of the 20th century marked a dramatic shift in intellectual paradigm. The complex after-effects of decolonization in the Americas, Africa, and the Caribbean after World War II gave rise to this development. Because of the long-term effects of colonialism on recently liberated countries, academics, activists, and thinkers were forced to investigate the extended imperial rule on these young communities, which led to the creation of a new academic discourse. Originating from a setting far larger than academia, postcolonial studies are closely associated with social and political movements that support global equity, cultural pluralism, and human rights. Prominent individuals with postcolonial origins are essential in expressing urgent issues and expanding our comprehension of the long-lasting effects of colonialism. It also highlights how crucial it is to shed a light on the day-to-day experiences of historically marginalized populations.

This interdisciplinary field combines viewpoints from several academic fields as political, literary, historical, sociological, anthropological, and cultural studies. The main goal is to offer understanding on the complex dynamics of postcolonial environments, such as nation-building, cultural hybridity, and the legacy of colonialism. A thorough investigation of concerns pertaining to identity, power relations, and representation in postcolonial societies is facilitated by this critical approach. Postcolonial studies, a fundamental element of literary criticism, endeavors to unravel the complex web of relationships that link literature with the lasting cultural, historical, and social effects of the colonial world. Hence, postcolonial studies represent a literary revolution that responds to the turbulent period of colonialism and the ensuing movement for decolonization. This subject continues to be a lively, dynamic field of study that offers significant insights into the current literary conversation about identity, power relations, and the complex craft of representation.

Examining Cultural Hybridity

In literary studies, postcolonial perspectives refer to the examination of literary texts from the perspective of colonized populations and their experiences. This approach arose in response to the colonial legacy and its profound impact on the cultures, societies, and identities of colonized people. Utilizing a wide variety of literary techniques and narrative strategies, postcolonial literature serves as a potent medium for illuminating acts of resistance and subversion against entrenched systems of colonial oppression. It navigates the complexities of postcolonial identities and histories through nuanced narration and linguistic innovation, dismantling the hierarchical structures that have long defined colonial institutions. This literature unquestionably emphasizes the necessity of recognizing coloniality as an enduring aspect of modernity, imploring readers to confront and contend with the persistent effects of colonial legacies. Postcolonial literature not only reclaims marginalized voices, but also nurtures a deeper understanding of the complex relationship between power, identity, and representation in a globalized world. Effectively highlighting the experiences and perspectives of marginalized voices, these academic field casts light on the oppressive structures and power dynamics perpetuated by the legacy of colonialism.

Postcolonial perspectives are an essential intervention in literary studies, profoundly challenging the dominance of Western-dominated canons. These perspectives advocate for the incorporation and recognition of the contributions of non-Western authors, thereby enriching the variety of global literary traditions. Walter D. Mignolo is an esteemed academic of Argentine-American origin, renowned for his significant scholarly contributions in the fields of decolonial studies, postcolonial theory, and critical thinking. Mignolo (2000) delves into the intersection of geopolitics, body politics, and knowledge production, particularly within the context of imperial and colonial histories. Mignolo makes the argument that amid these processes, certain conditions exist that make it possible for individuals to struggle and free themselves from the confines of imperial "absolute knowledge," which is represented metaphorically as an iron cage. In light of this, Mignolo's position on the interconnected nature of power, identity, and the production of knowledge within historical and political settings is given more support. In order to delink thought, according to Mignolo (2000), its Cartesian foundation must be thrown off; this challenges the notion that "I am where I think." Mignolo argues for a paradigm shift wherein identity and actions are situated in a more comprehensive framework, transcending individual cognition, by positing "border thinking and decolonial doing" as a historical reference. The philosophical foundations of thought and identity are called into question and redefined from such an angle: “Delinking thought also means dislocating its Cartesian foundation: "I am where I think" becomes the starting point, the historical foundation of border thinking and decolonial doing”(Mignolo, 2000, p. 14).

Mignolo proposes an alternative perspective to Descartes' "I think, therefore I am": "I am where I think," which emphasizes the significance of a personal identity tinged with the colonial trauma. In his view: “Local decolonial "I´s" dwell in the frontiers between local non-Western and non-modern memories and the intrusions of modern Western local history and knowledge” (Mignolo, 2000, p. 14). Under the influence of thinkers such as Fanon and Anzaldúa, this singular "I" inhabits borderlands and undergoes a distinct trauma in contrast to the Cartesian "I." In contrast to the imperial "I" that is firmly rooted in absolute knowledge, Mignolo's decolonial "I's" explore the nexuses of Western historical intrusion and non-Western recollections, thereby encouraging a liberating border consciousness. The above viewpoint presents a critique of the notion of a universal identity, highlighting the complicated nature of colonial legacies and galvanizing opposition on an international scale: “The "Is" of the colonial wound, which dwells in the borders, provide the liberating energy from which border thinking emerges, in rebellion, all over the planet, from East to West” (Mignolo, 2000, p.14). By interrogating established Western epistemologies and dismantling Eurocentric attitudes, these perspectives highlight the necessity of decolonizing knowledge and herald a paradigm shift in the way readers engage with texts:

With colonialism and coloniality came resistance and refusal. Decoloniality necessarily follows, derives from, and responds to coloniality and the ongoing colonial process and condition. It is a form of struggle and survival, an epistemic and existence-based response and practice—most especially by colonized and racialized subjects—against the colonial matrix of power in all of its dimensions, and for the possibilities of an otherwise (Walsh, 2018, p. 17).

This strategy actively promotes diversity and equity in literary studies and encourages scholars to embrace a multiplicity of knowledge systems. Moreover, postcolonial criticisms serve as a powerful lens for critiquing and deconstructing prevalent colonial narratives. Catherine E. Walsh (2018), an accomplished scholar renowned for her contributions to the field of decoloniality, explains that alternative ways of thinking, ontological positions, epistemological frameworks, and praxiological orientations that exist before and outside of the colonial project are referred to as decolonialit y . Walsh has engaged in collaborative endeavors with Walter D. Mignolo. Collectively, their contributions have enriched the scholarly dialogue pertaining to coloniality, postcolonialism, and decolonial thought. Walsh regards that it is not a fixed state, an individual quality, or a straight road to enlightenment. Rather, the goal of decoloniality is to expose, highlight, and advance distinctly different viewpoints and positions that challenge Western logic as the only possible framework and potentiality for being, understanding, and cognition. This relational method of perception is defended, and the reader is invited to think with (instead of just about) the communities, understandings and intellectual traditions that are offered here. Therefore, it could be asserted that postcolonial narratives not only rectify historical omissions, focusing on silenced discourse through this critical lens, but also pave the way for a more inclusive and equitable literary discourse to give voice to hybrid narratives. Walsh also (2018) observes that decoloniality is a requirement to grasp and deconstruct profoundly embedded hierarchical structures related to heteropatriarchy, gender, and race that continue to hold sway over the domains of consciousness, spirituality, epistemology, and intellectual inquiry.

Resisting and Subverting Colonial Oppression

Postcolonial literature is an in-depth examination of the complex interaction between indigenous cultures and colonizers' cultures. New hybrid forms of culture and identity emerge within this dynamic, bearing witness to the transformative effects of colonial encounters. The commitment to highlighting the narratives and lived experiences of historically marginalized and oppressed groups, who endured the weight of colonial subjugation, is central to postcolonial perspectives. These perspectives provide an indispensable framework for perceiving and deconstructing the enduring legacies of colonialism in literature and culture. What is also highlighted is the crucial significance of recognizing and honoring a multiplicity of voices and experiences in the larger discourse of world literature, thereby enhancing our comprehension of the intricate human history and expression. Walsh regards that these systems are both a part of and deeply entwined with the larger framework of Western modernity and global capitalism. Moreover, that decoloniality denotes the ongoing nature of efforts, conceptions, and artistic expressions that continuously function at the boundaries and in between of coloniality, attempting to make legitimate that which coloniality has attempted to negate:

Decoloniality has a history, herstory, and praxis of more than 5oo years. From its beginnings in the Americas, decoloniality has been a component part of (trans) local struggles, movements, and actions to resist and refuse the legacies and ongoing relations and patterns of power established by external and internal colonialism (Walsh, 2018, p. 16).

Walsh sheds light on the fact that decoloniality, with roots in the Americas, has spanned more than five centuries and emerged as a crucial element within both local and global movements. It acts as a catalyst for initiatives meant to challenge and reject the pervasive power dynamics brought about by both internal and external colonialism. Walsh´s interpretation about this timeless historical account emphasizes how decoloniality is still relevant now in addressing historical injustices that are deeply embedded and power disparities that still exist. Walsh points out that insurgency is a profoundly embedded notion in historical discourse, spans a wide range of insurrections, rebellions, and contestatory acts. These occurrences imply critical junctures at which individuals or collectives, unsatisfied with current sociopolitical arrangements, proactively participate in activities aiming at opposing existing norms and power dynamics. In doing so, insurgents join up historical initiatives aimed at either dismantling or reconfiguring existing governing structures, so interfacing directly with the core concepts of power and dominance. This dialectical interaction between insurgent actors and established power structures is a perpetual conflict that substantially influences the trajectory of societies and polities across time. The contours of political transition and social metamorphosis are often visible within this crucible of controversy, indicating a dynamic interplay that supports the development of human societies:

Yet seldom are such references conceived with relation to knowl edge and (re)existence. That is, as offensive actions and proactive protagonisms of construction, creation, intervention, and affirmation that purport to intervene in and transgress, not just the social, cultural, and political terrains but also, and most importantly, the intellectual arena (Walsh, 2018, p. 34).

Walsh (2018) describes that decolonial feminisms, placed within the larger framework of postcolonial studies, provide a significant scholarly contribution in the debate pertaining to gender, power dynamics, and the enduring effects of colonialism. These tools serve as analytical instruments that not only examine the historical consequences of colonialism, but also deconstruct the overlapping mechanisms of subjugation that impact women, especially those positioned on the periphery of society. These paradigms emphasize the significance of prioritizing the perspectives and narratives of women belonging to historically oppressed populations to achieve a holistic comprehension of power relations. Decolonial feminisms provide a nuanced viewpoint on the intricate dynamics of postcolonial cultures, facilitating the development of practical approaches that contest prevailing hierarchies and promote more inclusivity and equity in social structures. She contends that these methods have the potential to not only contribute to the larger debate within postcolonial studies, but also to spark transformational change in the search of greater social justice. She notes that the study of insurgency transcends a restricted emphasis on openly political activity within the context of postcolonial studies. It is a thorough analysis of the cognitive and existential components that motivate acts of resistance and collective action. These elements are tightly intertwined and carry the permanent traces of historical legacies. These relationships are witnessing a revival in the present context, taking special importance for historically disadvantaged groups, collectives, and movements operating within postcolonial frameworks. These actors use these interrelationships to enforce their rights and make meaningful changes in the sociopolitical fabric of postcolonial states (Walsh, 2018, p. 34).

Walsh regards that the new decolonial feminist positions, which are gaining prominence in current discussions, aim to challenge the dominant Western rationalism and predominant rhetoric of white, Eurocentric feminism. These perspectives also seek to deconstruct the unique notion of femininity that is associated with this discourse: “According to Betty Ruth Lozano, there is a critical examination of the deeply ingrained "modern colonial habitus" that has normalized Western-centric perspectives and classifications of gender and patriarchy within the realm of feminism” (Walsh, 2018, p. 41). Consequently, this process could marginalize and subjugates alternative cosmogonies to the dominant (Western) framework. The decolonial feminist views endorse a pluralistic comprehension of feminisms, recognizing the diverse range of viewpoints and lived experiences that contribute to the discussion on gender and power relations. Walsh remarks that the theoretical framework known as decolonial feminism highlights its transformational ability by emphasizing its potential to surpass the coloniality of gender. This particular method represents a significant divergence from existing paradigms, providing a detailed and thorough reassessment of gender dynamics within postcolonial settings. Through the critical examination and questioning of the prevailing Western-centric conceptualizations of gender and patriarchy within feminist discourse, decolonial feminism not only undermines existing hierarchies but also offers a space for the recognition and appreciation of different cosmogonies and viewpoints. The current movement in perspective towards a diverse comprehension of feminisms exemplifies the substantial influence that decolonial feminism may have in altering conceptions of gender and power within present-day society.

Decolonial feminisms, in this sense, name, situate, and articulate the pluri- a nd interversals o f feminisms, understood as spheres not of unification (or universalization) but of pluralism, plurality, and possible interrelation. As such, decolonial feminisms disrupt and transgress the white feminist universal as they pursue insurgencies, standpoints, and propositions of decoloniality and decolonization (Walsh, 2018, p. 39)

Walsh (2018) discusses that the implementation of decolonial concepts transcends geographical limitations, including a wide range of civilizations located in areas sometimes referred to as the "Souths," such as Asia, the Pacific, the Arab world, Africa, and Latin America. For Walsh, proficiently representing the South within the domain of postcolonial studies necessitates the exposure of neglected knowledge systems, the reclamation of historical narratives, and the amplification of collective memories. Through an examination of novel political frameworks that redefine self-determination in a global context, this nuanced depiction depicts the resilience of diverse cultures traversing the aftermath of colonial legacies. The historical imbalances that have been established and the agency with which the South has shaped its own narrative distinguish it as more than a mere geographical entity:

Decolonial praxis has no geographical limits. It is present in the civilizations of the "Souths," in Asia, the Pacific, the Arab world, and Africa as well as Latin America; the South that Kumar poetically describes as insurrection of subjugated knowledges, history, memory, and new political imaginaries (Walsh, 2018, p. 45).

Therefore, decolonial praxis might traverse the Souths, including the Souths in the North. Recalled are the perspectives that Chicanas and other U.S. based feminists of color have given to decoloniality and decolonial praxis (e.g., Gloria Anzaldúa, Chela Sandoval, Emma Pérez, and Maria Lugones, among others). Although the participants in these activities may not always explicitly label them as decolonial or place them within the conceptual framework of decoloniality, their efforts can be understood as such due to their aspirational and future-oriented actions aimed at pursuing an alternative path. It is crucial to emphasize that this viewpoint does not aim to enforce decoloniality as an inflexible conceptual framework or analytical tool, nor does it attempt to simplistically categorize rebellious movements. The primary aim of this endeavor is to expand our understanding of decoloniality by considering several aspects such as action, insurgency, future involvement, praxis, and the overall goal. This methodology aims to acknowledge the many and complex manifestations of decoloniality within the wider context of sociopolitical movements.

Postcolonial Voices in Literature

Postcolonial studies reveals, by means of a methodical analysis, how literature functions as a forum for deep contemplation and introspection regarding the ongoing consequences of colonialism. In the process, it sheds light on the complex power dynamics that defined relationships between conquerors and colonized people. It recognizes colonialism as an enduring framework of power that still has an impact on modern societies and global interactions, rather than as a singular historical event. A thorough investigation of political ideology in literature serves as the foundation for an extensive textual analysis, highlighting the significant interaction between a written piece and its socio-political and cultural context. An interdisciplinary approach is required for this project, which involves combining viewpoints from multiple academic fields. In this particular perspective, literary works take on the roles of prisms and reflected surfaces, capturing the complex web of discourses and social constructs that compete for existence at the intersection of fabrication and reality. According to this viewpoint, literature not only reflects the dominant ideas and power structures of its day, but also critically examines them.

This point of view maintains that literary works are greatly influenced by a wide range of social constructions and discourses. This claim emphasizes literature's status as a dynamic form that both shapes and is shaped by the sociopolitical developments of its era. In addition, it promotes the formation of common beliefs and perspectives, helping to improve awareness of society and its complex stories as as a whole. Academics working in this topic are committed to revealing the contradictions and intricacies that are inherent in colonial relationships. They accomplish this by critically examining the conceptual underpinnings of colonial control, including its political, economic, and cultural aspects. This approach also goes toward comprehending the lasting consequences of colonialism and its outgrowth eras. Postcolonial studies have taken a bold stance in challenging firmly held Eurocentric paradigms and scrutinizing established narratives, which has significantly improved our understanding of the relationship between global politics, culture, and historical accounts. These studies emerged from the recognition that traditional academic fields, deeply entrenched in Eurocentric viewpoints, were inadequate in addressing the distinct challenges encountered by postcolonial countries. It became apparent that it was an interdisciplinary journey designed to address the difficulties faced by postcolonial countries and provide a haven for viewpoints that were silenced. This Eurocentric attitude unintentionally marginalized non-Western viewpoints, which led to a distorted representation of global dynamics.

According to Walsh, the application of decolonial praxis has the capacity to surpass traditional geographical limitations by include areas that are not often classified as "Souths," even within the Northern hemisphere. The idea mentioned above elicits the many viewpoints put out by Chicanas and other feminists of color residing in the United States. These individuals have made significant contributions by providing vital understandings of the notions of decoloniality and decolonial praxis. She acknowledges that distinguished individuals within this scholarly conversation, such as Gloria Anzaldúa, have had a substantial impact on the comprehension and implementation of these concepts. Anzaldúa's scholarly contributions arise from a deep and thoughtful involvement with the intricate dynamics of borders, including both tangible and symbolic realms, wherein many cultures and identities converge. The author's essays offer light on the possibility for transformation that arises from embracing hybridity, questioning existing conventions, and reframing concepts of belonging. Anzaldúa work serves as a compelling invitation to critically reassess dominant frameworks and to emphasize the importance of inclusion and acknowledgment of a wide range of perspectives in the goal of decolonial praxis.

Anzaldúa’s significance within the realm of postcolonial studies stems from his active involvement in counter-hegemonic discourse and intersectionality, making her a pivotal figure in this area. Her primary aim of the individual is to conduct an inquiry into and rectify perceived social disparities within a postcolonial context. To achieve the overarching objective, she formulates an innovative writing theory that functions as an ongoing exploration of the intricate process of constructing one's identity. The issue at hand has substantial importance within the realm of postcolonial discourse. This theoretical framework exemplifies Anzaldúa's unwavering commitment to instigating transformative cultural processes within postcolonial contexts, as well as her stress on the need of direct involvement. Her collection of work exhibits a resounding call to address and rectify enduring structural inequalities. Anzaldúa expresses her inclination to address societal inequalities and openly commits herself to catalyzing action with the aim of stimulating a transformative process of personal growth. She does this by explicitly expressing her desire to address societal disparities. The proactive strategy, aimed at dismantling repressive institutions and fostering alternative cultural narratives, inherently necessitates the development of a novel postcolonial perspective that interrogates established paradigms. The rationale for this proactive perspective is rooted in the objective of dismantling repressive systems and establishing alternative cultural narratives.

