gender identity in sports essay

• Reference Manager
• Simple TEXT file

People also looked at

Opinion article, transgender athletes in sports competitions: how policy measures can be more inclusive and fairer to all.

• 1 Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, United States
• 2 Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery Department, Rush University Medical Center, Chicago, IL, United States

Introduction

Recently, there has been much debate over the inclusion of transgender athletes in elite athletic competitions. Since the transgender population in the United States and worldwide is increasing every year ( Meerwijk and Sevelius, 2017 ) and with it the transgender athletic population, it's important to establish athletic policies that are both inclusive and fair to avoid future conflicts. In this article, environmental and social barriers to transgender athlete participants as well as biological differences related to athletic performance are examined. A review of the current athletic policies and suggestions for potential policy updates are provided. We acknowledge that this is a relatively under-researched field and that there is no clear-cut solution. However, we believe this topic is important and we hope to contribute to the ongoing discussion.

Barriers to Participation

It's important to first address some of the barriers transgender athletes face to participate in sports competitions before examining the current policies behind their participation. A recent study showed that transgender men (TGM) are significantly more likely to participate in team sports than transgender women (TGW) but that this difference is not apparent for individual sports ( López-Cañada et al., 2020 ). Transgender women have previously stated that the primary barrier to their participation is the lack of an environment that is both inclusive and comfortable ( Jones et al., 2017 ), and this could contribute to their decreased participation in team sports. More specifically, TGW perceive their voices to be a contributing barrier in their lack of participation ( Stewart et al., 2020 ). Sports that are strongly gendered create an environment for these athletes that makes them feel anxious that speaking out or cheering for their teammates could result in them not being identified as women ( Stewart et al., 2020 ). Similarly, sports clothing may serve as a barrier to participation because it can be physically revealing. For example, a TGW who has not had bottom surgery might use a “tucking” technique to hide the bulge of the penis and testicles. Sports bras can relatedly impact transgender athletes: TGW might add padding to their bras and TGM might bind their chests. Any of these actions could be uncomfortable to the athlete and/or hinder performance in sports competitions. Additionally, locker rooms and other team spaces are often strongly segregated by gender and transgender athletes may be excluded from areas that match their gender identity. Restricting athletes from such areas, regardless of whether they are allowed to participate, may have the effect of causing athletes feeling separated from their teammates and their gender identity invalidated ( Cunningham et al., 2018 ).

There is certainly an additive effect of the numerous barriers to participation discussed, but one of the most important and in some cases least understood barriers is stigma. Although stigma is not a novel concept, stigma in how it impacts transgender athletes is more of a recent phenomenon. The numerous roles of stigma are often under-recognized ( Hatzenbuehler, 2017 ), and acknowledging it prior to developing new policies could help to combat some of its negative effects. Transgender stigma, in general, limits opportunities and can have extremely negative effects on mental and physical health ( Hughto et al., 2015 ). Stigma acts at numerous levels (e.g., structural, interpersonal, and individual), and adopting interventions to address and combat the negative effects of stigma at all of these levels is an important aspect of developing any new policy ( Hughto et al., 2015 ), especially when this policy aims to include transgender athletes. This is especially significant in developing sports policy that addresses youth athletes, as transgender stigma can be heightened when geared toward transgender youth and adolescence is a critical point to target interventions ( Hatzenbuehler and Pachankis, 2016 ; Hatzenbuehler, 2017 ).

To add to these social and environmental barriers, athletic policy restrictions have also contributed to a decrease in participation of the transgender individuals in competitive sports ( Jones et al., 2017 ). The lack of consensus among the various athletic governing bodies makes it even more difficult to determine the exact policies to include transgender athletes in sports competitions. Acknowledging these barriers to participation is an extra element that should be included in the adoption of new athletic policies regarding transgender athletes.

Biological Differences Related to Athletic Performance

The current debate over including transgender athletes in sports competitions (in their current state) is centered on biological differences, most notably those between transgender and cisgender women. Performance disparities based on “assigned sex at birth” vary across sports—they are known to be the lowest for swimming and highest for track and field events ( Bassett et al., 2020 ). These differences in athletic performance don't appear until after puberty and are thought to be most likely due to increased circulating testosterone levels in the “male” assigned sex at birth athletes when compared to the “female” assigned sex at birth athletes ( Handelsman et al., 2018 ). However, there is a general lack of data showing that higher testosterone levels are correlated with improved athletic performance ( Karkazis, 2019 ).

Despite the lack of evidence, hormone therapies are currently being employed by TGW to suppress their testosterone levels to those more similar to cisgender women to comply with competition regulations. Interestingly, the muscular advantage of TGW over cis-gender women is only minimally reduced after testosterone suppression ( Hilton and Lundberg, 2021 ). This suggests that in certain athletic competitions which rely on muscles mass and explosive strength, TGW will still have a physical advantage even if they are able to lower their testosterone levels to the officially requested threshold. Other hormone therapies have been successful at decreasing hemoglobin levels in TGW after only 4 months, but remain unsuccessful at decreasing strength, lean body mass, and muscle area even if undergone for 36 months ( Harper et al., 2021 ). Although only slight changes are seen in TGW after hormone therapies, this is not the case for TGM. After only 1 year of gender-affirming hormone treatment, TGM were able to significantly increase muscle mass and strength ( Wilk et al., 2020 ). Without a scientific evidence that testosterone levels are mainly responsible for athletic performance discrepancies between transgender and cisgender women, TGW could be undergoing unnecessary treatments. More research is needed to show this link before athletic governing bodies can enforce decreased testosterone policies as a requirement for TGW to attend competitions.

While proposed methods for categorization may be considered as a “commonsense and clear-cut assessment” by many, they have all failed as they were not scientifically driven ( Karkazis, 2019 ). Authorities have used physical examination in 1960's, chromosomal testing in 1970's, and testosterone measurements in 2010's and 2020's for “sex testing” athletes to allow them to participate in competitions ( Karkazis, 2019 ). “Physical examination of genitals,” “chromosomes,” “gonads,” and more recently “hormones” have all been used in “sex testing” and as evidence for categorization in sports through the history albeit without success; mostly due to the fact that they were not scientifically based and only considered “common sense.”

Current Athletic Policies

A fundamental issue regarding the current sports policies on transgender athletes is that the governing bodies of different athletic organizations have very different policies these athletes must follow to be included in sports competitions. In 2019, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) restricted all athletes from competing in the female category unless they lowered their natural testosterone levels below 5 nmol/L ( Harper et al., 2018a ). This level was recently increased in 2021 to 10 nmol/L and the additional requirement of these levels being maintained for at least 12 months prior to competition was added ( Hilton and Lundberg, 2021 ). Unlike the IOC, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) has much less explicit guidelines for the inclusion of transgender athletes. They only require that TGW must complete at least one year of hormonal suppressive therapy to participate on a women's team, but do not require natural testosterone levels to be below a specific level ( NCAA Office of Inclusion, 2011 ). The NCAA's policies have not been updated since 2011, suggesting that there could be room for improvement based on new and more updated research.

As touched upon previously, the center of the debate over the inclusion of transgender athletes in sports competitions is the physical advantages that TGW could have. However, the “female” category for sports in general is ambiguous and not established in the same manner universally ( Ingram and Thomas, 2019 ). In order for competitions to remain fair, universal rules need to be created regarding the inclusion or exclusion of transgender athletes. Currently, policies and perceived fairness of inclusion vary immensely at the level of sporting competition ( Tanimoto and Miwa, 2021 ), meaning that there is a large difference in how transgender athletes are perceived at professional and non-professional levels. Setting the standards for their inclusion at the professional level, may result in other levels of sporting competitions (e.g., recreation leagues, high school athletics, sports clubs, etc.) following suit. However, it has also been argued that the aim of athletics at these non-professional levels is mass participation, and therefore more restrictive guidelines should be avoided ( Cunningham et al., 2018 ; Buzuvis, 2019 , 2021 ; Tanimoto and Miwa, 2021 ).

Both the medical and the scientific communities need to provide input to help guide the creation of such rules ( Ingram and Thomas, 2019 ), especially with hormone therapy expansions as well as increased research into the link between testosterone levels and increased athletic performance. While physicians will play an influential role in developing new sports policy, it is important to also acknowledge the roles of sports managers and others who have experience in sport governance and development. Opening conversations among all of these individuals is the first step to ensuring the success and implementation of new policies at all levels of sporting competitions.