Anzaldúa’s scholarly journey characterized by a discernible reluctance to uncritically embrace conventional frameworks. The aforementioned viewpoint she offers within the realm of postcolonial studies is illuminated by this particular attitude. This approach encompasses the exploration of alternative frameworks and potentialities, particularly within the context of marginalized communities grappling with the consequences of colonialism. Her corpus of work not only offers a strategic framework for addressing internalized oppression, but also engages in a critical examination of power dynamics via a postcolonial lens influenced by the theories of Michel Foucault. French philosopher and social theorist Michel Foucault became widely recognized for his profound insights concerning the interplay among power, knowledge, and societal institutions. His groundbreaking concepts have had a profound impact on contemporary philosophy and the social sciences. Additionally, her portfolio includes a rectification technique aimed at addressing internalized injustice. The analytical framework elucidates the reasons for her opposition to the prevailing sociopolitical and economic structure, as it is seen insufficient in facilitating genuine postcolonial transformation. The critical stance serves as a fundamental element of her postcolonial praxis, situated at the intersection of academic investigation and practical, transformational engagement.

In summary, the presence of influential figures like Gloria Anzaldúa within the field of postcolonial studies underscores the critical need of amplifying the perspectives and experiences of postcolonial individuals. The works of Anzaldúa provide compelling evidence of the enduring impact of colonial legacies, particularly for those who navigate several cultural identities. Anzaldúa advocates for a critical reassessment of dominant paradigms via her use of counter-hegemonic discourse and an intersectional methodology. The individual in question highlights the significance of transformative cultural processes and the dismantling of repressive structures. The provision of a forum for postcolonial voices, shown by Anzaldúa's work, is important in order to fulfill the ultimate objective of postcolonial studies. The aforementioned voices not only illuminate the intricate experiences of individuals navigating postcolonial conditions, but they also provide vital perspectives on the power dynamics and modes of opposition that persistently shape the global environment. By foregrounding different viewpoints, there arises a need to engage in a critical reassessment of the established narratives and strive towards a future that is both inclusive and equitable in the context of postcolonialism.

Mignolo's Decolonial Perspectives

Through his advocacy of decoloniality as a prism through which to examine the enduring effects of colonialism and Eurocentrism critically, Walter Mignolo significantly propels the field forward. The author's work undertakes a critical examination of coloniality, interrogates Eurocentric viewpoints, and underscores the significance of alternative knowledge systems. Mignolo has written significant scholarly publications and essays pertaining to these subject matters, and has held prestigious academic posts at universities such as Duke University. Mignolo emphasizes (2000) the importance of viewpoints that emerge from the Global South, regions that are frequently overlooked in conventional academic circles. This matches Walsh´s perspective, who believes that war in the global South is more than just physical violence; it is a wider struggle based in existence and knowledge. Mignolo also highlights the ways in which territorial dynamics, ethnicity, and gender define this battle. This emphasizes the necessity of a comprehensive study that transcends traditional military or geopolitical viewpoints: “Many in the Souths of the world, including the Souths in the North, know it well. It is a war of violence, destruction, and elimination, a war that is epistemic and existence based, a war that is feminized, racialized, and territorialized” (Walsh, 2018, p. 15). These ideas may emphasize the persistent state of conflict endured by a significant portion of nations in the global South, characterized by acts of violence, widespread damage, and the systematic eradication of individuals and communities. Walsh observes that the phenomenon under consideration acts on both epistemic and existential planes, exhibiting distinct characteristics such as feminization, racialization, and territorialization.

Mignolo analyzes this as well. In his view the everlasting presence of colonial power structures go beyond the confines of the historical colonial era. He explains that the persistence of coloniality in countries such as Latin America continues to have a significant influence on cultures, playing a role in shaping the establishment of emerging nation-states. This highlights the enduring influence of dominance beyond the conventional duration of colonial governance. Nevertheless, he makes a distinction:

Coloniality of power shall be distinguished from the colonial period, in Latin America extending itself from the early sixteenth century to the beginning of the nineteenth, when most of the Spanish-speaking countries and Brazil gained independence from Spain and Portugal and began to be constituted as new nation-states (Mignolo, 2018, p. 87).

Mignolo espouses the cause of decolonizing knowledge production, recognizing the intrinsic value of diverse epistemologies that have been relegated to the periphery as a result of paradigms centered on the West. According to Mignolo, border thinking has a central tenet—a dual awareness that supports a dual critique. This critical position analyzes the complex interactions between modernity and coloniality, operating at the very center of the modern/colonial world system. This viewpoint draws attention to the intricate relationships between these socio-political processes and challenges us to reevaluate traditional perspectives. As such, it creates opportunities for a more thorough understanding of many factors that influence our world. The concept of "border thinking," as introduced by the author, challenges the prevailing Eurocentric understanding and advocates for the recognition and appreciation of diverse global perspectives. According to Mignolo, the focus of research should be on the knowledges that emerge from the experiences of subaltern movements and physical practice. This author suggests that these grassroots fights produce new epistemic viewpoints and serve as testing grounds for theoretical ideas and cognitive frameworks that are constantly refined. Mignolo also emphasizes how vital life experiences are in forming and perfecting the terrain of knowledge generation, stating that: “Decoloniality, without a doubt, is also contextual, relational, practice based, and lived. In addition, it is intellectually, spiritually, emotionally, and existentially entangled and interwoven” (Mignolo, 2018, p. 19). Mignolo (2018) investigates thoroughly the resurgence and expansion of grassroots knowledge that cultivates from a process of embodied struggle and practical commitment. This lasting process not only offers novel concepts and conceptual frameworks, but it also continuously revitalizes current ones. Without a doubt, decoloniality has roots across numerous contextual landscapes, taking its life from the interplay of connections and real-life encounters. This fluid braiding extends to cognitive, spiritual, emotional, and ontological domains, leaving behind a complex quilt of interwoven elements. Decoloniality is, in essence, a comprehensive performing that not only acknowledges but actively meets the multiple, interrelated parameters of human life and knowledge creation.

Mignolo concludes that Hegel's philosophy exemplifies a Eurocentric perspective by dissecting the period from 1500 to 2000. By maintaining a narrative of exclusive cultural superiority, this paradigm regards Western history as the pinnacle of human progress. Indicating a nuanced departure from the presumption that Western history solely exemplifies human progress, Mignolo (2000) discreetly alludes to a current of transformation in contemporary global movements that challenges this Eurocentrism. This statement indicates a shift away from a one-dimensional narrative by suggesting a more comprehensive acknowledgement of the interconnected, varied local histories, he regard that before. Thus, Mignolo (2000) argues that attempts to redefine "universal history" in the twenty-first century are motivated by a longing for imperialistic dominance over the past. In an effort to decolonize knowledge, he contends that non-Western local histories are inextricably intertwined with Western narratives and proposes "border thinking" as a crucial epistemology. As per Mignolo, this procedure is of the utmost importance in the reconstruction of decolonial local histories and the restoration of dignity that was eradicated by the Western concept of universal history.

Ownership was expressed by building a system of knowledge as if it were the sum and guardian of all knowledges, past and present. Hegel's lessons in the philosophy of history remain the single and most telling document of that epistemic victory. But this cycle is ending, and today there are strong planet-wide and diverse (not monolithic) tendencies in thewriting of local histories that go beyond one history anchored in Greece and Rome; a tendency toward delinking from the myth of universal history that has kept them prisoner and affirming that there are no histories other than local (Mignolo, 2ooo, p. 5).

Mignolo claims that the discomfort surrounding modernity and Western culture stems not from their historical impact on a global scale, but rather from the imperialistic presumption that non-Western societies need to adhere to Western cosmological frameworks. The author engages in a critical analysis of the notion that global history follows a singular trajectory, ultimately culminating in a contemporary era that aligns exclusively with Western civilization, as proposed by Hegel. Mignolo presents a critique of the Eurocentric perspective, emphasizing the imposition of a monolithic narrative and the presumption that all nations should conform to a Western-centric viewpoint.: “Both the political and the economic expansion of Western civilization have gone hand in hand with the management of all spheres of knowledge. Or, worded differently, Western civilization's ability to manage knowledge explains its success in expanding itself politically and economically” (Mignolo, 2000, p. 5). Mignolo (2018) regards that border thinking emerges as a complex approach that incorporates awareness and critical analysis, encompassing an in-depth examination of both the modern/colonial global system and the intricate conceptual frameworks of modernity/coloniality. In his view, the fundamental power dynamics of coloniality can be seen via this prism, quietly intertwined throughout the very core of present-day global epistemology. In his vision, it is critical to distinguish power coloniality from the historical colonial period in Latin America. While the latter lasted from the early sixteenth century to the dawn of the nineteenth century, leading up to the separation of Spanish-speaking nations and Brazil from Spain and Portugal, the earlier is still a powerful force in the region, shaping the socio-political landscape in ways that transcend historical epochs. The disparity could exemplify Latin America's continued battle for self-determination, with questions regarding how colonialism continues to influence South American nations' growing narratives and their persistent drive for autonomy and equitable representation. A critical viewpoint on the effects of colonialism and Eurocentrism can be found in Mignolo's support of decoloniality and border thinking. By valuing voices from the Global South and highlighting the intricacy of conflict, he questions established academic paradigms. His distinction between the colonial era and coloniality of power gives the analysis more nuance. Furthermore, Mignolo emphasizes the significance of several epistemologies in his appeal for the decolonization of knowledge creation. Considering everything, his work challenges conventional wisdom and promotes a more thorough comprehension of global dynamics.

Spivak and the Subaltern Voice

An additional notable figure in postcolonial theory, Chakravorty Gayatri Spivak, contributes to this discourse by introducing pivotal concepts that offer fresh perspectives on the intricate interplay between ideology, society, and literature. Spivak introduces the concept of "subaltern," which refers to subjugated and marginalized groups whose opinions are frequently ignored or repressed in dominant dialogue. Spivak's active participation in deconstruction is notably apparent in her seminal essay "Can the Subaltern Speak?" (1988), wherein she challenges long-held notions concerning voice and representation. Through an analysis of whether or not the language and structures imposed by dominant powers permit the subaltern to express their experiences authentically, this author highlights the complexities and limitations of representation itself. Spivak conducts an in-depth investigation of the question of whether or not the voices of the subaltern can be articulated in a meaningful way. Her analysis is centered on Antonio Gramsci's research into what he calls the "subaltern classes," which is a phrase he uses in his investigation. This investigation delves deep into the conversation about class consciousness and position within the larger context of postcolonial dynamics. In Spivak's interpretation, Gramsci's criticism of the vanguardistic posture taken by intellectuals emerges as a central issue. This critique hints that Gramsci was deeply concerned about the essential role that intellectuals play in molding the cultural and political trajectory of subaltern groups as they make their way towards hegemony. This debate sheds light on the power dynamics inherent in the interaction between intellectuals and marginalized communities within the context of both colonialism and postcolonialism, raising questions about the agency and representational challenges faced by subaltern voices in the context of postcolonial studies.

Spivak's position on the junction of feminism and postcolonial studies is critical. This author's research focuses on the obstacles that women face when attempting to achieve autonomy under patriarchal and colonial structures in postcolonial environments. Spivak emphasizes the critical need of recognizing and elevating the experiences and perspectives of women, particularly those from disadvantaged areas. Spivak argues for a more broad and diversified approach to intellectual inquiry while providing a sharp critique of Eurocentric knowledge creation practices. The scholar's steadfast commitment to using education to benefit oppressed populations aligns well with the general goals of postcolonial studies. These goals, which spring from the desire to dismantle oppressive structures and give voice to the voiceless, are genuinely reflected in the perspectives she proposes. Spivak (1988) observes that as exemplars of the broader intellectual category, postcolonial intellectuals acknowledge their privilege as a form of loss. For Spivak, it is recognized that deconstructive and specific feminist criticisms incorporate the feminine in a parallel manner. In contrast to the narrative sanctions imposed by dominant groups on the colonial subject, the subject implied in insurgent texts presents an alternative reality. The phallocentric tradition is utilized to manipulate a 'woman' figure in the former:

Subaltern historiography raises questions of method that would prevent it from using such a ruse. For the 'figure' of woman, the relationship between woman and silence can be plotted by women themselves; race and class differences are subsumed under that charge. Subaltern historiography must confront the impossibility of such gestures. The narrow epistemic violence of imperialism gives us an imperfect allegory of the general violence that is the possibility of an episteme (Spivak, 1988, p. 82).

However, Spivak notes that due to methodological obstacles, subaltern historiography is unable to implement such approaches. Subterranean historiography confronts the impossibility of such gestures, in contrast to the 'figure' of woman, in which women themselves can articulate their relationship with silence. An imperfect allegory is used to represent the overarching violence that is intrinsic in the very possibility of episteme, through the limited epistemic violence of imperialism. In her view, the obscured trajectory of the subaltern subject within the paradigm of postcolonial studies is characterized by the dual erasure of the path of sexual difference. The primary focus extends beyond the quantifiable dimensions of female participation in insurgency or the establishment of standards for the sexual division of labor, both of which are supported by observable "evidence": “On the other side of the international division of labor, the subject of exploitation cannot know and speak the text of female exploitation even if the absurdity of the non-representing intellectual making space for her to speak is achieved. The woman is doubly in shadow” (Spivak, 1988, p. 82). Thus, focus is redirected towards the intricate and diverse ways in which the ideological construction of gender sustains male hegemony—serving as the focal point of colonialist historiography and the origin of insurgency. Within the framework of colonial production, the subaltern materializes as an obscured entity devoid of any apparent historical heritage, thereby representing a marginalized group without a clear historical provenance. This throws traditional understandings of historical agency into question in the context of postcolonialism. The portrayal of the subaltern as a precarious entity, involved in a contestation for acknowledgement and historical importance within the overarching discourse of colonization, sheds a light on the intricate interplay of power, agency, and gender in postcolonial studies. Through the utilization of Spivak´s contributions, literature could be critically analyzed placing it in the context of broader sociopolitical and historical circumstances. Spivak's scholarly endeavors highlight the complexities of power relations, agency, and representation within postcolonial frameworks; thus, they offer indispensable insights into the intricate interplay between literature, ideology, and society. Through her actions, Spivak maintains a vital dialogue concerning the enduring repercussions of colonialism and emphasizes the need for a comprehensive and varied approach to scholarly inquiry.

Conclusions

In summary, the advent of postcolonial studies throughout the later portion of the 20th century denoted a noteworthy intellectual transition, propelled by the deep ramifications of decolonization in various global locations. The area of study that encompasses several disciplines has been significant in providing insights into the long-lasting impacts of colonialism on recently emancipated cultures. Postcolonial studies is an interdisciplinary field that seeks to comprehend the intricate dynamics of postcolonial contexts and investigate matters pertaining to identity, power dynamics, and representation. The incorporation of postcolonial viewpoints within the field of literary studies has emerged as a crucial response to prevailing Western canons, serving to advocate for the acknowledgment and incorporation of non-Western voices. This method presents a critique of dominant colonial narratives and advocates for the decolonization of knowledge, therefore enhancing the diversity and inclusivity of global literary traditions. Postcolonial literature, characterized by its intricate storytelling and inventive use of language, is as a potent tool for challenging and undermining established structures of colonial subjugation. It emphasizes the need to address and grapple with the lasting ramifications of colonial inheritances. Moreover, the notion of decoloniality, as expounded by renowned academics such as Catherine E. Walsh, underscores the perpetual character of endeavors aimed at opposing and questioning the enduring effects of colonialism. The objective of this comprehensive strategy is to analyze and dismantle deeply ingrained hierarchical systems pertaining to gender, racism, and power dynamics. The statement recognizes insurgency as a concept well rooted in history, including various actions of opposition that seek to interfere not only in sociopolitical realms but also in the realm of ideas.

Furthermore, Walsh's examination of decolonial feminisms within the wider context of postcolonial studies elucidates their crucial significance in tackling matters pertaining to gender, power relations, and the lasting consequences of colonialism. These analytical instruments not only deconstruct the historical consequences of colonialism but also untangle the interconnected processes of oppression that disproportionately impact women, especially those who are marginalized in society. Decolonial feminisms emphasize the significance of prioritizing the viewpoints and stories of women who have been historically marginalized, in order to get a thorough comprehension of power dynamics. The aforementioned perspective provides a sophisticated framework for analyzing the complex dynamics within postcolonial societies. This framework facilitates the development of pragmatic strategies aimed at challenging prevailing hierarchies and developing inclusion and equality within social systems. The potential for transformation goes beyond the realm of academic discourse, as it has the capacity to stimulate significant change in the quest of enhanced social justice. The inclusion of viewpoints from prominent people such as Gloria Anzaldúa and other feminists of color in the United States, who have made significant contributions to the comprehension and implementation of decoloniality, introduces an essential aspect to this ongoing discussion. Anzaldúa's body of work places significant emphasis on the value of embracing hybridity, interrogating existing traditions, and recontextualizing conceptions of belonging. The author's essays provide a compelling argument for the critical reevaluation of prevailing frameworks and the prioritization of diverse viewpoints in the goal of decolonial praxis.