Proposed Solutions

Numerous solutions have been proposed to include transgender athletes in sports competitions while being fair to all athletes. Since numerous nations around the world already allow a “third legal gender,” some have proposed extending this idea to elite sports as a separate category for athletes who identify as this gender ( Harper et al., 2018b ). A problem with this idea that it still excludes athletes who don't identify as the third legal gender, leaving some athletes without a category in which they can compete. Others suggest employing an algorithm that includes all athletes and divides them into categories based on both physiological and social parameters ( Anderson et al., 2019 ). This idea is still relatively new, and more research is needed to determine how inclusive this approach is and how effective it would be to enact.

Others suggest reforming sports policies to favor participation based on gender identity and not on biological sex ( Buzuvis, 2019 , 2021 ). This solution argues that in general, U.S. policies are on the side of inclusion and that this can readily extend into athletic policies, especially for youth athletes ( Buzuvis, 2019 , 2021 ). While there are certainly merits to this argument in terms of inclusion, it is difficult to completely ignore the biological arguments discussed previously. Thus, a solution that balances both inclusivity and fairness is the best approach to this problem in particular.

The most important parameters when assessing methods to improve current sports policies are determining how inclusive a policy is to transgender athletes and how fair it is to all athletes involved in competitions. Many suggest adding more categories under which athletes can compete ( Knox et al., 2019 ), upholding inclusivity without compromising fairness. However, it is unclear how many categories would need to be added to accomplish this feat and if athletic organizations can financially support a large number of athletic categories competing under each sport. For this reason, we suggest adding a third category to elite sports similar to that suggested above, but without the legal third gender requirement. This category would be considered “open,” meaning that any athlete can compete regardless of their gender identity. Male and female sports categories would still be included in this idea but adding an “open” category is more inclusive to all athletes who wish to participate. As we believe that gender is a no longer a binary concept, having an open category supports the inclusion of non-binary, transgender, and genderqueer groups of individuals in sports competitions. While this idea has its advantages and disadvantages, we believe that the language used in naming a third category is especially important and the term “open” is more inclusive than previous suggestions.

The population in the United States, similar to the rest of the world, is constantly changing and it's imperative that elite athletics mirrors these changes. This is especially relevant for the community of transgender athletes as they should be included in sports competitions in a fair and inclusive manner. It is clear that more research is needed to determine what advantages transgender athletes, particularly TGW, could have in athletic competitions. This needs to be accomplished prior to making definitive policy statements regarding the inclusion or exclusion of transgender athletes ( Johnston, 2020 ). In the meantime, current policies need to be careful in the language used in order to promote inclusivity.

Author Contributions

AH conceptualized the paper and AR wrote the first edition of the manuscript. AR and AH contributed to the manuscript with their expertise, read, edited, and approved the submitted version. Both authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Anderson, L., Knox, T., and Heather, A. (2019). Trans-athletes in elite sport: inclusion and fairness. Emerg. Top Life Sci . 3, 759–762. doi: 10.1042/ETLS20180071

PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Bassett, A. J., Ahlmen, A., Rosendorf, J. M., Romeo, A. A., Erickson, B. J., and Bishop, M. E. (2020). The biology of sex and sport. JBJS Rev . 8:e0140. doi: 10.2106/JBJS.RVW.19.00140

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

Buzuvis, E. (2021). Law, policy, and the participation of transgender athletes in the United States. Sports Manage. Rev . 1–13. doi: 10.1080/14413523.2021.1880757. [Epub ahead of print].

Buzuvis, E. E. (2019). Attorney General v. MIAA at Forty Years: A Critical Examination of Gender Segregation in High School Athletics in Massachusetts . Available online at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3714031 (accessed June 12, 2021).

Google Scholar

Cunningham, G. B., Buzuvis, E., and Mosier, C. (2018). Inclusive spaces and locker rooms for transgender athletes. Kinesiol. Rev . 7, 365–374. doi: 10.1123/kr.2017-0062

Handelsman, D. J., Hirschberg, A. L., and Bermon, S. (2018). Circulating testosterone as the hormonal basis of sex differences in athletic performance. Endocr. Rev . 39, 803–829. doi: 10.1210/er.2018-00020

Harper, J., Lima, G., Kolliari-Turner, A., Malinsky, F. R., Wang, F., Martinez-Patino, M. J., et al. (2018a). The fluidity of gender and implications for the biology of inclusion for transgender and intersex athletes. Curr. Sports Med. Rep. 17, 467–472. doi: 10.1249/JSR.0000000000000543

Harper, J., Martinez-Patino, M. J., Pigozzi, F., and Pitsiladis, Y. (2018b). Implications of a third gender for elite sports. Curr. Sports Med. Rep . 17, 42–44. doi: 10.1249/JSR.0000000000000455

Harper, J., O'Donnell, E., Sorouri Khorashad, B., McDermott, H., and Witcomb, G. L. (2021). How does hormone transition in transgender women change body composition, muscle strength, and haemoglobin? Systemic review with a focus on the implications for sport participation. Br. J. Sports Med. 2021, 1–9. doi: 10.1136/bjsports-2020-103106

Hatzenbuehler, M. L. (2017). Advancing research on structural stigma and sexual orientation disparities in mental health among youth. J. Clin. Child Adolesc. Psychol . 46, 462–475. doi: 10.1080/15374416.2016.1247360

Hatzenbuehler, M. L., and Pachankis, J. E. (2016). Stigma and minority stress as social determinants of health among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth: research evidence and clinical implications. Pediatr. Clin. North Am . 63, 985–997. doi: 10.1016/j.pcl.2016.07.003

Hilton, E. N., and Lundberg, T. R. (2021). Transgender women in the female category of sport: perspectives on testosterone suppression and performance advantage. Sports Med. 51, 199–214. doi: 10.1007/s40279-020-01389-3

Hughto, J. M. W., Reisner, S. L., and Pachankis, J. E. (2015). Transgender stigma and health: a critical review of stigma determinants, mechanisms, and interventions. Soc. Sci. Med . 147, 222–231. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.11.010

Ingram, B. J., and Thomas, C. L. (2019). Transgender policy in sport, a review of current policy and commentary of the challenges of policy creation. Curr. Sports Med. Rep . 18, 239–247. doi: 10.1249/JSR.0000000000000605

Johnston, L. (2020). Transgender and intersex athletes in single-sex sports. J. Law Med. 28, 197–213.

PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar

Jones, B. A., Arcelus, J., Bouman, W. P., and Haycraft, E. (2017). Sport and transgender people: a systemic review of the literature relating to sport participation and competitive sport policies. Sports Med. 47, 701–716. doi: 10.1007/s40279-016-0621-y

Karkazis, K. (2019). The misuses of “biological sex.” Lancet . 394, 1898–1899. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(19)32764-3

Knox, T., Anderson, L. C., and Heather, A. (2019). Transwomen in elite sport: scientific and ethical considerations. J. Med. Ethics 45, 395–403. doi: 10.1136/medethics-2018-105208

López-Cañada, E., Devís-Devís, J., Valencia-Peris, A., Pereira-García, S., Fuentes-Miguel, J., and Pérez-Samaniego, V. (2020). Physical activity and sport in trans people before and after gender disclosure: prevalence, frequency, and type of activities. J. Phys. Act. Health 17, 1–7. doi: 10.1123/jpah.2019-0192

Meerwijk, E. L., and Sevelius, J. M. (2017). Transgender population size in the United States: a meta-regression of population-based probability samples. Am. J. Public Health 107, e1–e8. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2016.303578

NCAA Office of Inclusion (2011). NCAA Inclusion of Transgender Student-Athletes . Available online at: https://www.ncaa.org/sites/default/files/Transgender_Handbook_2011_Final.pdf (accessed March 22, 2021).

Stewart, L., Oates, J., and O'Halloran, P. (2020). “My voice is my identity”: the role of voice for trans women's participation in sport. J. Voice. 34, 78–87. doi: 10.1016/j.jvoice.2018.05.015

Tanimoto, C., and Miwa, K. (2021). Factors influencing acceptance of transgender athletes. Sports Manage. Rev . 1–23. doi: 10.1080/14413523.2021.1880771. [Epub ahead of print].