The discussions pertaining to decolonial feminisms and decoloniality signify a significant advancement within the field of postcolonial studies. These discussions challenge existing paradigms and present novel approaches to comprehending and confronting the lasting consequences of colonialism on gender relations and systems of power. These many views push us to critically reassess and reformulate the narratives that influence our comprehension of the world, so facilitating the development of more comprehensive and fair societies. Postcolonial studies has a profound influence that extends beyond the confines of academia, permeating wider social and political structures. This academic effort has played a pivotal role in shaping the actions and initiatives of organizations and movements that promote cultural diversity, safeguard human rights, and construct systems of international justice. The field of postcolonial studies offers a vital theoretical framework for understanding the enduring impacts of colonialism via the revelation of obscured historical truths. Moreover, people of postcolonial descent have emerged as influential advocates, successfully articulating the challenges faced by their own communities and fostering a comprehensive dialogue. The narratives generated by people play a crucial role in catalyzing transformational processes by drawing attention to the complex and inequitable elements that persist within a postcolonial global framework. These notable figures play a significant role in the ongoing pursuit of a just and unbiased global community, aiming to rectify historical injustices and promote a more inclusive future for all persons. The perpetual discourse around identity, representation, and power relations serves as a testament to the ever-evolving character of postcolonial studies. The evolving ideas and theories serve as a crucial asset for scholars and advocates alike, addressing contemporary issues and ensuring that the nuances of postcolonial contexts remain visible among shifting global dynamics. The persistence and application of postcolonial ideas are shown by the existence of this diverse discipline, which underscores their vital role in fostering a more equitable and humane global society.

Bibliographical References

Bhabha, H. (1994). Location of Culture . New York & London: Routledge.

Demetz, P. et al. (eds.), (1968). The Disciplines of Criticism: Essays in Literary Theory, Interpretation and History . Yale University Press.

Mignolo, W. D. (2000). Local Histories/Global Designs: Coloniality, Subaltern Knowledges, and Border Thinking . Raleigh: Duke University Press.

Mignolo, W. D. (2011). The Darker Side of Western Modernity . New Jersey: Princeton U.P.

Mignolo, W. D., & Walsh, C. E. (2018). On Decoloniality: Concepts, Analytics, Praxis . Raleigh: Duke University Press.

Pat, M. (2008). Nepantla: Essays from the Land in the Middle . Albuquerque: New Mexico U.P.

Spivak, G. C. (1988). Can the subaltern speak? In C. Nelson & L. Grossberg (Eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (pp. 271-313). University of Illinois Press.

Visual Sources

• Post Colonial Literature

Daniela Sandoval

Arcadia, has many categories starting from Literature to Science. If you liked this article and would like to read more, you can subscribe from below or click the bar and discover unique more  experiences  in our articles in many categories

Let the posts come to you.

Thanks for submitting!

Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics Research Paper

Eurydice: power imbalance.

In the collection of poems, The World’s Wife , Carol Ann Duffy explores various feminist themes, one of the most significant being the power relationships and their impact on women. Additionally, it provides a critical look at the power dynamics between genders directly connected to the level of social acceptance related to gender-specific behavior. Power dependency can be shown mostly in social aspects: social interactions with other people, social status, privileges, and interactions within relationships. In a patriarchy-biased society, the dominant role is typically assigned to men, while women are portrayed as weaker and submissive beings.

The main idea behind most of the poems in this collection is to show another side of famous myths and fairy tales. Duffy recasts them from a different point of view to make women’s voices audible and shift the focus from the male’s side of the story to the female’s. The change in gender-specific narrative highlights the initial difference between the two perspectives, which exists solely because of different positions within the power-imbalanced relationships assigned by society to men and women.

For instance, in the poem Eurydice , Duffy presents Eurydice as a narrator of the story to change the default point of view assigned by the patriarchy. The whole poem represents the monologue of Eurydice that, consists of a conversational tone and mostly colloquial language. These literary tools create an impression of sitting in front of a woman narrator and listening to her profound story.

The poem is constructed using enjambment that brings a sense of continuation beyond lines. Because of it, all verses of Eurydice’s monologue are visibly more connected to each other, and the focus shifts to the actual meaning behind the outspoken rhymes rather than the rhythm and aesthetic value of the work. Moreover, the use of soliloquy creates an intimate impression of sharing the secret truth. As Eurydice repetitively addresses girls in the middle of her monologue, she emphasizes how any girl could become a victim of an imbalanced power relationship and that she is not the only woman affected by it. This way, she juxtaposes soliloquy, her solitude, to the power and oppression of other girls, highlighting the ubiquitous issue.

The length of lines is irregular throughout the whole poem. It is short and direct in certain parts, focusing on specific words and phrases. Hence, it characterizes Eurydice as a narrator who does not like to be overly descriptive and prefers to center on the issue itself. It could be a reference to the difficulty related to verbalizing general traumatic experiences expressed through power imbalance impact on women.

At the same time, in other parts of the poem, the lines become long, descriptive, and emotional. By connecting the concept of power dynamics with the emotions of Eurydice, Duffy emphasizes that the victims of power imbalance develop an emotional attachment to superior people relatively quickly (Martín-Lanas et al., 2021). Thus, the issue of power dynamics expands to multiple aspects of women’s lives. It majorly affects their social behavior, sense of self, and perception of gender-related expectations directed toward them.

Women’s take on the often occurring power-imbalanced relationships are presented through eloquent and sarcastic remarks from Eurydice’s side, such as colloquial “Bollocks” (Duffy, 1999, Eurydice , line 45). Through the sarcasm along with the narrative, the character challenges the patriarchic ideas about women’s generalized image. For example, there is a verse where Eurydice praises Orpheus, who is an oppressing figure within the power dynamics between these two characters. The descriptions and eulogizing tones are constructed through the use of sarcasm. This way, Duffy implies that men get exposed to constant privileges in contrast to women within a patriarchic society. She reflects on it with hyperboles and grotesque, juxtaposing men’s privileged position with women’s oppression.

It is further supported by the way Eurydice calls Orpheus “big O” (Duffy, 1999, Eurydice , line 30). Normal at first glance, this O can stand for a big zero and, therefore, big nothing. Hence, through subtle irony, the poet defines that men do not hold this exaggerated imbalanced power over women outside of the system of values established by the patriarchy.

More than this, the use of grotesque could also emphasize how ignorant Orpheus was to the power dynamics, regarding it as something regular and right. This way, Duffy shows how easy it is to get used to the privileges people are constantly exposed to, especially if the privilege is directly impacting a group of oppressed people (Alcoff, 2019). Finally, the amount of admiration that Eurydice expresses through exaggerated forms clarifies her actual point of view and how she disagrees with the concept of power imbalance.

While being in imbalanced power relationships, a person, to some extent, loses their sense of self and starts to perceive themselves in an odd, slightly untrue way (Martín-Lanas et al., 2021). In the case of Eurydice, her confusion and mixed emotions about staying true to herself while being with Orpheus are clearly shown by the shift of point of view. The narrative is unfolded in the first person when she speaks about her feelings and expresses her thoughts. Still, as soon as it comes to her self-evaluation of relationships, the first-person narrative suddenly changes to the third person. Instead of saying “…calls me his Muse,” Eurydice says “…calls her his Muse” (Duffy, 1999, Eurydice , line 22). This way, she implies that she does not see the version of herself with Orpheus as her true self.

Additionally, Duffy includes the repetition of capitalized “names” that Orpheus calls Eurydice, such as “Dearest, Beloved, Dark Lady, White Goddess, etc., etc.” (Duffy, 1999, Eurydice , line 49). Thus, the poet emphasizes that Eurydice is not perceived and treated as an individual capable of expressing her own emotions and thoughts. Instead, pet names highlight that the woman is portrayed as an object, a part of Orpheus’ work, nothing more than that. It furthermore implies his oblivious ignorance towards the heroine, which is justified by the fact that he does not see a separate person and complete individuality in Eurydice (Alcoff, 2019). Despite using loud titles, Orpheus does not value her properly and prefers to simply objectify her and use her image in his intentions without caring about her opinion. Thus, sophisticated names contribute to the process of losing her value and self-esteem for Eurydice.

Objectifying is one of the common struggles in power-imbalanced relationships, and in Eurydice, Duffy focuses on this by using constant similes, comparing Eurydice to the prize. This way, individual human elements of the character are being deprecated. The focus remains on the aesthetic aspects and the way she contributes to Orpheus’ self-esteem as a part of the narrative where women belong to a man as a rewarding attribute (Morris et al., 2018). Hence, a common issue within imbalanced power dynamics is that women are perceived as accessories and fulfilling elements within men’s narratives.

All these specific features within Eurydice are used with a definite purpose: to foreshadow the apex of the poem. Ultimately, the heroine refuses to follow Orpheus and reclaims control over her fate, which mirrors Duffy’s feminist take on the matter. Initially, Eurydice was the source of the man’s poetry and therefore has been assigned a secondary role within Orpheus’ narrative of life. As often happens in imbalanced power relationships, a woman’s existence contributes to the significance of a man’s persona and ego, which makes the female role solely supportive and individually irrelevant (Morris et al., 2018). However, in the end, Eurydice used Orpheus’ poetry against him as a way to reclaim her power over herself. Thus, the poet implies that imbalanced power relationships bring destruction to women’s lives and stigmatize their capability to choose their own path in life.

Little Red Cap, Mrs. Quasimodo and Thetis: Predator-Prey Dynamics

Another implication of imbalanced power dynamics is the predator-prey relationship imposed on men and women. Cis-gendered heterosexual men, being the privileged class, are set as the dominant predators due to the patriarchic beliefs related to the concept of toxic masculinity and men’s responsibility to control women’s lives (Bellamy, 2019). At the same time, traditional stereotypes of women and specifically the image of women’s body parts are imposing the narrative of prey. The parallel between this power dynamic and the roles within heterosexual relationships is shown through the fact that women are often perceived as someone alluring and desiring who men have to hunt and eventually possess (Bellamy, 2019). In the poems Thetis , Mrs. Quasimodo , and Little Red Cap , Duffy explores the impact of this parallel on socially reinforced gender roles.

In the poems, Duffy elaborates on the topic of women’s sex appeal and shows how women’s image is perceived by men as a chasing target, while any verbal or physical communication with women even resembles a game. For instance, repetition is one of the most obvious literary devices she uses to emphasize this parallel. The poem Thetis goes, “Sweet, sweet was the small song,” and here it is a repetition of the same word (Duffy, 1999, line 4). The word “sweet” represents the expected and unwillingly reinforced sweetness of women’s nature and the sweetness of the hunt.

In Mrs. Quasimodo , it is the repetition of present participles of verbs: “gargling, or chanting slowly, calming me” that significantly slows the pace of a poem (Duffy, 1999, line 3). This literary decision emphasizes how women are seen as easy targets for the hunt. Thus, through the narrative format, Duffy draws a parallel to the social implications related to the patriarchy-related purpose of any of women’s actions: they have to be prey to contribute to the joyful feeling of men’s exciting hunt.

Another thing that Duffy includes in her poems is the expanded use of Symbolism. In Thetis , different forms of transformation are listed one after another through different repetition devices. In part “to raccoon, skunk, stoat, to weasel, ferret, bat, mink, rat,” the poet applies asyndetons that characterize the text by diversifying the context (Duffy, 1999, lines 32-33). Hence, asyndetons present the diversity of animals that the heroine unwillingly had to transform into in order to adapt to a world ruled by men.

At the same time, Duffy uses polysyndetons that bring more focus to the personal pronouns: “I was wind, I was gas, I was all hot air” (Duffy, 1999, Thetis , line 38). Duffy repeats the same structure in order to refer to an endless cycle of a chasing game within the predator-prey relationship. In both cases of asyndetons and polysyndetons, the character has to change her physical form because of a man’s influence. This way, the predator role is emphasized by the undisputable control that a man has over women due to the socially accepted accent on masculinity’s dominance over femininity (Bellamy, 2019). It highlights the power imbalance dynamic and criticizes the objectification of women shown through estimating their value by relying solely on the visual and aesthetic parts.

Another example is used in the lines, “But I felt my wings clipped by the squint of a crossbow’s eye” (Duffy, 1999, Thetis , lines 11-12). The clipped wings directly symbolize the lack of freedom, fear, and coercion. This way, Duffy examines the struggles of women through the Symbolism and explores the way socially accepted oppressing behavior towards women takes away the freedom of their individual choice.

Meanwhile, in Mrs. Quasimodo , Duffy (1999) begins numerous amount of lines with the personal pronoun “I.” For instance, in different lines, it goes: “I frightened cats” (line 15); “I lived alone up to seven flights” (line 16); “I climbed the bell tower steps,” (line 22); “I felt a thump of confidence” (line 28), etc. The first-person narrative encourages the reader to sympathize with the prey by viewing the “hunt” from their perspective. The shift of attention towards a female perspective contributes to removing objectification and observing women as individual beings whose existence is not dependent on men (Morris et al., 2018). Thus, the female narrator is given a strong voice to openly express the struggles of women in the setting of patriarchy as a way to challenge the lack of a female gaze within different media.

As other poems briefly explore the predator-prey power dynamic while highlighting various different issues as well, the poem Little Red Cap majorly focuses on the parallel between the power imbalance and the hunt. Since this poem is a re-casting of the Brothers Grimm’s version of the famous fairy tale Little Red Riding Hood , it criticizes the predator-prey relationship by using a predator character and a young girl who is portrayed as prey. From the beginning of the poem, there is a noticeable tension that is created by combining different rhymes. In lines number 1 and 3: “clearing, reading, staining,” Duffy uses a consonant rhyme, whereas in lines 2 and 3: “drawl, paw, jaw,” there is an assonant rhyme (Duffy, 1999). The juxtaposition of these types of rhymes creates a sense of tension that emphasizes the difference in the maturity levels of Red Cap and the Wolf. This way, the tension between the characters is mainly explained by the significant power imbalance.

Duffy highlights the moment when the hunt has officially begun through the use of discontinuous intonations. In line 17, it goes: “My stockings ripped to shreds, scraps of red from my blazer snagged on twig and branch,” and here the poet includes a number of similar repetitive sounds, such as “sh,” “sc,” and “st” (Duffy, 1999, Little Red Cap ). These specific sounds make the intonation intense and rough, which refers to the effortless dominance of the Wolf.

Then, in line 13, “But got there, wolf’s lair, better beware,” the pace abruptly speeds up, as if Red Cap suddenly loses control over the situation (Duffy, 1999, Little Red Cap ). It is the moment of revelation that the Wolf was in control all along since short and rough rhymes emphasize one-sided power dynamics. Short sentences also imply that the overall development of the relationships is happening too fast for Red Cap. Additionally, the shortness could refer to the fact that Red Cap only focuses on the main details of the experience in order to be able to survive the hunt. It is a direct link to the socially accepted unfolding scenarios for the imbalanced power relationships, where women are almost unable to affect the pace of events. Within the hunt, the predator decides on the fate of their prey; similarly, in the predator-prey power dynamics, the oppressed side loses control over the situation.

Conclusion on The World’s Wife

Although there are many more poems within the collection The World’s Wife , previously discussed ones critically examine the established patriarchic values and their impact on the general power dynamics between men and women. In the selected poems, Duffy explores two main viewpoints on the issue of power dynamics: predator-prey relationships and significant power imbalance. These categories are complementary because of the impact of the lack of equal power on the overall progression of the hunt.

While dealing with the issue of predator-prey power dynamics, Duffy focuses on shape-shifting rhymes in a way it affects the pace and the rhythm of the lines. It controls the tension portrayed in the poems, which mimics the fear of hunt. It also contributes to the impression of the anticipation of a final fight and, therefore, provides female characters more power in order to face the patriarchic oppression on equal terms with men.

While emphasizing the power imbalance between men and women within the narrative of a patriarchic society, Duffy examines how women can reclaim their power by stepping out of the frame assigned to them by society. Evidently, the perennial oppression and unrealistic expectations towards the way women are supposed to present themselves, behave, and their general role in relation to men’s narrative is difficult to escape due to the issue’s ubiquity. However, The World’s Wife’s take on the fight against inequality is represented by reclaiming the power and changing the narrative.

Duffy solely portrays female narrators in all of the poems of this collection, which spreads the concept of the female gaze in the active juxtaposition to the male gaze related to all of the re-casted stories in The World’s Wife . This way, the poet challenges the relevance of the predominately male narrative reinforced by the patriarchic views. While men are portrayed as dominating women and being in control, which has prominent negative consequences on women’s lives, women reclaiming power does not intend to hurt men. For instance, when Eurydice used Orpheus’ poetry against him, her goal was to gain independence rather than do something malicious toward the man.

Women empowerment suggests that both parties lose something to achieve balanced power dynamics: but if women lose the grip of expectations and control over their lives, men lose the sense of dominance, which can majorly damage their ego. Nonetheless, within this collection of poems, Duffy provides a critical point of view on the power imbalance, explores its impact on women’s lives, and subtly suggests ways of challenging the patriarchic narrative. Thus, she takes a feminist take on women’s empowerment and the ways to fight for equality.

Alcoff, L. M. (2019). Race and gender and epistemologies of ignorance. In The Routledge Handbook of Social Epistemology (pp. 304-312). Routledge.

Bellamy, T. (2019). Bluebeard – the eternal predator. In: F. T. Barbini (Ed.) A shadow within: Evil in fantasy and science fiction (p. 133-148). Lunar Press Publishing.

Duffy, Carol Ann. (1999). The world’s wife: Poems . Picador.

Martín-Lanas, R., Osorio, A., Anaya-Hamue, E., Cano-Prous, A., & de Irala, J. (2021). Relationship power imbalance and known predictors of intimate partner violence in couples planning to get married: A baseline analysis of the AMAR Cohort Study . Journal of Interpersonal violence, 36 (21-22), 10338-10360.

Morris, K. L., Goldenberg, J., & Boyd, P. (2018). Women as animals, women as objects: Evidence for two forms of objectification. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 44 (9), 1302-1314.

• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2023, May 16). Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics. https://ivypanda.com/essays/duffys-the-worlds-wifes-take-on-power-dynamics/

"Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics." IvyPanda , 16 May 2023, ivypanda.com/essays/duffys-the-worlds-wifes-take-on-power-dynamics/.

IvyPanda . (2023) 'Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics'. 16 May.

IvyPanda . 2023. "Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics." May 16, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/duffys-the-worlds-wifes-take-on-power-dynamics/.

1. IvyPanda . "Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics." May 16, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/duffys-the-worlds-wifes-take-on-power-dynamics/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Duffy’s The World’s Wife’s Take on Power Dynamics." May 16, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/duffys-the-worlds-wifes-take-on-power-dynamics/.

• The Poem “Model Village” by Carol Ann Duffy
• How Sincere Is Garcilaso’s Love Poetry?
• Orpheus Orchestra's Leadership and Organizational Practices
• Plath’s “Lady Lazarus” and Duffy’s “Little Red-Cap” Poems
• Bellini, Titian, and Lotto North Italian Paintings
• The Short Story "A Painful Case" by James Joyce
• Art History: ”Orpheus and Sirens” - The Three Statues of a Single Composition
• Civility, Democracy, Memory in Sophocles’ Antigone
• Media Regulations in the GCC Countries
• Mid-Range Nursing Theory Analysis
• Shockley’s (Mis)takes One to Know One Poem Analysis
• Still I Rise by Maya Angelou: A Poem Analysis
• Myths in the "Medusa" Poem by Sylvia Plath
• “At a Station of the Metro” Poem by Ezra Pound
• “The Red Wheelbarrow” Poem by Williams

• Tools and Resources
• Customer Services
• Communication and Culture
• Communication and Social Change
• Communication and Technology
• Communication Theory
• Critical/Cultural Studies
• Gender (Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Studies)
• Health and Risk Communication
• Intergroup Communication
• International/Global Communication
• Interpersonal Communication
• Journalism Studies
• Language and Social Interaction
• Mass Communication
• Media and Communication Policy
• Organizational Communication
• Political Communication
• Rhetorical Theory
• Share This Facebook LinkedIn Twitter

Article contents

Language and power.

• Sik Hung Ng Sik Hung Ng Department of Psychology, Renmin University of China
•  and  Fei Deng Fei Deng School of Foreign Studies, South China Agricultural University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.436
• Published online: 22 August 2017

Five dynamic language–power relationships in communication have emerged from critical language studies, sociolinguistics, conversation analysis, and the social psychology of language and communication. Two of them stem from preexisting powers behind language that it reveals and reflects, thereby transferring the extralinguistic powers to the communication context. Such powers exist at both the micro and macro levels. At the micro level, the power behind language is a speaker’s possession of a weapon, money, high social status, or other attractive personal qualities—by revealing them in convincing language, the speaker influences the hearer. At the macro level, the power behind language is the collective power (ethnolinguistic vitality) of the communities that speak the language. The dominance of English as a global language and international lingua franca, for example, has less to do with its linguistic quality and more to do with the ethnolinguistic vitality of English-speakers worldwide that it reflects. The other three language–power relationships refer to the powers of language that are based on a language’s communicative versatility and its broad range of cognitive, communicative, social, and identity functions in meaning-making, social interaction, and language policies. Such language powers include, first, the power of language to maintain existing dominance in legal, sexist, racist, and ageist discourses that favor particular groups of language users over others. Another language power is its immense impact on national unity and discord. The third language power is its ability to create influence through single words (e.g., metaphors), oratories, conversations and narratives in political campaigns, emergence of leaders, terrorist narratives, and so forth.

• power behind language
• power of language
• intergroup communication
• World Englishes
• oratorical power
• conversational power
• leader emergence
• al-Qaeda narrative
• social identity approach

Introduction

Language is for communication and power.

Language is a natural human system of conventionalized symbols that have understood meanings. Through it humans express and communicate their private thoughts and feelings as well as enact various social functions. The social functions include co-constructing social reality between and among individuals, performing and coordinating social actions such as conversing, arguing, cheating, and telling people what they should or should not do. Language is also a public marker of ethnolinguistic, national, or religious identity, so strong that people are willing to go to war for its defense, just as they would defend other markers of social identity, such as their national flag. These cognitive, communicative, social, and identity functions make language a fundamental medium of human communication. Language is also a versatile communication medium, often and widely used in tandem with music, pictures, and actions to amplify its power. Silence, too, adds to the force of speech when it is used strategically to speak louder than words. The wide range of language functions and its versatility combine to make language powerful. Even so, this is only one part of what is in fact a dynamic relationship between language and power. The other part is that there is preexisting power behind language which it reveals and reflects, thereby transferring extralinguistic power to the communication context. It is thus important to delineate the language–power relationships and their implications for human communication.

This chapter provides a systematic account of the dynamic interrelationships between language and power, not comprehensively for lack of space, but sufficiently focused so as to align with the intergroup communication theme of the present volume. The term “intergroup communication” will be used herein to refer to an intergroup perspective on communication, which stresses intergroup processes underlying communication and is not restricted to any particular form of intergroup communication such as interethnic or intergender communication, important though they are. It echoes the pioneering attempts to develop an intergroup perspective on the social psychology of language and communication behavior made by pioneers drawn from communication, social psychology, and cognate fields (see Harwood et al., 2005 ). This intergroup perspective has fostered the development of intergroup communication as a discipline distinct from and complementing the discipline of interpersonal communication. One of its insights is that apparently interpersonal communication is in fact dynamically intergroup (Dragojevic & Giles, 2014 ). For this and other reasons, an intergroup perspective on language and communication behavior has proved surprisingly useful in revealing intergroup processes in health communication (Jones & Watson, 2012 ), media communication (Harwood & Roy, 2005 ), and communication in a variety of organizational contexts (Giles, 2012 ).

The major theoretical foundation that has underpinned the intergroup perspective is social identity theory (Tajfel, 1982 ), which continues to service the field as a metatheory (Abrams & Hogg, 2004 ) alongside relatively more specialized theories such as ethnolinguistic identity theory (Harwood et al., 1994 ), communication accommodation theory (Palomares et al., 2016 ), and self-categorization theory applied to intergroup communication (Reid et al., 2005 ). Against this backdrop, this chapter will be less concerned with any particular social category of intergroup communication or variant of social identity theory, and more with developing a conceptual framework of looking at the language–power relationships and their implications for understanding intergroup communication. Readers interested in an intra- or interpersonal perspective may refer to the volume edited by Holtgraves ( 2014a ).

Conceptual Approaches to Power

Bertrand Russell, logician cum philosopher and social activist, published a relatively little-known book on power when World War II was looming large in Europe (Russell, 2004 ). In it he asserted the fundamental importance of the concept of power in the social sciences and likened its importance to the concept of energy in the physical sciences. But unlike physical energy, which can be defined in a formula (e.g., E=MC 2 ), social power has defied any such definition. This state of affairs is not unexpected because the very nature of (social) power is elusive. Foucault ( 1979 , p. 92) has put it this way: “Power is everywhere, not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere.” This view is not beyond criticism but it does highlight the elusiveness of power. Power is also a value-laden concept meaning different things to different people. To functional theorists and power-wielders, power is “power to,” a responsibility to unite people and do good for all. To conflict theorists and those who are dominated, power is “power over,” which corrupts and is a source of social conflict rather than integration (Lenski, 1966 ; Sassenberg et al., 2014 ). These entrenched views surface in management–labor negotiations and political debates between government and opposition. Management and government would try to frame the negotiation in terms of “power to,” whereas labor and opposition would try to frame the same in “power over” in a clash of power discourses. The two discourses also interchange when the same speakers reverse their power relations: While in opposition, politicians adhere to “power over” rhetorics, once in government, they talk “power to.” And vice versa.

The elusive and value-laden nature of power has led to a plurality of theoretical and conceptual approaches. Five approaches that are particularly pertinent to the language–power relationships will be discussed, and briefly so because of space limitation. One approach views power in terms of structural dominance in society by groups who own and/or control the economy, the government, and other social institutions. Another approach views power as the production of intended effects by overcoming resistance that arises from objective conflict of interests or from psychological reactance to being coerced, manipulated, or unfairly treated. A complementary approach, represented by Kurt Lewin’s field theory, takes the view that power is not the actual production of effects but the potential for doing this. It looks behind power to find out the sources or bases of this potential, which may stem from the power-wielders’ access to the means of punishment, reward, and information, as well as from their perceived expertise and legitimacy (Raven, 2008 ). A fourth approach views power in terms of the balance of control/dependence in the ongoing social exchange between two actors that takes place either in the absence or presence of third parties. It provides a structural account of power-balancing mechanisms in social networking (Emerson, 1962 ), and forms the basis for combining with symbolic interaction theory, which brings in subjective factors such as shared social cognition and affects for the analysis of power in interpersonal and intergroup negotiation (Stolte, 1987 ). The fifth, social identity approach digs behind the social exchange account, which has started from control/dependence as a given but has left it unexplained, to propose a three-process model of power emergence (Turner, 2005 ). According to this model, it is psychological group formation and associated group-based social identity that produce influence; influence then cumulates to form the basis of power, which in turn leads to the control of resources.

Common to the five approaches above is the recognition that power is dynamic in its usage and can transform from one form of power to another. Lukes ( 2005 ) has attempted to articulate three different forms or faces of power called “dimensions.” The first, behavioral dimension of power refers to decision-making power that is manifest in the open contest for dominance in situations of objective conflict of interests. Non-decision-making power, the second dimension, is power behind the scene. It involves the mobilization of organizational bias (e.g., agenda fixing) to keep conflict of interests from surfacing to become public issues and to deprive oppositions of a communication platform to raise their voices, thereby limiting the scope of decision-making to only “safe” issues that would not challenge the interests of the power-wielder. The third dimension is ideological and works by socializing people’s needs and values so that they want the wants and do the things wanted by the power-wielders, willingly as their own. Conflict of interests, opposition, and resistance would be absent from this form of power, not because they have been maneuvered out of the contest as in the case of non-decision-making power, but because the people who are subject to power are no longer aware of any conflict of interest in the power relationship, which may otherwise ferment opposition and resistance. Power in this form can be exercised without the application of coercion or reward, and without arousing perceived manipulation or conflict of interests.

Language–Power Relationships

As indicated in the chapter title, discussion will focus on the language–power relationships, and not on language alone or power alone, in intergroup communication. It draws from all the five approaches to power and can be grouped for discussion under the power behind language and the power of language. In the former, language is viewed as having no power of its own and yet can produce influence and control by revealing the power behind the speaker. Language also reflects the collective/historical power of the language community that uses it. In the case of modern English, its preeminent status as a global language and international lingua franca has shaped the communication between native and nonnative English speakers because of the power of the English-speaking world that it reflects, rather than because of its linguistic superiority. In both cases, language provides a widely used conventional means to transfer extralinguistic power to the communication context. Research on the power of language takes the view that language has power of its own. This power allows a language to maintain the power behind it, unite or divide a nation, and create influence.

In Figure 1 we have grouped the five language–power relationships into five boxes. Note that the boundary between any two boxes is not meant to be rigid but permeable. For example, by revealing the power behind a message (box 1), a message can create influence (box 5). As another example, language does not passively reflect the power of the language community that uses it (box 2), but also, through its spread to other language communities, generates power to maintain its preeminence among languages (box 3). This expansive process of language power can be seen in the rise of English to global language status. A similar expansive process also applies to a particular language style that first reflects the power of the language subcommunity who uses the style, and then, through its common acceptance and usage by other subcommunities in the country, maintains the power of the subcommunity concerned. A prime example of this type of expansive process is linguistic sexism, which reflects preexisting male dominance in society and then, through its common usage by both sexes, contributes to the maintenance of male dominance. Other examples are linguistic racism and the language style of the legal profession, each of which, like linguistic sexism and the preeminence of the English language worldwide, has considerable impact on individuals and society at large.

Space precludes a full discussion of all five language–power relationships. Instead, some of them will warrant only a brief mention, whereas others will be presented in greater detail. The complexity of the language–power relations and their cross-disciplinary ramifications will be evident in the multiple sets of interrelated literatures that we cite from. These include the social psychology of language and communication, critical language studies (Fairclough, 1989 ), sociolinguistics (Kachru, 1992 ), and conversation analysis (Sacks et al., 1974 ).

Figure 1. Power behind language and power of language.

Power Behind Language

Language reveals power.

When negotiating with police, a gang may issue the threatening message, “Meet our demands, or we will shoot the hostages!” The threatening message may succeed in coercing the police to submit; its power, however, is more apparent than real because it is based on the guns gangsters posses. The message merely reveals the power of a weapon in their possession. Apart from revealing power, the gangsters may also cheat. As long as the message comes across as credible and convincing enough to arouse overwhelming fear, it would allow them to get away with their demands without actually possessing any weapon. In this case, language is used to produce an intended effect despite resistance by deceptively revealing a nonexisting power base and planting it in the mind of the message recipient. The literature on linguistic deception illustrates the widespread deceptive use of language-reveals-power to produce intended effects despite resistance (Robinson, 1996 ).

Language Reflects Power

Ethnolinguistic vitality.

The language that a person uses reflects the language community’s power. A useful way to think about a language community’s linguistic power is through the ethnolinguistic vitality model (Bourhis et al., 1981 ; Harwood et al., 1994 ). Language communities in a country vary in absolute size overall and, just as important, a relative numeric concentration in particular regions. Francophone Canadians, though fewer than Anglophone Canadians overall, are concentrated in Quebec to give them the power of numbers there. Similarly, ethnic minorities in mainland China have considerable power of numbers in those autonomous regions where they are concentrated, such as Inner Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang. Collectively, these factors form the demographic base of the language community’s ethnolinguistic vitality, an index of the community’s relative linguistic dominance. Another base of ethnolinguistic vitality is institutional representations of the language community in government, legislatures, education, religion, the media, and so forth, which afford its members institutional leadership, influence, and control. Such institutional representation is often reinforced by a language policy that installs the language as the nation’s sole official language. The third base of ethnolinguistic vitality comprises sociohistorical and cultural status of the language community inside the nation and internationally. In short, the dominant language of a nation is one that comes from and reflects the high ethnolinguistic vitality of its language community.

An important finding of ethnolinguistic vitality research is that it is perceived vitality, and not so much its objective demographic-institutional-cultural strengths, that influences language behavior in interpersonal and intergroup contexts. Interestingly, the visibility and salience of languages shown on public and commercial signs, referred to as the “linguistic landscape,” serve important informational and symbolic functions as a marker of their relative vitality, which in turn affects the use of in-group language in institutional settings (Cenoz & Gorter, 2006 ; Landry & Bourhis, 1997 ).

World Englishes and Lingua Franca English

Another field of research on the power behind and reflected in language is “World Englishes.” At the height of the British Empire English spread on the back of the Industrial Revolution and through large-scale migrations of Britons to the “New World,” which has since become the core of an “inner circle” of traditional native English-speaking nations now led by the United States (Kachru, 1992 ). The emergent wealth and power of these nations has maintained English despite the decline of the British Empire after World War II. In the post-War era, English has become internationalized with the support of an “outer circle” nations and, later, through its spread to “expanding circle” nations. Outer circle nations are made up mostly of former British colonies such as India, Pakistan, and Nigeria. In compliance with colonial language policies that institutionalized English as the new colonial national language, a sizeable proportion of the colonial populations has learned and continued using English over generations, thereby vastly increasing the number of English speakers over and above those in the inner circle nations. The expanding circle encompasses nations where English has played no historical government roles, but which are keen to appropriate English as the preeminent foreign language for local purposes such as national development, internationalization of higher education, and participation in globalization (e.g., China, Indonesia, South Korea, Japan, Egypt, Israel, and continental Europe).

English is becoming a global language with official or special status in at least 75 countries (British Council, n.d. ). It is also the language choice in international organizations and companies, as well as academia, and is commonly used in trade, international mass media, and entertainment, and over the Internet as the main source of information. English native speakers can now follow the worldwide English language track to find jobs overseas without having to learn the local language and may instead enjoy a competitive language advantage where the job requires English proficiency. This situation is a far cry from the colonial era when similar advantages had to come under political patronage. Alongside English native speakers who work overseas benefitting from the preeminence of English over other languages, a new phenomenon of outsourcing international call centers away from the United Kingdom and the United States has emerged (Friginal, 2007 ). Callers can find the information or help they need from people stationed in remote places such as India or the Philippines where English has penetrated.

As English spreads worldwide, it has also become the major international lingua franca, serving some 800 million multilinguals in Asia alone, and numerous others elsewhere (Bolton, 2008 ). The practical importance of this phenomenon and its impact on English vocabulary, grammar, and accent have led to the emergence of a new field of research called “English as a lingua franca” (Brosch, 2015 ). The twin developments of World Englishes and lingua franca English raise interesting and important research questions. A vast area of research lies in waiting.

Several lines of research suggest themselves from an intergroup communication perspective. How communicatively effective are English native speakers who are international civil servants in organizations such as the UN and WTO, where they habitually speak as if they were addressing their fellow natives without accommodating to the international audience? Another line of research is lingua franca English communication between two English nonnative speakers. Their common use of English signals a joint willingness of linguistic accommodation, motivated more by communication efficiency of getting messages across and less by concerns of their respective ethnolinguistic identities. An intergroup communication perspective, however, would sensitize researchers to social identity processes and nonaccommodation behaviors underneath lingua franca communication. For example, two nationals from two different countries, X and Y, communicating with each other in English are accommodating on the language level; at the same time they may, according to communication accommodation theory, use their respective X English and Y English for asserting their ethnolinguistic distinctiveness whilst maintaining a surface appearance of accommodation. There are other possibilities. According to a survey of attitudes toward English accents, attachment to “standard” native speaker models remains strong among nonnative English speakers in many countries (Jenkins, 2009 ). This suggests that our hypothetical X and Y may, in addition to asserting their respective Englishes, try to outperform one another in speaking with overcorrect standard English accents, not so much because they want to assert their respective ethnolinguistic identities, but because they want to project a common in-group identity for positive social comparison—“We are all English-speakers but I am a better one than you!”

Many countries in the expanding circle nations are keen to appropriate English for local purposes, encouraging their students and especially their educational elites to learn English as a foreign language. A prime example is the Learn-English Movement in China. It has affected generations of students and teachers over the past 30 years and consumed a vast amount of resources. The results are mixed. Even more disturbing, discontents and backlashes have emerged from anti-English Chinese motivated to protect the vitality and cultural values of the Chinese language (Sun et al., 2016 ). The power behind and reflected in modern English has widespread and far-reaching consequences in need of more systematic research.

Power of Language

Language maintains existing dominance.