Wilk, A., Lundberg, T. R., Rullman, E., Andersson, D. P., Holmberg, M., Mandíc, M., et al. (2020). Muscle strength, size, and composition following 12 months of gender-affirming treatment in transgender individuals. J. Clin. Endocrinol. Metab . 105:dgz247. doi: 10.1210/clinem/dgz247

Keywords: transgender athletes, athletics, sports policy, inclusivity, fairness

Citation: Reynolds A and Hamidian Jahromi A (2021) Transgender Athletes in Sports Competitions: How Policy Measures Can Be More Inclusive and Fairer to All. Front. Sports Act. Living 3:704178. doi: 10.3389/fspor.2021.704178

Received: 01 May 2021; Accepted: 22 June 2021; Published: 14 July 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Reynolds and Hamidian Jahromi. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Alireza Hamidian Jahromi, alirezahamidian@yahoo.com

This article is part of the Research Topic

Highlights in The History, Culture and Sociology of Sports: 2021/22

Log in using your username and password

• Search More Search for this keyword Advanced search
• Latest content
• Current issue
• For authors
• New editors
• BMJ Journals More You are viewing from: Google Indexer

You are here

• Volume 39, Issue 10
• Gender identity and sport: is the playing field level?
• Article Text
• Article info
• Citation Tools
• Rapid Responses
• Article metrics

• Correspondence to:
 Dr Reeser
 Marshfield Clinic, Department of Physical Medicine, 1000 North Oak Avenue, Marshfield, WI 54449, USA; reeser.jonathanmarshfieldclinic.org

This review examines gender identity issues in competitive sports, focusing on the evolution of policies relating to female gender verification and transsexual participation in sport. The issues are complex and continue to challenge sport governing bodies, including the International Olympic Committee, as they strive to provide a safe environment in which female athletes may compete fairly and equitably.

• FIVB, Federation Internationale de Volleyball
• IAAF, International Association of Athletics Federations
• IOC, International Olympic Committee
• PCR, polymerase chain reaction
• gender identity
• sex determination
• transsexualism

https://doi.org/10.1136/bjsm.2005.018119

Statistics from Altmetric.com

Request permissions.

If you wish to reuse any or all of this article please use the link below which will take you to the Copyright Clearance Center’s RightsLink service. You will be able to get a quick price and instant permission to reuse the content in many different ways.

The Olympic motto, “Citius, Altius, Fortius”, succinctly summarises the unending desire for excellence that motivates elite athletes to continually “push the envelope” of human performance. Regrettably, some athletes, blinded by their ambition, have succumbed to the temptation to cheat in an effort to win at all costs. All international sports federations have therefore, by necessity, adopted regulations governing the conditions under which a given sport is to be played, which athletes must (in principle) accept as a precondition of participation in that discipline. Simply put, the goal of such regulations is to keep the “playing field level” so that athletes may compete fairly and honestly. For example, the Medical Regulations of the Federation Internationale de Volleyball (FIVB, the international governing body for the disciplines of volleyball and beach volleyball) prohibit doping as it “runs contrary to the ethics of both sport and medical science, and furthermore constitutes a clear attempt to cheat.” 1

In the present sports culture, cheating has become virtually synonymous with doping, which was defined by the Lausanne Declaration on Doping in Sport of 1999 as “the use of an artifice, whether substance or method, potentially dangerous to athletes’ health and/or capable of enhancing their performances, or the presence in the athlete’s body of a substance, or the ascertainment of the use of a [prohibited] method.” 2 Although doping represents the greatest ongoing challenge to preserving the integrity of sport, there are other threats to fair competition which international sport federations have been forced to address. In regard to women’s sport, two issues in particular have proven somewhat contentious: sex fraud and transsexualism in sport.

Historically, female athletes have been subjected to a variety of discriminatory and prejudicial practices that have affected their access to sport. For example, women were not permitted to compete in the ancient Olympics, nor were they included when the modern Games were first organised in 1896. In his recent review, 3 Ritchie contends that this omission reflects Pierre de Coubertin’s efforts to exclude female athletes from the Olympic movement. Of course, women ultimately did join the Olympic movement, first participating in the 1900 Paris Summer Games. Those Games featured competition in sex specific events as well as in several “mixed” disciplines, including sailing and equestrian events.