Language maintains and reproduces existing dominance in three different ways represented respectively by the ascent of English, linguistic sexism, and legal language style. For reasons already noted, English has become a global language, an international lingua franca, and an indispensable medium for nonnative English speaking countries to participate in the globalized world. Phillipson ( 2009 ) referred to this phenomenon as “linguistic imperialism.” It is ironic that as the spread of English has increased the extent of multilingualism of non-English-speaking nations, English native speakers in the inner circle of nations have largely remained English-only. This puts pressure on the rest of the world to accommodate them in English, the widespread use of which maintains its preeminence among languages.

A language evolves and changes to adapt to socially accepted word meanings, grammatical rules, accents, and other manners of speaking. What is acceptable or unacceptable reflects common usage and hence the numerical influence of users, but also the elites’ particular language preferences and communication styles. Research on linguistic sexism has shown, for example, a man-made language such as English (there are many others) is imbued with sexist words and grammatical rules that reflect historical male dominance in society. Its uncritical usage routinely by both sexes in daily life has in turn naturalized male dominance and associated sexist inequalities (Spender, 1998 ). Similar other examples are racist (Reisigl & Wodak, 2005 ) and ageist (Ryan et al., 1995 ) language styles.

Professional languages are made by and for particular professions such as the legal profession (Danet, 1980 ; Mertz et al., 2016 ; O’Barr, 1982 ). The legal language is used not only among members of the profession, but also with the general public, who may know each and every word in a legal document but are still unable to decipher its meaning. Through its language, the legal profession maintains its professional dominance with the complicity of the general public, who submits to the use of the language and accedes to the profession’s authority in interpreting its meanings in matters relating to their legal rights and obligations. Communication between lawyers and their “clients” is not only problematic, but the public’s continual dependence on the legal language contributes to the maintenance of the dominance of the profession.

Language Unites and Divides a Nation

A nation of many peoples who, despite their diverse cultural and ethnic background, all speak in the same tongue and write in the same script would reap the benefit of the unifying power of a common language. The power of the language to unite peoples would be stronger if it has become part of their common national identity and contributed to its vitality and psychological distinctiveness. Such power has often been seized upon by national leaders and intellectuals to unify their countries and serve other nationalistic purposes (Patten, 2006 ). In China, for example, Emperor Qin Shi Huang standardized the Chinese script ( hanzi ) as an important part of the reforms to unify the country after he had defeated the other states and brought the Warring States Period ( 475–221 bc ) to an end. A similar reform of language standardization was set in motion soon after the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty ( ad 1644–1911 ), by simplifying some of the hanzi and promoting Putonghua as the national standard oral language. In the postcolonial part of the world, language is often used to service nationalism by restoring the official status of their indigenous language as the national language whilst retaining the colonial language or, in more radical cases of decolonization, relegating the latter to nonofficial status. Yet language is a two-edged sword: It can also divide a nation. The tension can be seen in competing claims to official-language status made by minority language communities, protest over maintenance of minority languages, language rights at schools and in courts of law, bilingual education, and outright language wars (Calvet, 1998 ; DeVotta, 2004 ).

Language Creates Influence

In this section we discuss the power of language to create influence through single words and more complex linguistic structures ranging from oratories and conversations to narratives/stories.

Power of Single Words

Learning a language empowers humans to master an elaborate system of conventions and the associations between words and their sounds on the one hand, and on the other hand, categories of objects and relations to which they refer. After mastering the referential meanings of words, a person can mentally access the objects and relations simply by hearing or reading the words. Apart from their referential meanings, words also have connotative meanings with their own social-cognitive consequences. Together, these social-cognitive functions underpin the power of single words that has been extensively studied in metaphors, which is a huge research area that crosses disciplinary boundaries and probes into the inner workings of the brain (Benedek et al., 2014 ; Landau et al., 2014 ; Marshal et al., 2007 ). The power of single words extends beyond metaphors. It can be seen in misleading words in leading questions (Loftus, 1975 ), concessive connectives that reverse expectations from real-world knowledge (Xiang & Kuperberg, 2014 ), verbs that attribute implicit causality to either verb subject or object (Hartshorne & Snedeker, 2013 ), “uncertainty terms” that hedge potentially face-threatening messages (Holtgraves, 2014b ), and abstract words that signal power (Wakslak et al., 2014 ).

The literature on the power of single words has rarely been applied to intergroup communication, with the exception of research arising from the linguistic category model (e.g., Semin & Fiedler, 1991 ). The model distinguishes among descriptive action verbs (e.g., “hits”), interpretative action verbs (e.g., “hurts”) and state verbs (e.g., “hates”), which increase in abstraction in that order. Sentences made up of abstract verbs convey more information about the protagonist, imply greater temporal and cross-situational stability, and are more difficult to disconfirm. The use of abstract language to represent a particular behavior will attribute the behavior to the protagonist rather than the situation and the resulting image of the protagonist will persist despite disconfirming information, whereas the use of concrete language will attribute the same behavior more to the situation and the resulting image of the protagonist will be easier to change. According to the linguistic intergroup bias model (Maass, 1999 ), abstract language will be used to represent positive in-group and negative out-group behaviors, whereas concrete language will be used to represent negative in-group and positive out-group behaviors. The combined effects of the differential use of abstract and concrete language would, first, lead to biased attribution (explanation) of behavior privileging the in-group over the out-group, and second, perpetuate the prejudiced intergroup stereotypes. More recent research has shown that linguistic intergroup bias varies with the power differential between groups—it is stronger in high and low power groups than in equal power groups (Rubini et al., 2007 ).

Oratorical Power

A charismatic speaker may, by the sheer force of oratory, buoy up people’s hopes, convert their hearts from hatred to forgiveness, or embolden them to take up arms for a cause. One may recall moving speeches (in English) such as Susan B. Anthony’s “On Women’s Right to Vote,” Winston Churchill’s “We Shall Fight on the Beaches,” Mahatma Gandhi’s “Quit India,” or Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I Have a Dream.” The speech may be delivered face-to-face to an audience, or broadcast over the media. The discussion below focuses on face-to-face oratories in political meetings.

Oratorical power may be measured in terms of money donated or pledged to the speaker’s cause, or, in a religious sermon, the number of converts made. Not much research has been reported on these topics. Another measurement approach is to count the frequency of online audience responses that a speech has generated, usually but not exclusively in the form of applause. Audience applause can be measured fairly objectively in terms of frequency, length, or loudness, and collected nonobtrusively from a public recording of the meeting. Audience applause affords researchers the opportunity to explore communicative and social psychological processes that underpin some aspects of the power of rhetorical formats. Note, however, that not all incidences of audience applause are valid measures of the power of rhetoric. A valid incidence should be one that is invited by the speaker and synchronized with the flow of the speech, occurring at the appropriate time and place as indicated by the rhetorical format. Thus, an uninvited incidence of applause would not count, nor is one that is invited but has occurred “out of place” (too soon or too late). Furthermore, not all valid incidences are theoretically informative to the same degree. An isolated applause from just a handful of the audience, though valid and in the right place, has relatively little theoretical import for understanding the power of rhetoric compared to one that is made by many acting in unison as a group. When the latter occurs, it would be a clear indication of the power of rhetorically formulated speech. Such positive audience response constitutes the most direct and immediate means by which an audience can display its collective support for the speaker, something which they would not otherwise show to a speech of less power. To influence and orchestrate hundreds and thousands of people in the audience to precisely coordinate their response to applaud (and cheer) together as a group at the right time and place is no mean feat. Such a feat also influences the wider society through broadcast on television and other news and social media. The combined effect could be enormous there and then, and its downstream influence far-reaching, crossing country boarders and inspiring generations to come.

To accomplish the feat, an orator has to excite the audience to applaud, build up the excitement to a crescendo, and simultaneously cue the audience to synchronize their outburst of stored-up applause with the ongoing speech. Rhetorical formats that aid the orator to accomplish the dual functions include contrast, list, puzzle solution, headline-punchline, position-taking, and pursuit (Heritage & Greatbatch, 1986 ). To illustrate, we cite the contrast and list formats.

A contrast, or antithesis, is made up of binary schemata such as “too much” and “too little.” Heritage and Greatbatch ( 1986 , p. 123) reported the following example:

Governments will argue that resources are not available to help disabled people. The fact is that too much is spent on the munitions of war, and too little is spent on the munitions of peace [italics added]. As the audience is familiar with the binary schema of “too much” and “too little” they can habitually match the second half of the contrast against the first half. This decoding process reinforces message comprehension and helps them to correctly anticipate and applaud at the completion point of the contrast. In the example quoted above, the speaker micropaused for 0.2 seconds after the second word “spent,” at which point the audience began to applaud in anticipation of the completion point of the contrast, and applauded more excitedly upon hearing “. . . on the munitions of peace.” The applause continued and lasted for 9.2 long seconds.

A list is usually made up of a series of three parallel words, phrases or clauses. “Government of the people, by the people, for the people” is a fine example, as is Obama’s “It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day , in this election , at this defining moment , change has come to America!” (italics added) The three parts in the list echo one another, step up the argument and its corresponding excitement in the audience as they move from one part to the next. The third part projects a completion point to cue the audience to get themselves ready to display their support via applause, cheers, and so forth. In a real conversation this juncture is called a “transition-relevance place,” at which point a conversational partner (hearer) may take up a turn to speak. A skilful orator will micropause at that juncture to create a conversational space for the audience to take up their turn in applauding and cheering as a group.

As illustrated by the two examples above, speaker and audience collaborate to transform an otherwise monological speech into a quasiconversation, turning a passive audience into an active supportive “conversational” partner who, by their synchronized responses, reduces the psychological separation from the speaker and emboldens the latter’s self-confidence. Through such enjoyable and emotional participation collectively, an audience made up of formerly unconnected individuals with no strong common group identity may henceforth begin to feel “we are all one.” According to social identity theory and related theories (van Zomeren et al., 2008 ), the emergent group identity, politicized in the process, will in turn provide a social psychological base for collective social action. This process of identity making in the audience is further strengthened by the speaker’s frequent use of “we” as a first person, plural personal pronoun.

Conversational Power

A conversation is a speech exchange system in which the length and order of speaking turns have not been preassigned but require coordination on an utterance-by-utterance basis between two or more individuals. It differs from other speech exchange systems in which speaking turns have been preassigned and/or monitored by a third party, for example, job interviews and debate contests. Turn-taking, because of its centrality to conversations and the important theoretical issues that it raises for social coordination and implicit conversational conventions, has been the subject of extensive research and theorizing (Goodwin & Heritage, 1990 ; Grice, 1975 ; Sacks et al., 1974 ). Success at turn-taking is a key part of the conversational process leading to influence. A person who cannot do this is in no position to influence others in and through conversations, which are probably the most common and ubiquitous form of human social interaction. Below we discuss studies of conversational power based on conversational turns and applied to leader emergence in group and intergroup settings. These studies, as they unfold, link conversation analysis with social identity theory and expectation states theory (Berger et al., 1974 ).

A conversational turn in hand allows the speaker to influence others in two important ways. First, through current-speaker-selects-next the speaker can influence who will speak next and, indirectly, increases the probability that he or she will regain the turn after the next. A common method for selecting the next speaker is through tag questions. The current speaker (A) may direct a tag question such as “Ya know?” or “Don’t you agree?” to a particular hearer (B), which carries the illocutionary force of selecting the addressee to be the next speaker and, simultaneously, restraining others from self-selecting. The A 1 B 1 sequence of exchange has been found to have a high probability of extending into A 1 B 1 A 2 in the next round of exchange, followed by its continuation in the form of A 1 B 1 A 2 B 2 . For example, in a six-member group, the A 1 B 1 →A 1 B 1 A 2 sequence of exchange has more than 50% chance of extending to the A 1 B 1 A 2 B 2 sequence, which is well above chance level, considering that there are four other hearers who could intrude at either the A 2 or B 2 slot of turn (Stasser & Taylor, 1991 ). Thus speakership not only offers the current speaker the power to select the next speaker twice, but also to indirectly regain a turn.

Second, a turn in hand provides the speaker with an opportunity to exercise topic control. He or she can exercise non-decision-making power by changing an unfavorable or embarrassing topic to a safer one, thereby silencing or preventing it from reaching the “floor.” Conversely, he or she can exercise decision-making power by continuing or raising a topic that is favorable to self. Or the speaker can move on to talk about an innocuous topic to ease tension in the group.

Bales ( 1950 ) has studied leader emergence in groups made up of unacquainted individuals in situations where they have to bid or compete for speaking turns. Results show that individuals who talk the most have a much better chance of becoming leaders. Depending on the social orientations of their talk, they would be recognized as a task or relational leader. Subsequent research on leader emergence has shown that an even better behavioral predictor than volume of talk is the number of speaking turns. An obvious reason for this is that the volume of talk depends on the number of turns—it usually accumulates across turns, rather than being the result of a single extraordinary long turn of talk. Another reason is that more turns afford the speaker more opportunities to realize the powers of turns that have been explicated above. Group members who become leaders are the ones who can penetrate the complex, on-line conversational system to obtain a disproportionately large number of speaking turns by perfect timing at “transition-relevance places” to self-select as the next speaker or, paradoxical as it may seem, constructive interruptions (Ng et al., 1995 ).

More recent research has extended the experimental study of group leadership to intergroup contexts, where members belonging to two groups who hold opposing stances on a social or political issue interact within and also between groups. The results showed, first, that speaking turns remain important in leader emergence, but the intergroup context now generates social identity and self-categorization processes that selectively privilege particular forms of speech. What potential leaders say, and not only how many speaking turns they have gained, becomes crucial in conveying to group members that they are prototypical members of their group. Prototypical communication is enacted by adopting an accent, choosing code words, and speaking in a tone that characterize the in-group; above all, it is enacted through the content of utterances to represent or exemplify the in-group position. Such prototypical utterances that are directed successfully at the out-group correlate strongly with leader emergence (Reid & Ng, 2000 ). These out-group-directed prototypical utterances project an in-group identity that is psychologically distinctive from the out-group for in-group members to feel proud of and to rally together when debating with the out-group.

Building on these experimental results Reid and Ng ( 2003 ) developed a social identity theory of leadership to account for the emergence and maintenance of intergroup leadership, grounding it in case studies of the intergroup communication strategies that brought Ariel Sharon and John Howard to power in Israel and Australia, respectively. In a later development, the social identity account was fused with expectation states theory to explain how group processes collectively shape the behavior of in-group members to augment the prototypical communication behavior of the emergent leader (Reid & Ng, 2006 ). Specifically, when conversational influence gained through prototypical utterances culminates to form an incipient power hierarchy, group members develop expectations of who is and will be leading the group. Acting on these tacit expectations they collectively coordinate the behavior of each other to conform with the expectations by granting incipient leaders more speaking turns and supporting them with positive audience responses. In this way, group members collectively amplify the influence of incipient leaders and jointly propel them to leadership roles (see also Correll & Ridgeway, 2006 ). In short, the emergence of intergroup leaders is a joint process of what they do individually and what group members do collectively, enabled by speaking turns and mediated by social identity and expectation states processes. In a similar vein, Hogg ( 2014 ) has developed a social identity account of leadership in intergroup settings.

Narrative Power

Narratives and stories are closely related and are sometimes used interchangeably. However, it is useful to distinguish a narrative from a story and from other related terms such as discourse and frames. A story is a sequence of related events in the past recounted for rhetorical or ideological purposes, whereas a narrative is a coherent system of interrelated and sequentially organized stories formed by incorporating new stories and relating them to others so as to provide an ongoing basis for interpreting events, envisioning an ideal future, and motivating and justifying collective actions (Halverson et al., 2011 ). The temporal dimension and sense of movement in a narrative also distinguish it from discourse and frames. According to Miskimmon, O’Loughlin, and Roselle ( 2013 ), discourses are the raw material of communication that actors plot into a narrative, and frames are the acts of selecting and highlighting some events or issues to promote a particular interpretation, evaluation, and solution. Both discourse and frame lack the temporal and causal transformation of a narrative.

Pitching narratives at the suprastory level and stressing their temporal and transformational movements allows researchers to take a structurally more systemic and temporally more expansive view than traditional research on propaganda wars between nations, religions, or political systems (Halverson et al., 2011 ; Miskimmon et al., 2013 ). Schmid ( 2014 ) has provided an analysis of al-Qaeda’s “compelling narrative that authorizes its strategy, justifies its violent tactics, propagates its ideology and wins new recruits.” According to this analysis, the chief message of the narrative is “the West is at war with Islam,” a strategic communication that is fundamentally intergroup in both structure and content. The intergroup structure of al-Qaeda narrative includes the rhetorical constructions that there are a group grievance inflicted on Muslims by a Zionist–Christian alliance, a vision of the good society (under the Caliphate and sharia), and a path from grievance to the realization of the vision led by al-Qaeda in a violent jihad to eradicate Western influence in the Muslim world. The al-Qaeda narrative draws support not only from traditional Arab and Muslim cultural narratives interpreted to justify its unorthodox means (such as attacks against women and children), but also from pre-existing anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism propagated by some Arab governments, Soviet Cold War propaganda, anti-Western sermons by Muslim clerics, and the Israeli government’s treatment of Palestinians. It is deeply embedded in culture and history, and has reached out to numerous Muslims who have emigrated to the West.

The intergroup content of al-Qaeda narrative was shown in a computer-aided content analysis of 18 representative transcripts of propaganda speeches released between 2006–2011 by al-Qaeda leaders, totaling over 66,000 words (Cohen et al., 2016 ). As part of the study, an “Ideology Extraction using Linguistic Extremization” (IELEX) categorization scheme was developed for mapping the content of the corpus, which revealed 19 IELEX rhetorical categories referring to either the out-group/enemy or the in-group/enemy victims. The out-group/enemy was represented by four categories such as “The enemy is extremely negative (bloodthirsty, vengeful, brainwashed, etc.)”; whereas the in-group/enemy victims were represented by more categories such as “we are entirely innocent/good/virtuous.” The content of polarized intergroup stereotypes, demonizing “them” and glorifying “us,” echoes other similar findings (Smith et al., 2008 ), as well as the general finding of intergroup stereotyping in social psychology (Yzerbyt, 2016 ).

The success of the al-Qaeda narrative has alarmed various international agencies, individual governments, think tanks, and religious groups to spend huge sums of money on developing counternarratives that are, according to Schmid ( 2014 ), largely feeble. The so-called “global war on terror” has failed in its effort to construct effective counternarratives although al-Qaeda’s finance, personnel, and infrastructure have been much weakened. Ironically, it has developed into a narrative of its own, not so much for countering external extremism, but for promoting and justifying internal nationalistic extremist policies and influencing national elections. This reactive coradicalization phenomenon is spreading (Mink, 2015 ; Pratt, 2015 ; Reicher & Haslam, 2016 ).

Discussion and Future Directions

This chapter provides a systematic framework for understanding five language–power relationships, namely, language reveals power, reflects power, maintains existing dominance, unites and divides a nation, and creates influence. The first two relationships are derived from the power behind language and the last three from the power of language. Collectively they provide a relatively comprehensible framework for understanding the relationships between language and power, and not simply for understanding language alone or power alone separated from one another. The language–power relationships are dynamically interrelated, one influencing the other, and each can draw from an array of the cognitive, communicative, social, and identity functions of language. The framework is applicable to both interpersonal and intergroup contexts of communication, although for present purposes the latter has been highlighted. Among the substantive issues discussed in this chapter, English as a global language, oratorical and narrative power, and intergroup leadership stand out as particularly important for political and theoretical reasons.

In closing, we note some of the gaps that need to be filled and directions for further research. When discussing the powers of language to maintain and reflect existing dominance, we have omitted the countervailing power of language to resist or subvert existing dominance and, importantly, to create social change for the collective good. Furthermore, in this age of globalization and its discontents, English as a global language will increasingly be resented for its excessive unaccommodating power despite tangible lingua franca English benefits, and challenged by the expanding ethnolinguistic vitality of peoples who speak Arabic, Chinese, or Spanish. Internet communication is no longer predominantly in English, but is rapidly diversifying to become the modern Tower of Babel. And yet we have barely scratched the surface of these issues. Other glaring gaps include the omission of media discourse and recent developments in Corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis (Loring, 2016 ), as well as the lack of reference to languages other than English that may cast one or more of the language–power relationships in a different light.

One of the main themes of this chapter—that the diverse language–power relationships are dynamically interrelated—clearly points to the need for greater theoretical fertilization across cognate disciplines. Our discussion of the three powers of language (boxes 3–5 in Figure 1 ) clearly points in this direction, most notably in the case of the powers of language to create influence through single words, oratories, conversations, and narratives, but much more needs to be done. The social identity approach will continue to serve as a meta theory of intergroup communication. To the extent that intergroup communication takes place in an existing power relation and that the changes that it seeks are not simply a more positive or psychologically distinctive social identity but greater group power and a more powerful social identity, the social identity approach has to incorporate power in its application to intergroup communication.

Further Reading

• Austin, J. L. (1975). How to do things with words . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Billig, M. (1991). Ideology and opinions: Studies in rhetorical psychology . Newbury Park, CA: SAGE.
• Crystal, D. (2012). English as a global language , 2d ed. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.
• Culpeper, J. (2011). Impoliteness . New York: John Wiley.
• Holtgraves, T. M. (2010). Social psychology and language: Words, utterances, and conversations. In S. Fiske , D. Gilbert , & G. Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of social psychology (5th ed., pp. 1386–1422). New York: John Wiley.
• Mumby, D. K. (Ed.). (1993). Narrative and social control: Critical perspectives (Vol. 21). Newbury Park, CA: SAGE.
• Ng, S. H. , & Bradac, J. J. (1993). Power in language: Verbal communication and social influence . Newbury Park, CA: SAGE. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781412994088.n202 .
• Abrams, D. , & Hogg, M. A. (2004). Metatheory: Lessons from social identity research. Personality and Social Psychology Review , 8 , 98–106.
• Bales, R. F. (1950). Interaction process analysis: A method for the study of small groups . Oxford: Addison-Wesley.
• Benedek, M. , Beaty, R. , Jauk, E. , Koschutnig, K. , Fink, A. , Silvia, P. J. , . . . & Neubauer, A. C. (2014). Creating metaphors: The neural basis of figurative language production. NeuroImage , 90 , 99–106.
• Berger, J. , Conner, T. L. , & Fisek, M. H. (Eds.). (1974). Expectation states theory: A theoretical research program . Cambridge, MA: Winthrop.
• Bolton, K. (2008). World Englishes today. In B. B. Kachru , Y. Kachru , & C. L. Nelson (Eds.), The handbook of world Englishes (pp. 240–269). Oxford: Blackwell.
• Bourhis, R. Y. , Giles, H. , & Rosenthal, D. (1981). Notes on the construction of a “Subjective vitality questionnaire” for ethnolinguistic groups. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development , 2 , 145–155.
• British Council . (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.britishcouncil.org/learning-faq-the-english-language.htm .
• Brosch, C. (2015). On the conceptual history of the term Lingua Franca . Apples . Journal of Applied Language Studies , 9 (1), 71–85.
• Calvet, J. (1998). Language wars and linguistic politics . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Cenoz, J. , & Gorter, D. (2006). Linguistic landscape and minority languages. International Journal of Multilingualism , 3 , 67–80.
• Cohen, S. J. , Kruglanski, A. , Gelfand, M. J. , Webber, D. , & Gunaratna, R. (2016). Al-Qaeda’s propaganda decoded: A psycholinguistic system for detecting variations in terrorism ideology . Terrorism and Political Violence , 1–30.
• Correll, S. J. , & Ridgeway, C. L. (2006). Expectation states theory . In L. DeLamater (Ed.), Handbook of social psychology (pp. 29–51). Hoboken, NJ: Springer.
• Danet, B. (1980). Language in the legal process. Law and Society Review , 14 , 445–564.
• DeVotta, N. (2004). Blowback: Linguistic nationalism, institutional decay, and ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka . Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
• Dragojevic, M. , & Giles, H. (2014). Language and interpersonal communication: Their intergroup dynamics. In C. R. Berger (Ed.), Handbook of interpersonal communication (pp. 29–51). Berlin: De Gruyter.
• Emerson, R. M. (1962). Power–Dependence Relations. American Sociological Review , 27 , 31–41.
• Fairclough, N. L. (1989). Language and power . London: Longman.
• Foucault, M. (1979). The history of sexuality volume 1: An introduction . London: Allen Lane.
• Friginal, E. (2007). Outsourced call centers and English in the Philippines. World Englishes , 26 , 331–345.
• Giles, H. (Ed.) (2012). The handbook of intergroup communication . New York: Routledge.
• Goodwin, C. , & Heritage, J. (1990). Conversation analysis. Annual review of anthropology , 19 , 283–307.
• Grice, H. P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole & J. Morgan (Eds.), Syntax and semantics (pp. 41–58). New York: Academic Press.
• Halverson, J. R. , Goodall H. L., Jr. , & Corman, S. R. (2011). Master narratives of Islamist extremism . New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
• Hartshorne, J. K. , & Snedeker, J. (2013). Verb argument structure predicts implicit causality: The advantages of finer-grained semantics. Language and Cognitive Processes , 28 , 1474–1508.
• Harwood, J. , Giles, H. , & Bourhis, R. Y. (1994). The genesis of vitality theory: Historical patterns and discoursal dimensions. International Journal of the Sociology of Language , 108 , 167–206.
• Harwood, J. , Giles, H. , & Palomares, N. A. (2005). Intergroup theory and communication processes. In J. Harwood & H. Giles (Eds.), Intergroup communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 1–20). New York: Peter Lang.
• Harwood, J. , & Roy, A. (2005). Social identity theory and mass communication research. In J. Harwood & H. Giles (Eds.), Intergroup communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 189–212). New York: Peter Lang.
• Heritage, J. , & Greatbatch, D. (1986). Generating applause: A study of rhetoric and response at party political conferences. American Journal of Sociology , 92 , 110–157.
• Hogg, M. A. (2014). From uncertainty to extremism: Social categorization and identity processes. Current Directions in Psychological Science , 23 , 338–342.
• Holtgraves, T. M. (Ed.). (2014a). The Oxford handbook of language and social psychology . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
• Holtgraves, T. M. (2014b). Interpreting uncertainty terms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 107 , 219–228.
• Jenkins, J. (2009). English as a lingua franca: interpretations and attitudes. World Englishes , 28 , 200–207.
• Jones, L. , & Watson, B. M. (2012). Developments in health communication in the 21st century. Journal of Language and Social Psychology , 31 , 415–436.
• Kachru, B. B. (1992). The other tongue: English across cultures . Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
• Landau, M. J. , Robinson, M. D. , & Meier, B. P. (Eds.). (2014). The power of metaphor: Examining its influence on social life . Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
• Landry, R. , & Bourhis, R. Y. (1997). Linguistic landscape and ethnolinguistic vitality an empirical study. Journal of language and social psychology , 16 , 23–49.
• Lenski, G. (1966). Power and privilege: A theory of social stratification . New York: McGraw-Hill.
• Loftus, E. F. (1975). Leading questions and the eyewitness report. Cognitive Psychology , 7 , 560–572.
• Loring, A. (2016). Ideologies and collocations of “Citizenship” in media discourse: A corpus-based critical discourse analysis. In A. Loring & V. Ramanathan (Eds.), Language, immigration and naturalization: Legal and linguistic issues (chapter 9). Tonawanda, NY: Multilingual Matters.
• Lukes, S. (2005). Power: A radical view , 2d ed. New York: Palgrave.
• Maass, A. (1999). Linguistic intergroup bias: Stereotype perpetuation through language. Advances in experimental social psychology , 31 , 79–121.
• Marshal, N. , Faust, M. , Hendler, T. , & Jung-Beeman, M. (2007). An fMRI investigation of the neural correlates underlying the processing of novel metaphoric expressions. Brain and language , 100 , 115–126.
• Mertz, E. , Ford, W. K. , & Matoesian, G. (Eds.). (2016). Translating the social world for law: Linguistic tools for a new legal realism . New York: Oxford University Press.
• Mink, C. (2015). It’s about the group, not god: Social causes and cures for terrorism. Journal for Deradicalization , 5 , 63–91.
• Miskimmon, A. , O’Loughlin, B. , & Roselle, L. (2013). Strategic narratives: Communicating power and the New World Order . New York: Routledge.
• Ng, S. H. , Brooke, M. & Dunne, M. (1995). Interruptions and influence in discussion groups. Journal of Language & Social Psychology , 14 , 369–381.
• O’Barr, W. M. (1982). Linguistic evidence: Language, power, and strategy in the courtroom . London: Academic Press.
• Palomares, N. A. , Giles, H. , Soliz, J. , & Gallois, C. (2016). Intergroup accommodation, social categories, and identities. In H. Giles (Ed.), Communication accommodation theory: Negotiating personal relationships and social identities across contexts (pp. 123–151). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.
• Patten, A. (2006). The humanist roots of linguistic nationalism. History of Political Thought , 27 , 221–262.
• Phillipson, R. (2009). Linguistic imperialism continued . New York: Routledge.
• Pratt, D. (2015). Reactive co-radicalization: Religious extremism as mutual discontent. Journal for the Academic Study of Religion , 28 , 3–23.
• Raven, B. H. (2008). The bases of power and the power/interaction model of interpersonal influence. Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy , 8 , 1–22.
• Reicher, S. D. , & Haslam, S. A. (2016). Fueling extremes. Scientific American Mind , 27 , 34–39.
• Reid, S. A. , Giles, H. , & Harwood, J. (2005). A self-categorization perspective on communication and intergroup relations. In J. Harwood & H. Giles (Eds.), Intergroup communication: Multiple perspectives (pp. 241–264). New York: Peter Lang.
• Reid, S. A. , & Ng, S. H. (2000). Conversation as a resource for influence: Evidence for prototypical arguments and social identification processes. European Journal of Social Psychology , 30 , 83–100.
• Reid, S. A. , & Ng, S. H. (2003). Identity, power, and strategic social categorisations: Theorising the language of leadership. In P. van Knippenberg & M. A. Hogg (Eds.), Leadership and power: Identity processes in groups and organizations (pp. 210–223). London: SAGE.
• Reid, S. A. , & Ng, S. H. (2006). The dynamics of intragroup differentiation in an intergroup social context. Human Communication Research , 32 , 504–525.
• Reisigl, M. , & Wodak, R. (2005). Discourse and discrimination: Rhetorics of racism and antisemitism . London: Routledge.
• Robinson, W. P. (1996). Deceit, delusion, and detection . Newbury Park, CA: SAGE.
• Rubini, M. , Moscatelli, S. , Albarello, F. , & Palmonari, A. (2007). Group power as a determinant of interdependence and intergroup discrimination. European Journal of Social Psychology , 37 (6), 1203–1221.
• Russell, B. (2004). Power: A new social analysis . Originally published in 1938. London: Routledge.
• Ryan, E. B. , Hummert, M. L. , & Boich, L. H. (1995). Communication predicaments of aging patronizing behavior toward older adults. Journal of Language and Social Psychology , 14 (1–2), 144–166.
• Sacks, H. , Schegloff, E. A. , & Jefferson, G. (1974). A simplest systematics for the organization of turn-taking for conversation. L anguage , 50 , 696–735.
• Sassenberg, K. , Ellemers, N. , Scheepers, D. , & Scholl, A. (2014). “Power corrupts” revisited: The role of construal of power as opportunity or responsibility. In J. -W. van Prooijen & P. A. M. van Lange (Eds.), Power, politics, and paranoia: Why people are suspicious of their leaders (pp. 73–87). Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.
• Schmid, A. P. (2014). Al-Qaeda’s “single narrative” and attempts to develop counter-narratives: The state of knowledge . The Hague, The Netherlands: International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, 26. Available at https://www.icct.nl/download/file/A-Schmid-Al-Qaedas-Single-Narrative-January-2014.pdf .
• Semin, G. R. , & Fiedler, K. (1991). The linguistic category model, its bases, applications and range. In W. Stroebe & M. Hewstone (Eds.), European review of social psychology (Vol. 2, pp. 1–50). Chichester, U.K.: John Wiley.
• Smith, A. G. , Suedfeld, P. , Conway, L. G. , IIl, & Winter, D. G. (2008). The language of violence: Distinguishing terrorist from non-terrorist groups by thematic content analysis. Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict , 1 (2), 142–163.
• Spender, D. (1998). Man made language , 4th ed. London: Pandora.
• Stasser, G. , & Taylor, L. (1991). Speaking turns in face-to-face discussions. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology , 60 , 675–684.
• Stolte, J. (1987). The formation of justice norms. American Sociological Review , 52 (6), 774–784.
• Sun, J. J. M. , Hu, P. , & Ng, S. H. (2016). Impact of English on education reforms in China: With reference to the learn-English movement, the internationalisation of universities and the English language requirement in college entrance examinations . Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development , 1–14 (Published online January 22, 2016).
• Tajfel, H. (1982). Social psychology of intergroup relations. Annual Review of Psychology , 33 , 1–39.
• Turner, J. C. (2005). Explaining the nature of power: A three—process theory. European Journal of Social Psychology , 35 , 1–22.
• Van Zomeren, M. , Postmes, T. , & Spears, R. (2008). Toward an integrative social identity model of collective action: A quantitative research synthesis of three socio-psychological perspectives. Psychological Bulletin , 134 (4), 504–535.
• Wakslak, C. J. , Smith, P. K. , & Han, A. (2014). Using abstract language signals power. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 107 (1), 41–55.
• Xiang, M. , & Kuperberg, A. (2014). Reversing expectations during discourse comprehension . Language, Cognition and Neuroscience , 30 , 648–672.
• Yzerbyt, V. (2016). Intergroup stereotyping. Current Opinion in Psychology , 11 , 90–95.

Related Articles

• Language Attitudes
• Vitality Theory
• The Politics of Translation and Interpretation in International Communication

Printed from Oxford Research Encyclopedias, Communication. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a single article for personal use (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).

date: 06 April 2024

• Cookie Policy
• Privacy Policy
• Legal Notice
• Accessibility
• [66.249.64.20|81.177.182.174]
• 81.177.182.174

Character limit 500 /500

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser .

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

• We're Hiring!
• Help Center

The Tempest as a Post-Colonial Text: Exploring Power, Identity, and Oppression

William Shakespeare's play "The Tempest" has been widely regarded as a post-colonial text due to its themes and portrayal of power dynamics, colonialism, and the effects of colonization on both colonizers and the colonized. This essay aims to delve into the post-colonial elements present in the play, examining how it challenges traditional narratives of colonialism and explores themes of power, identity, and oppression.

Related Papers

International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation

International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation (IJLLT)

The twentieth century brought about a new form of understanding, producing and living art that has become a mean to react against the oppression that different groups suffered for centuries. Post-colonial criticism is an approach of analysis that questions racial identity and gender equity. This study investigates how Shakespeare's plays relate to the social codes and the more recent history of the reception of Shakespearian drama within decolonization movements. The Tempest by Shakespeare is defined as a postcolonial text because the colonised is represented in regarding cultural hybridity in which the Self and the Other enlace the colonial experience. Literature has naturally given a voice to these omitted groups and this play is thought to be an early post-colonial work by some scholars. Shakespeare had intended to criticise the European attack of the new lands to the West, and the theme of colonialism is outrightly presented in The Tempest. Post-colonial reading of the text examines the projection of the colonial experience back to Europe. Slavery, colonialism, and the power of changing other civilisations by the West are themes to make inferences.

SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH

Prabha gour

William Shakespeare (1564-1616) is indubitably the best playwright of all time. He acquired an unique place in the world of literature. His plays earned international commendation and acceptance as the finest dramatist in the entire history of English literature. His play, The Tempest has been decoded differently by critics as a postcolonial text. In1611 when William Shakespeare wrote the play The Tempest, colonization was a recent concept in Britain. This paper is an attempt to inspect the postcolonial issues such as subjugation, dominance language, power and knowledge etc. and conjointly converse about the complex relationship that exist between the master and slave in The Tempest.