It seems intuitively obvious, given the physiological differences that exist between men and women, 4– 6 that athletes should compete against others of the same sex, unless otherwise specified by rule—for example, in coeducational contests—or in disciplines for which the physiological differences between men and women offer no competitive advantage or disadvantage. In keeping with the ethic of fair play, most international sports federations (including the FIVB) organise their major competitions along sex restricted lines. Unfortunately, segregated competition creates the possibility of sex fraud, and in fact the pretence of competing under an assumed gender is one way by which desperate athletes have, in the past, attempted to gain an unfair competitive advantage over their opponent(s) in pursuit of athletic glory.

This review examines the issue of how organised sport has attempted to safeguard the promise of fair competition offered by the division of disciplines into sex specific events. Specifically, this article discusses the practical consequences of the policies on gender verification and the participation of transsexuals in sport that the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and selected sports governing bodies have adopted in an effort to ensure that the sporting competitions they sanction are fair and that the athletes who compete in them do so on an equal basis.

Relevant articles from both the peer reviewed scientific literature and the lay press were identified through searches of the PubMed/Medline, OVID, SPORTDiscus, CINAHL, and Evidence Based Medicine Reviews databases. Keywords and phrases used during the searches included sex, gender, performance, transgender, transsexual, and gender verification. Searches were filtered to the English language. A Google search of the world wide web was performed using similar keywords. In view of the paucity of published research in the area of transgender athletes and sports participation and performance, the author contacted and requested background information from selected members of the IOC Medical Subcommission who studied the issue before making their recommendation to the IOC Medical Commission.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Gender verification.

The initial accounts of men masquerading as women in order to compete for the laurels of victory date back to the early cold war period, an era when athletic achievement became a source of both personal and national pride, prestige, and reward. Although much of the available “evidence” is anecdotal and circumstantial, there is reason to suspect that such sex fraud may have been systematically perpetuated for political gain dating back to the 1936 Berlin Olympics. 7 With opportunities for women to compete in the international sporting arena becoming more numerous, the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) intervened in order to protect track and field from the reoccurrence of similar transgressions by requiring that the female participants in the 1966 European Track and Field Championships parade naked before a panel of female doctors in order to confirm their “femininity.” Although all 243 athletes who submitted to this private humiliation passed, six athletes from a single Eastern bloc delegation suddenly withdrew from the competition, precipitating considerable speculation and rumour mongering. 8, 9 Over the succeeding two years, verification of gender became a part of the pre-competition protocol for female track and field athletes, and in 1968 the IOC followed suit by requiring that all female athletes produce proof of their gender in order to be permitted to participate in the Mexico City Summer Olympic Games. 8, 10 Although the accepted methodology of sex testing would evolve over time, in one form or another such gender verification was performed before every subsequent Olympics, until the IOC finally suspended the practice before the Sydney Summer Games. 7, 11

As described, the initial methods used to verify the gender of female athletes involved physical inspection of the athlete’s external genitalia. To spare athletes such embarrassment, from the outset Olympic officials relied on the technology of medical genetics for an alternative, less invasive solution. After successful trialling of the protocol at the 1968 Winter Olympics held in Grenoble, France, all female athletes participating in the Mexico City Summer Games later that year were tested by histological (microscopic) inspection for the presence of a Barr body in cells scraped from the buccal (cheek) mucosa. Although such laboratory based testing held certain advantages, there were also acknowledged limitations to the methodology. 12

Beginning with the 1992 Albertville Winter Olympics, in an effort to further improve on the sensitivity and specificity of testing, gender verification was performed by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) determination of the absence or presence of DNA sequences from the testes-determining gene located on the Y chromosome. Although the PCR technique was supposed to identify uniquely male DNA sequences, further investigation revealed that at least one of the DNA sequences used to prime the PCR was in fact not specific to males, and may have contributed to an unfortunate number of false positive test results. 13, 14