Talent Development & Excellence

Thamir R . S . Az-Zubaidy

William Shakespeare's The Tempest is both created in and influenced by an era when colonialism was coming into being. It begins with the arrival of a European coloniser, Prospero, to an island in the Mediterranean Sea where he imposes his colonial domination, norms and culture on its natives. In addition to exploring these issues, this paper examines questions of racism, slavery, suppression, and the role of language in consolidating the process of colonisation and maintaining the colonisercolonised politics. It also critiques the coloniser's involvement in the exchange of women as gifts for political gains as he does with his daughter Miranda. Moreover, while highlighting the discursive practices of othering the native, Caliban, the paper investigates his attempts to resist cultural and political European colonisation through Caliban's linguistic and political appropriation of Prospero's power.

Zahra Sadeghi

Colonization and imperialism are of those interesting critical conversation throughout the world and this study examines how English theater addressed, promoted, and at times challenged ideologies of colonization and notions of civility and civilization. The Tempest in regarded as a New World drama by many critics because of colonization and civilization debates presented on the London stage and depiction of the colonizers and the colonized to present and, at the same time, question those colonial debates. Shakespeare depicts the New World’s indigenous cultures in an ambiguous way to both present and question the ideologies of empire. This dramatization of the “other” helped sixteenth and seventeenth century audiences to recognize New World indigenous peoples as different rather than uncivilized and reevaluate what they have read or heard of these native peoples. Shakespeare presented the contemporary rhetoric through the medium of the theater and helped audience to visualize the process of conquest and colonization. He helped to civilize audiences about the reality of colonization, civility, and the New World. This theatrical medium makes audiences to challenge those established stereotypes of the New World natives and understand them as different, not inhuman or monster, and ignorant of European language and cultures, but no incapable of being civilized. Shakespeare, in dramatization of the New World, neither support nor oppose the process of colonization but he tries his best to show both sides of the issues and let the audiences to decide whether it is legitimate or not. This ambiguous representation of both colonizers and the colonized encourages the audience to examine colonial debates in as objective manner.

Md. A M I R Hossain

In this paper, my purpose is to focus on the underlying reading of The Tempest in the 21st century attempt with a view to revealing the colonizing attitudes of human psychology and embittered experiences of nations, ethnic groups and race. Shakespeare’s The Tempest during the late 20th century and early 21st century has been influenced by “post-colonialism” from the point of view of either Prospero or Caliban. Post-colonial criticism is dealt with Western colonialism of different nations, creed, and caste with the colonial relations of hegemony and submission, especially with regard to race and gender. Shakespeare has drawn upon the language of prayer and religion as a storehouse of emotion and symbol for which his audience and reader are readily responsive as a mode of intensified expression for the feelings and values. Shakespeare’s curses are the language of fury, hatred, helplessness, and despair wrought to its uttermost. The language of prayer is used in expressions of love, kindness, and gratitude, in outbursts of joy and wonder, and in countless eloquent pleadings for mercy, forgiveness, and compassion. The discourse of prayer, elegant and artful thought is an attempt to euphemize the 21st post-colonial domination of the island. Prospero’s ideas and thoughts extend the discourse of prayer into the life of audience. Caliban’s curses are regarded as an integral part to the dialectical structure and the discourse of prayer in the play for which they belong as cataplectic threats of Prospero. Ariel is being held to his side of a bargain at a time of desperate need; Ferdinand is being tested in self-control and in his respect for Miranda; Prospero’s enemies are subjected to corrective punishments designed to bring them through suffering to self-knowledge and a change of heart. Keywords: Ariel, Caliban, Ferdinand, Post-colonialism, Prospero, The Tempest

Deborah I K E O L U W A Jayeoba

This study seeks to explore and enunciate the characteristics of and pointers to the presence of colonialism which validates the events of colonialism in these three plays: William Shakespeare’s The Tempest, Aime Casaire’s A Tempest and Esiaba Irobi’s Sycorax. William Shakespeare’s The Tempest exposes a Western view and political indifference to colonialism; neither invalidating nor justifying. Aime Casaire’s A Tempest and Esiaba Irobi’s Sycorax presents a writing back and questioning as it restructures the narrative of colonialism in its adaptation of William Shakespeare’s The Tempest.

Rituparna Paul

The objective is to present a critical study of discursive practices of ‘othering’. The post colonial critics have referred to Caliban as the ‘other’ and this makes ground for us to delve into the politics of unsaid, or things that have been omitted. Hence, the chief focus of a post-colonial investigation of The Tempest is through the character of Caliban, seen not as the ‘deformed slave’ of the dramatis personae but as a native of the island over whom Prospero has imposed a form of colonial domination.

Ramayana Lira

Taking on assumptions about oppression, identity and representation as they are developed in contemporary postcolonial theory, this study proposes the analysis of the 1993 theatrical production of William Shakespeare's The Tempest by The Royal Shakespeare Company (RSC). It aims to discuss the role of Caliban's monstrosity in the production and how it pertains to issues such as power relations and spectacle. The main benefit of doing an analysis of a performance of a Shakespearean text seems to be the possibility of seeing the play's meaning as contingent, as a result of a series of elements (actor's body, visual clues, the theatrical institution, spectatorship) that release it from the burden of being considered as the work of a single, universal, non- contradictory mind that contemporary criticism has pointed out as the 'Shakespeare Myth'. I conclude that the 1993 RSC production presents a Tempest that, in many ways, reinforces traditional positions about th...

International Review of Humanities Studies

amir mohammad

The paper focuses on how the colonizers who in this play are Prospero and Miranda in particular, endeavor to inflict their own socio-cultural precept including their language to make the colonized fully unprotected in The Tempest as a colonial play, but eventually fail to fulfill this attempt. In addition, the high importance of learning the language of the colonizer by the colonized gets illuminated which finally contributes to Caliban so as to undermine the roots of the colonizer in the colony. This article fully evaluates affected literary works by The Tempest, the importance of transferring the colonizer's language to the colony, and the main colonizer and his manners and attitudes towards the colonized; it also brings forth postcolonial concepts including Mimicry, Orientalism, the double consciousness of the colonized and his unhomeliness. Furthermore, it features the dirge situation of mimic men who come across a disappointing dead end from both colonizers and the colonized. After all, this article reflects on the ever-presence of ambivalence and mimicry in colonial discourse and also the vital importance of violence as an inseparable part of the decolonization.

Injamamul Hoque

RELATED PAPERS

Muhammad Ansorudin

Anais do XX Congresso Brasileiro de Engenharia Química

Kassia Santos

Marisa Duran

Rodolfo Console

Homo Oeconomicus

JAIRO ISAI ALVAREZ VILLANUEVA

Medico Legal Update

Suryani As’Ad

Bulletin of Latin American Research

Barry Cannon

Surface Science

Angelika Chassé

Veterinary Parasitology

Thaise Yumie Tomokane

Ingeniare. Revista chilena de ingeniería

Jose Luis Peralta

Mairaya Almaguer López

Ethnic and Racial Studies

George Morgan

Journal of the American Society of Hypertension

Nenad Radivojevic

Computer and Information Science

Apostolos Axenopoulos

IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science

La Ode Ahmad Nur Ramadhan

Neuropeptides

Youssoufou Ouedraogo

Smart Urban Development

Ms. Raseswari Pradhan

Brazilian Journal of Pharmaceutical Sciences

André R Baby

Remate de Males

Ivan Forneron

Desalination and Water Treatment

Alok Mittal

Proceedings of the 5th edition of the Computer Science Research Days, JRI 2022, 24-26 November 2022, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso

Pasteur Poda

Jurnal Indonesia Sosial Teknologi

Ahdiyatul Hidayah

Michael Johnson Nabie

International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences

Nurfahiratul Ahmad

See More Documents Like This

RELATED TOPICS

•   We're Hiring!
•   Help Center
• Find new research papers in:
• Health Sciences
• Earth Sciences
• Cognitive Science
• Mathematics
• Computer Science
• Academia ©2024

Exploring power dynamics in women’s history

Thursday, Mar 28, 2024 • Cristal Gonzalez : contact

In the long history of women’s activism, you’ll find a thread uniting the change-makers: women who aren’t afraid to stand up, speak out, and question existing power structures.

It’s something that fascinates Stephanie Cole, associate professor of history and department chair, whose research and teaching often center on understanding not only the lives of women activists, particularly in the South, but also the contexts in which they lived, fought and made an impact.

“What motivates me is really figuring out who has power and why,” she said. “We can’t really answer those questions unless we look at the experiences of all sorts of people, including those who don’t have power. Often, that’s going to be women.”

Numerous factors come into play when we think about women and power, Cole said. One example: In the decades leading up to the Civil War, divorce laws began changing in women’s favor in the North but remained stagnant in the South, a region that was upholding traditional power structures.

“Race and gender are completely tied up in each other,” she said. “Southerners held on to the notion that divorce would be a bad idea and that women should play an ornamental role. If you can uphold that gender hierarchy, it’s easier to hold on to the racial hierarchy. The two are invested in one another.”

Cole pointed out, however, that Texas historically was much more inclusive of women’s rights than other areas of the South because of its colonial Spanish roots. It’s one of many aspects of Texas women’s history explored in a book she co-edited, “Texas Women: Their Histories, Their Lives,” which won the Texas State Historical Association’s Liz Carpenter Prize.

“Texas embedded Spanish code involving women, which is quite different from English common law,” Cole said. “For example, Spanish code acknowledged women’s ability to hold property. Texas became kind of an amalgamation of Spanish and English laws.”

Cole also examines women and work, particularly the ways that society values or undervalues women’s labor. She pointed to the example of Margaret Reid, an economist in the 1930s who pioneered research into the importance of nonmarket activities, such as household labor, to the economy. 

“I think the pandemic illustrated the cost in underestimating what has traditionally been women’s labor,” Cole said. “When women left the workforce to take care of their children, our economy paid the price in part because we don’t count unpaid work in any official capacity. There’s still so much to still be understood about women’s economic contributions in the 20th and 21st centuries.”

Examining how women’s contributions to society have historically been undervalued is also important, Cole said, because it helps us understand our existing power structures and how we might improve things.

“I can get worried about women’s rights and equality in contemporary society, but in my own experience in the classroom with my students, I see they’re interested, they’re involved, and they’re engaged. They get it,” she said. “UTA students really lift me up.”

- Written by Amber Scott – Office of Marketing, Messaging, and Engagement

We use cookies to enhance our website for you. Proceed if you agree to this policy or learn more about it.

• Essay Database >
• Essay Examples >
• Essays Topics >
• Essay on Power

Power Dynamic Essays Examples

Type of paper: Essay

Topic: Power , Nursing , Health , Development , Nurses , Breastfeeding , Care , Dynamics

Words: 2750

Published: 03/30/2023

ORDER PAPER LIKE THIS

Introduction

The changes occurring in the health sector has been one of the main concerns of health professionals and researchers. Due to the changes of the demographics and health status of patients along with the current technological advances, it has been assumed that the old strategies used could no longer suffice for the current global health concerns. Thus, it is necessary to consider revisions and improvements when it comes to the advancements of medical technology along with the other issues related to the implementation of certain interventions and promotion of the fundamental goals of health development (United Nations Development Program, 2006). One of the factors that greatly contribute to the hierarchy and structure in the field of health policy is power dynamics. Power has been defined as the degree of control given to particular sections and representatives of the society over particular resources such as material, human, financial, and even intellectual resources. Different sectors in the society achieve a certain source of power in the individually or socially by having control of the abovementioned resources (VeneKlasen & Miller, 2006; Pettit, 2012). Currently, the concept of power is not considered as absolute but dynamic and relational. It is usually associated in the social, economic, and even political relations apparent between individuals and organizations in the society. In the field of health care and health policy, one of the main concerns when it comes to power dynamic is the unequal distribution of power among some individuals and groups. It has been acknowledged that the degree of power given to an individual or a particular group is dependent on the different types of resources they can control and handle (VeneKlasen & Miller, 2006; Pettit, 2012). An individual possesses power by engaging in a dynamic relationship with other individuals and stakeholders; however, the degree of power an individual possesses mainly depends on the individual’s nature of relationship which tends to be associated with the characteristics of the individual and the situations or positions where they are assigned. Thus, despite the numerous types of power, there are only two basic types to be considered namely personal power and position power. Personal power is dependent on the characteristics of an individual such as respect, skills and expertise, and general likability. On the other hand, position power is dependent on the position or job status of an individual within a society or an organization. Position power is bounded by the rules and regulations of the society or of the organization (Akioyamen, 2014). In the field of health care, nurses are considered to be stakeholders in the development and implementation of health policy because they work alongside with other teams or groups. Thus, it is necessary for the stakeholders to be aware of their power to be able to use this in the development and implementation of new interventions and strategies that can aid in the current problems of the society. Additionally, they should also be able to take note of the power dynamics in their institutions to empower and encourage them when it comes to the various decision-making processes. In the relationship between nurses and patients, it can be claimed that nurses have more power than the patients because of the former’s access and knowledge of the healthcare system and privileged information. However, this power dynamic is not apparent because nurses tend to be reluctant to acknowledge and exert this power. In line with this, this paper aims to critically appraise the power dynamic that exists during interprofessional collaborations especially when developing interventions or projects associated with vaccinations among selected populations. Additionally, it also aims to demonstrate the application of legitimate and illegitimate power which affects the outcomes of the health policy (McDonald, Jayasuriya, & Harris, 2012).

Description of the Power Dynamic

The dynamics in power is mainly apparent during collaborations among different health professionals. Most of the time, nurses collaborate with physicians, researchers, educators, and medical specialists to be able to compile information and devise a plan that can improve the current status of health care in their respective institutions. These collaborations tend to result to conflicts and disagreements because of the overlapping of different roles and the boundaries of respective roles. The absence of the shared decision-making process is also a concern because it leads to inefficiency when it comes to the development and implementation of various health interventions and strategies. Conflicts and disagreements during interprofessional collaboration suggest a presence of power and authority issues within the organization. During interprofessional collaborations, other professionals tend to initiate conversations more because they have higher positions and power than other professionals. The presence of this type of power dynamics in the health sector limits the participation and contributions of other health professionals especially in terms of the brain storming process (McDonald, Jayasuriya, & Harris, 2012). According to the study of Ponte, et al. (2007) entitled “The Power of Professional Nursing Practice- An Essential Element of Patient and Family Centered Care”, nurses tend to view their power according to personal experiences and experiences of other colleagues. Additionally, it was revealed that majority of the nurses believed that their power is dependent on one’s own knowledge, expertise, and skill set in terms of the different important aspects in the nursing practice such as technical, analytical, and interpersonal aspects. Among these, it has been observed that the expertise and skillset of nurses tend to be directed solely on the patients and the relatives of the person they are attending to. These findings support the claim that the collective power of nurses tend to be dependent of the various actions, behaviors, and personality of nurses as an individual (Komatsu &Yagasaki, 2014; Peltomaa, et al, 2012). Power acquired by different individuals can either be legitimate or illegitimate. The legitimacy of power is necessary to obtain the trust and cooperation of workmates and subordinates. It has been revealed that legitimacy can provide the “cushion of support for authority” due to the fact that having a legitimate power means that the powerful individual has been conventionally accepted by subordinates. Various studies revealed that the appraisals in legitimacy of power is fundamental when it comes to the acceptance or rejection of the existing power differences among individuals and groups. Additionally, these appraisals are considered to be determining factors of the differences in power when it comes to an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and even actions. On the other hand, illegitimate power is a source of difference in power which can have a negative impact in the working relationships between the person involved and other workmates. According to the studies and theories in justice, workmates or subordinates will experience anger when faced with a perceived unfair or unjust treatment (Hennes, Ruisch, Feygina, Monteiro, & Jost, 2016). Despite these theories that reveal the rejection of power without adequate explanation, there are currently two lines of research which are actively proposing the tendency of individuals to accept pseudo-explanations or illegitimate explanations for differences in power. One of these researches is the study conducted by Langer, et al. (1978) which revealed that uninformative, placebic explanations and reasons are already enough for obtaining compliance among workmates and subordinates. The results of the study revealed that individuals are motivated to work and cooperate with the person in power provided that the reasons for the power was legitimate and rational. Additionally, the perspective of system justification also hypothesized that individuals have the tendency to actively engage in the legitimation of the social reality up to the point of justifying personal positions of power or powerlessness. Thus, it has was concluded that individuals use cognitive and memory functions to look beyond the facts and information provided in determining the legitimacy of the power (Hennes, Ruisch, Feygina, Monteiro, & Jost, 2016). The power dynamics that exist during interprofessional collaborations can impact the health policy outcome in terms of the legitimacy or illegitimacy of the power. When developing new interventions associated with the improvement of vaccination rates among a selected population, interprofessional collaboration is necessary because there are several tasks that can be designated to different professionals. For example, the provision of detailed facts and information about the current statistics of vaccination rates can be done by nurses and health researchers. On the other hand, the development of interventions and strategies can be led by public health professionals and advisers. Physicians and other administrative staff can also provide guidance when it comes to gathering different professionals and initiating group discussions during decision-making processes. As mentioned earlier, conflicts and miscommunications may occur because of the power dynamics that exist within the group. When the power of the health professionals who lead the group discussions is legitimate, other health professionals will have trust and confidence on the ability of the leader to lead the group. Additionally, this trust allows other health professionals to share their insights regarding the interventions and suggestions on the innovations that aim to improve the health status of individuals. On the contrary, the presence of illegitimate power within the group can lead to mistrust and judgments which can eventually act as a barrier towards the improvements in the health policy analysis and decision-making process of the implementations of various interventions and strategies (McDonald, Jayasuriya, & Harris, 2012).

Reflection on the Power Dynamic

Changes in the macro, meso, and micro system levels of healthcare can be dependent on the different driving and restraining forces. Driving forces are defined as elements and factors that are responsible for the promotion or progress of changes in the system. On the other hand, restraining or static forces are elements or factors that negate the progress or promotion towards change. Restraining or static forces simply act as opposing elements of change (Sutherland, 2013). According to the study conducted by Suhonen, Välimäki, and Leino-Kilpi (2009) entitled “The driving and restraining forces that promote and impede the implementation of individualized nursing care: a literature review”, the main categories that can describe and identify the restraining and driving forces of change include: (1) personal characteristics of nurses; (2) enhancement of skills; (3) ethical issue; (4) delivery and interventions related to nursing care; (5) characteristics of patients; (6) organization and structure at work; (7) staffing; (8) group dynamics and teamwork; and (9) leadership and management styles (Suhonen, Välimäki, & Leino-Kilpi, 2009). The above-mentioned categories can act as a driving or restraining force. For example, the characteristics of nurses can either promote or negate the advances towards change in terms of health policy. If a nurse is optimistic, critical, and cooperative during the process of policy analysis and brainstorming, progress and promotion can be attained because nurses with these characteristics actively participate in group discussion to encourage accurate and efficient inputs on the status of patient care. On the contrary, when a nurse is unenthusiastic, uncooperative, and passive, progress and change on the micro, meso, and macro levels are unattainable because there is stakeholder who is not actively participating in group discussions. This can lead to inaccuracies when it comes to diagnosing the main problems of the different health strategies and interventions (Suhonen, Välimäki, & Leino-Kilpi, 2009). The next categories (skills enhancement and ethical issue) act as a driving force (the former) and restraining force (the latter). Skills enhancement act as a driving force that impact the power of nursing because obtaining additional trainings and other skill enhancement programs can provide nurses with legitimate power. Enhancement of skills can encourage nurses to actively participate in policy analysis in the micro, meso, and even macro levels because they are competent and are back up by their training and skills records. It has been acknowledged that the participation of nurses in these events is considered to be advantageous because of the knowledge and experience of nurses when it comes to patient care. On the other hand, the ethical issues can act as restraining force when it comes to the changes in the health care sector. Ethical issues limit the scope of changes and improvements that health professionals can tackle. It is important to consider these ethical issues to ensure that the benefits always outweigh the risks involved in certain advancements (Suhonen, Välimäki, & Leino-Kilpi, 2009). The other categories mentioned above can act as both driving and restraining force. These categories can act as driving forces that can impact the power of nursing when there are sufficient and appropriate health interventions and strategies, when the characteristics of the patients are receptive and positive, when there is an organized structure at work, when the staffing at the institution is sufficient, when there is a coordinated dynamics and teamwork at work, and when the leadership and management styles promote and encourage collaboration among health professionals. However, the opposite of these categories can act as restraining forces because they would serve as barriers in improving the power of nursing and in promoting changes in the health policies and interventions of institutions in the micro, meso, and macro system levels of health care (Suhonen, Välimäki, & Leino-Kilpi, 2009). During interprofessional collaborations for the development of innovations and strategies, the characteristics of the professionals as well as the availability of the resources are considered to be important factors that can either act as driving or restraining forces. In the micro and meso levels of health care, it is easier for nurses to interact and reach out to patients to help improve the vaccination rates within the particular population. However, it is harder for improvements to take place at the macro system of health care because a bigger number of health professionals are needed to collaborate to attain improvement in vaccination rates in the macro level. Thus, it is important to properly address the power dynamics that exist among the professionals to establish a positive working atmosphere and an organized structure that allows open discussions and brain-storming processes (Suhonen, Välimäki, & Leino-Kilpi, 2009).

Power dynamic is a term that can be applied in the different sectors of governments and health institutions. Thus, it is necessary to consider that different problems and benefits that can arise from the power dynamics present at a particular institution. In the field of health care, it is important to consider the legitimacy of power to ensure that professionals are capable of initiating and sustaining improvements and changes in the health policies and strategies associated with patient care. In totality, it is important to consider the different restraining and driving forces that can impact the power of health professionals to point out possible areas of improvement. Additionally, possible problems may be prevented by taking note of the categories that may negate or promote changes in power dynamics and health policies (VeneKlasen & Miller, 2006; Pettit, 2012).

Akioyamen, L.E. (2014). Power in Individuals Groups, and the Nursing Profession: An Exposition. International Journal of Nursing Student Scholarship 1: Article 1. Hennes, E.P., Ruisch, B.C., Feygina, I., Monteiro, C.A., and Jost, J.T. (2016). Motivated Recall in the Service of the Economic System: The Case of Anthropogenic Climate Change. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 145(6):755-771. Komatsu, H. and Yagasaki, K. (2014). The Power of nursing: Guiding patients through a journey of uncertainty. European Journal of Oncology Nursing 18(4): 419-424. Langer, E., Blank, A., and Chanowitz, B. (1978). The Mindlessness of Ostensibly Thoughtful Action: The Role of “Placebic” Information in Interpersonal Interaction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 36(6): 635-542. McDonald, J., Jayasuriya, R., Harris, M.K. (2012). The influence of power dynamics and trust on multidisciplinary collaboration: a qualitative case study of type 2 diabetes mellitus. BMC Health Services Research 12(63). Peltomaa, K., Viinikainen, S., Rantanen, A., Sieloff, C., Asikainen, P., and Suominen, T. (2012). Nursing power as viewed by nursing professionals. Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences 27(3): 580-588. Pettit, J. (2012). Empowerment and Participation: bridging the gap between understanding and practice. New York, NY: United Nations Headquarters. Ponte, P.R., Glazer, G., Dann, E., McCollum, K., Gross, A., Tyrell, R., Branowicki, P., Noga, P., Winfrey, M., Cooley, M., Saint-Eloi, S., Hayes, C., Nicolas, P.K., and Washington, D. (2007). The Power of Professional Nursing Practice—An Essential Element of Patient and Family Centered Care. The Online Journal of Issues in Nursing 12(1). Suhonen, R., Välimäki, M., and Leino-Kilpi, H. (2009). The driving and restraining forces that promote and impede the implementation of individualized nursing care: a literature review. International Journal of Nursing Studies 46(12): 1637-1649. Sutherland, K. (2013). Applying Lewin’s Change Management Theory to the Implementation of Bar-Coded Medication Administration. Canadian Journal of Nursing Informatics 8(1). United Nations Development Program. (2006). UN Millennium Project. Retrieved from http://www.unmillenniumproject.org/documents/maternalchild-chapters1-2.pdf [Accessed on 25 Jul 2016] VeneKlasen, L. and Miller, V. (2006). Dynamics of Power, Inclusion, and Exclusion. Nonprofit Online News Journal: 38-56.

Cite this page

Share with friends using:

Removal Request

Finished papers: 1429

This paper is created by writer with

ID 271579796

If you want your paper to be:

Well-researched, fact-checked, and accurate

Original, fresh, based on current data

Eloquently written and immaculately formatted

275 words = 1 page double-spaced

Get your papers done by pros!

Other Pages

Good order 310815 essay example, free jetblue case study example, errol morris documentary on rick rosner one in a million trillion essays example, malcom x research paper example, free art and architecture essay sample, good essay on eve egoyan bio, free politics and history of latin america essay sample, good migrant mother the screech for help essay example, accounting essay example, crohns disease research paper, free course work on queer theory, government regulation over the internet argumentative essay examples, course work on holy spirit, repression research papers examples, free jerusalem and mecca research paper sample, example of starbucks corporation essay, example of research methods essay 2, what are the effects of using social media research proposal examples, martin luther essay samples, free gender essay example, good governing cross sector collaboration essay example, economic development article review samples, why do we need morality essay, essay on copper and copper alloys, example of essay on the year is 2040, curbs essays, coloni essays, beboppers essays, cognisant essays, cognizing essays, dashing essays, arthurian essays, checksums essays, blurrier essays, exogamy essays, endogamy essays, shutting essays, moniz essays, boston marathon essays, boylston essays, boca raton essays, computer network essays, club drug essays.

Password recovery email has been sent to [email protected]

Use your new password to log in

You are not register!

By clicking Register, you agree to our Terms of Service and that you have read our Privacy Policy .

Now you can download documents directly to your device!

Check your email! An email with your password has already been sent to you! Now you can download documents directly to your device.

or Use the QR code to Save this Paper to Your Phone

The sample is NOT original!

Short on a deadline?

Don't waste time. Get help with 11% off using code - GETWOWED

No, thanks! I'm fine with missing my deadline

What Are Power Dynamics? (Meaning & Examples)

Power dynamics are an issue of tremendous social import. The power distribution in a society and amongst people can have a great impact on the lives and circumstances of people around the world.

So, what exactly does this phrase mean? And in which circumstances can power dynamics develop?

What Are Power Dynamics?

“Power dynamics” refer to the degree of influence or control one person, or group of people, can exercise over another person or group of people. There are various types of power, which may impact the various types of relationships and interrelationships between people, whether personally or systemically.

“Power” has become the topic of a great deal of social commentary in recent times and has been a relevant issue for a number of centuries.

The Cambridge Dictionary defines “power” as “the ability to control people and events”. It defines “dynamics” as “forces or processes that produce change inside a group or system”.

With these definitions in mind, we can guess that the phrase “power dynamics” refers to how power, or the capacity to exercise some form of control, produces change within and among groups in society.

What Are Power Dynamics in a Relationship?

“Power dynamics” in the context of a relationship has to do with the degree of control one person in the relationship may have or exercise over the other person in that relationship.

Whether familial, romantic, or platonic, there are bound to be certain power dynamics at play in any relationships between people.

Because children need guidance and care, their parents are often responsible for exercising some level of control and influence over them. This is an example of a power dynamic between the parent and child.

From this example, you can see that there is nothing inherently wrong with power dynamics. However, in certain circumstances, these kinds of dynamics can create toxicity.

Consider the following sentence:

• Financial independence can reduce the formation of unhealthy power dynamics in a relationship.

This sentence likely refers to a romantic relationship. These kinds of relationships generally take place between two, consenting adults.

When one partner in a relationship has a surplus of power over the other partner, this can be used to exercise unhealthy control over the other partner. This can lead to unhealthy relationship dynamics.

What Are Power Dynamics in Society?

“Power dynamics”, in a particular society, refer to the degree of control some members of that society may exercise over other members of that society.

• If we want to create meaningful change in our society, we should tackle the power dynamics currently at play.

Most, if not all, societies are made up of numerous groups. These groups can be based on age, gender, race, class, or any other characteristics.

A power imbalance may form in a society where one of these groups acquires more political, economic, or social power. Often, this would be the political leaders and other important branches within a society.

However, power may be attributed to groups within a society for arbitrary purposes, such as historical legacies or unfair exploitation of other groups.

Oppression occurs when a group with a surplus of power exercises unfair influence or control over other groups, which may have less power.

What Are Power Dynamics in the Workplace?

Power dynamics in a workplace are often most keenly seen in employer-employee relationships. Because employers have control over the position and wages of employees, a power dynamic inevitably develops.

• We have formed a trade union to ensure that employers cannot take advantage of the one-sided power dynamics that are inherent in the workplace.

Employees in organizations are often in a precarious position. They rely on their jobs to survive, which means that their employers have a great deal of power over their circumstances and finances.

Although employers need their employees, they maintain control over the salaries, hours, and working conditions of employees, which is a great deal of power.

When employers abuse these power dynamics, employees often suffer as a result. It is for this reason that trade unions and workers’ unions are formed. These associations are built with employee rights in mind and are designed to extinguish unfair power imbalances in the workplace.

What Are Power Dynamics in Research?

Whatever the field or topic, research is often funded by certain institutions. A power dynamic can form in these circumstances, as researchers may be pressured to return results that are to the benefit of their funding institution.

• The Old Sport institution has threatened to cut our funding if we don’t explain away our findings.

In short, researchers in any field need financial support to carry out their tasks. Research often requires travel, equipment, and various other resources. So, how to researchers receive funding?

Generally, they’ll approach a wealthy institution, university, or organization to receive funding. They’ll make their case and explain why said institute should take an interest in, and ultimately fund, their work.

Herein lies the problem. Since researchers rely on these institutions to fund their work, a power dynamic is formed. The institute acquires power over the fate and work of these researchers and may use this power to manipulate the results according to their own interests.

Are Power Dynamics Good?

Power dynamics are not necessarily bad. However, if the side with a surplus of power abuses said power, this can result in oppression and toxicity.

In some situations, power dynamics are necessary. Members of the government should exercise some control over the citizens of a society. Parents must exercise control over their children.

However, power dynamics may be abused in practice, and the results are often devastating to the group subject to that control.

Final Thoughts

Power dynamics are a highly complex issue. They refer to the control or influence that one group can exercise over another. In some cases, they are inevitable and necessary. But when a power imbalance develops within a dynamic, there are often societal consequences.

Martin holds a Master’s degree in Finance and International Business. He has six years of experience in professional communication with clients, executives, and colleagues. Furthermore, he has teaching experience from Aarhus University. Martin has been featured as an expert in communication and teaching on Forbes and Shopify. Read more about Martin here .

• 10 Better Ways To Say “I Have A Degree In”
• 8 Ways to Say You’ve Finished Your Bachelor’s Degree
• 10 Better Ways To Say “Our” And “We” In Formal Essays
• 8 Better Ways to Say “Master’s Graduate”

• Environment
• Information Science
• Social Issues
• Argumentative
• Cause and Effect
• Classification
• Compare and Contrast
• Descriptive
• Exemplification
• Informative
• Controversial
• Exploratory
• What Is an Essay
• Length of an Essay
• Generate Ideas
• Types of Essays
• Structuring an Essay
• Outline For Essay
• Essay Introduction
• Thesis Statement
• Body of an Essay
• Writing a Conclusion
• Essay Writing Tips
• Drafting an Essay
• Revision Process
• Fix a Broken Essay
• Format of an Essay
• Essay Examples
• Essay Checklist
• Essay Writing Service
• Pay for Research Paper
• Write My Research Paper
• Write My Essay
• Custom Essay Writing Service
• Admission Essay Writing Service
• Pay for Essay
• Academic Ghostwriting
• Write My Book Report
• Case Study Writing Service
• Dissertation Writing Service
• Coursework Writing Service
• Lab Report Writing Service
• Do My Assignment
• Buy College Papers
• Capstone Project Writing Service
• Buy Research Paper
• Custom Essays for Sale

Can’t find a perfect paper?

• Free Essay Samples

The Dynamics of Power

Updated 18 July 2023

Downloads 35

Category Life ,  Psychology ,  Sociology

Topic Power ,  Authority ,  Community

The Nature of Power

The capacity to directly or indirectly affect others' actions and behaviors in a specific environment is referred to as power. In different social structures around the globe, the idea of power is viewed in different ways. Power is viewed as a secluded talent in many different cultural contexts, making those who wield it special members of society. In other communities, the aspect of power is connected to egotistical actions taken to further one's own wants, objectives, and interests. According to the social environment in which I was raised, the notion of power has to do with the decisions that a particular leader makes regarding how people live. It is evident that social arrangements usually happen and other occurrences may be beyond human control. For this reason, an individual who is able to take up the role of correcting such social situations and leading individuals into making the right decisions is regarded to possess some form or power.

Misuse of Power

The way power is used determines the kind of social structure that a society conforms to. Indeed, power may be progressive or retrogressive depending on the kind of manifestation that it is subjected to. The misuse of power in our workplaces and society occurs in most cases and such situations tend to be emotionally and physically destructive. For instance, situations such as public humiliation, use of disrespectful language and use of discriminatory comments are some of the examples of misuse of power that makes me feel uncomfortable. Such actions, which may be termed as coercive power, tend to cause emotional distress to the affected victims and thus result to social hatred.

Power Dynamics in the Workplace

Being a school teacher, I encounter with various power dynamics in my workplace, which include coercive power, connection power, expert power, and legitimate power. Coercive power relates to the people who have the authority to punish students and maintain discipline in them. In some cases, such power has been reported to be misused and this may be as a result of the effect of racial factors. Connection power relates to the advantage that one bears depending on the people that someone knows in an organization. For instance, a teacher that intends to be promoted may misuse such power and confront top leaders to get such favor. On the other hand, expert power is based on one's ability and skills towards a particular field. I have witnessed the abuse of expert power in my work place through some teachers who had the skill in a particular field and thus dictated how a curriculum arrangement regarding that field would be conducted. Despite the sensitive use of power by individuals, I have witnessed the positive use of power through a colleague, who is the deputy principal in the school. The teacher inspires me since he does not listen to compromises and acts on a fair basis depending on the school code of conduct.

The Importance of Power

Before understanding the nature and dynamics of power, I used to believe that an exclusive power that is granted to a specific individual is not necessary and thus every individual should have equal authority and power. Well, this concept was based on the notion that people tend to misuse power when granted to them and therefore, we should all exercise equal power to eliminate such situations. For this reason, I would become more critical and intolerant to the people that have been granted authority in the society. Later on, I came to understand that power is an important aspect and it should exist and be manifested in the environment we live in. Indeed, even in classrooms, it is essential for a teacher to indicate positive and guiding power to students in order to provide directions to the students. The lack of power in the society may result in disorder and thus, it is important for the government to exercise power in order to maintain law and order in the society. In conclusion, power can be progressive or destructive and for that reason, any individual with any form of power should use it for the benefit of many through proper leadership and guidance.

Deadline is approaching?

Wait no more. Let us write you an essay from scratch

Related Essays

Related topics.

Find Out the Cost of Your Paper

Type your email

By clicking “Submit”, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy policy. Sometimes you will receive account related emails.

The Tempest

William shakespeare, everything you need for every book you read..

From the opening scene of The Tempest during the storm, when the ruling courtiers on the ship must take orders from their subjects, the sailors and the boatswain, The Tempest examines a variety of questions about power: Who has it and when? Who's entitled to it? What does the responsible exercise of power look like? How should power be transferred? The play is full of examples of power taken by force, and in each case these actions lead to political instability and further attempts to gain power through violence. Antonio and Alonso's overthrow of Prospero leads to Antonio and Sebastian's plot to overthrow Alonso, just as Prospero's overthrow and enslavement of Caliban leads Caliban to seek revenge.

Ultimately, it is only when Prospero breaks the cycle of violence by refusing to take revenge on Alonso, Antonio, Sebastian, or Caliban that the political tensions in the play are calmed and reconciled. After Prospero's merciful refusal to seek revenge, Alonso and Prospero quickly come to an understanding and unite their once warring cities through the marriage of their children. The Tempest suggests that compromise and compassion are more effective political tools than violence, imprisonment, or even magic.

Power ThemeTracker

Power Quotes in The Tempest