Over time, it therefore became evident that laboratory based methods of determining an athlete’s sex were simply inadequate for the task at hand. The attempt to rely on genetic testing methods of sex determination had opened up a veritable Pandora’s box of problems for both athletes and officials. Not infrequently, the genetic based testing identified an athlete whose phenotype was clearly female as having an apparently male genotype. The most common of these “intersex states” is the condition of androgen insensitivity, 12 affecting about 1 in 60 000 males. Individuals with this condition have a 46XY genotype (the typical male chromosomal make up), but fail to develop male sex characteristics because their cells cannot respond to the circulating male hormone (testosterone) in their bodies. Although the presence of the Y chromosome makes these individuals genetically male, they are phenotypically female—that is, they have a female morphotype and physiology—and they are usually raised socially as females. The presence of the Y chromosome (and more importantly, circulating testosterone) confers no physical advantage on them. 12 Seven of the eight athletes with non-negative gender verification tests (performed by PCR) during the 1996 Atlanta Summer Olympic Games were determined to have the condition of androgen insensitivity and were ultimately permitted to compete in the Games. The eighth athlete was confirmed to have a less common intersex condition and was also allowed to compete. 15

The accepted laboratory based scientific methodology of verifying an athlete’s sex during the period leading up to the Sydney Olympic Games therefore relatively frequently, but unfairly, singled out female athletes whose genetic make up (although not “normal”) did not provide them with an undue competitive advantage. Moreover, genetic testing alone also commonly failed to identify female athletes whose physiology would in fact give them a competitive advantage—for example, individuals with virilising forms of congenital adrenal hyperplasia. Further complicating matters, it had become painfully obvious that genetic based testing also failed to account for the psychosocial components of gender. Numerous athletes suffered tremendous psychological harm from the public scrutiny that ensued following the public disclosure of abnormal test results. 3, 16 For these reasons, the scientific and sports medicine communities ultimately stood unanimous in their public opposition to the practice of genetic based gender verification testing. 10, 17– 19

By 2000, 29 of the 34 international sports federations had abandoned routine gender verification testing. 3 In some instances sports federations devised alternative strategies to solve the perceived problem of potential sex fraud. For example, in the early 1990s the IAAF replaced genetic based testing with a mandatory, comprehensive health assessment for male and female athletes alike. 20 Interestingly, the FIVB was one of the five international sports federations that had yet to rescind their requirement for gender verification before the Sydney Games. (The FIVB has since abandoned routine genetic sex testing, although it reserves the right to require formal testing in cases of extreme suspicion.) Eventually the IOC concurred with the prevailing opinion, and before the 2000 Summer Games decided to indefinitely suspend gender verification testing. In the two Summer Olympic Games and the one Winter Games that have transpired since that decision, there have been no published reports of attempted gender misrepresentation and, given the media and public attention lavished on Olympic athletes in this day and age, it seems highly unlikely to occur in the future. Ironically, one additional deterrent to widespread (or even attempted) gender misrepresentation is the requirement that the athlete’s urethral meatus be visualised upon submission of a urine sample for doping control. Although clearly not meant to substitute for the crude femininity testing used decades ago, in practical terms it almost assuredly serves a similar, if unintended, role in that regard.

Transsexual athletes

While there now appears to be general agreement within the international sports community that there is no real need to perform routine testing to verify an individual’s sex, the issue of how best to integrate athletes who have undergone sex reassignment surgery into sex specific sports competition continues to be vigorously debated. The issues involved are far from straightforward, 21 and ultimately force us to re-examine our definition and understanding of what it means to be a female.

Consider, for example, the following scenario: a transgender male to female athlete—that is, a male who has undergone surgical and hormonal gender reassignment to become a female—dominates a volleyball match to such an extent that other competitors believe it to be unfair that she has been permitted to compete. The athlete subsequently produces the appropriate documents indicating that she is indeed, legally, a female (and not simply a cross dresser or transvestite). The question therefore arises, is it advisable or fair to permit transsexual athletes to compete in sport? Furthermore, should a sports governing body, in the name of fair play, restrict the right of transsexual athletes to participate in the gender category by which society and the law accepts them as human beings?

In regard to the illustrative scenario (which was based on actual events), the FIVB rule is quite clear, stipulating that all international athletes must compete in the category of their birth sex. However, the IOC decided before the 2004 Athens Summer Games that athletes who had undergone sex reassignment surgery would be permitted to compete in all future Olympic Games, provided that they met certain criteria on duration of hormonal treatment or timing of surgery (table 1). Although no transsexual athletes were publicly acknowledged to have participated in the Athens Games, the debate continues as to who is right: sports federations, such as the FIVB, that restrict participation of transsexual athletes, or the IOC, which has adopted the more liberal policy allowing these athletes to compete.

• View inline

 Criteria to be satisfied by transsexual athletes wishing to compete in the Olympic Games in the category of their postsurgical sex

To better appreciate certain nuances inherent in this debate, it is instructive to understand some relevant background information on the condition of gender dysphoria, the underlying diagnosis that compels individuals of one gender to assume the identity of the opposite sex. According to Levy et al , 22 gender dysphoria is an incurable condition that is “amenable to hormonal and surgical palliation.” It is estimated that as many as 1 in 11 900 males and 1 in 30 400 females have this condition, 23 for which standards of care have been promulgated by the Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria Association, Inc in order to maximise the overall psychological wellbeing and self fulfilment of the transgender individual. 24 Definitions of what actually constitutes transsexualism vary, and may be sufficiently broad to encompass an individual who merely “identifies” him/herself or “lives” as a member of the opposite sex. To remain consistent with the definition of transsexualism adopted by the IOC, this review will consider a transsexual athlete to be an individual who has both undergone surgical intervention to alter their phenotype—that is, has submitted to gender reassignment surgery—and is being treated with sex hormones in an effort to adopt the physiology of the opposite sex.

From a physiological standpoint, the critical intervention in effecting the switch from female to male or male to female is hormone treatment, for which a recent review concludes, “there are very few well validated efficacy data for different treatment regimens.” 23 Androgen suppression combined with oestrogen supplementation constitutes the cornerstone of feminisation for male to female transsexuals. The relatively unopposed action of oestrogen contributes to the development of female secondary sexual characteristics (including breast development) that society recognises as culturally “feminine.” Oestrogen supplementation also affects the concentrations of other circulating hormones, including growth hormone. Such therapy is not without risk, however, as treatment with oestrogen can result in potentially unfavourable and dangerous side effects, including venous thromboembolic phenomena, heart disease, and stroke.

What effect does transsexual hormonal treatment have on athletic performance? The performance enhancing effects of testosterone supplementation have been well documented, but our understanding of how androgen deprivation and oestrogen supplementation affect performance is less well understood. Such cross sexual treatment has been shown by Elbers et al 25 to increase both subcutaneous and visceral fat deposits in male to female transsexuals. In this study, the 20 male to female participants assumed a more feminine pattern of adiposity. Importantly, the authors also document a decrease in radiographically measured thigh muscle cross sectional area among male to female transsexuals. In a recently published follow up study, Gooren and Bunck 26 confirmed the enduring physiological effects of androgen deprivation and oestrogen supplementation on muscle bulk in that cohort. After one year of cross sexual treatment, the cross sectional thigh muscle area of the male to female transsexuals declined significantly, such that the mean muscle area approached that of the comparison group (pretreatment measurements from 17 female to male transsexuals). It should be noted, however, that even after one year of treatment, the male to female mean muscle area remained significantly greater than that observed in the female to male comparison group. Furthermore, measurements obtained at three years were not appreciably different from those at one year.

Although it is well appreciated that the skeletal muscle cross sectional area is proportional to contractile force production, it cannot be definitively concluded on the basis of this principally anatomical study that the residual difference between the hormonally treated male to female and the pretreatment female to male group would offer a significant performance advantage to the male to female cohort. In fact, there are no published, peer reviewed studies on the performance related sequelae of the commonly prescribed feminising hormone treatment regimens. A summary document accessed on the world wide web 27 suggests that such testing has been conducted on at least one male to female transgender athlete and found that she fell “well within the normal range of female performance characteristics.” More definitive studies need to be carried out in the future, but for now all that can be safely concluded on the basis of the available data is that oestrogen supplementation appears to produce the desired changes in physical appearance, and also results in quantifiable changes in potentially meaningful anatomical variables over time in these individuals.

The decision to categorically restrict male to female transsexual athletes from competing in a given sport as females rests on two critical assumptions. The first is that most people exposed to testosterone from puberty onward will develop physical and/or physiological attributes that contribute to a distinct performance advantage over most women. Although the performance boundaries between male and female athletes have narrowed in the past several decades, there are distinct gender differences that exist on average. 4– 6 The second assumption needed to justify restricting male to female transsexual participation in female events is that these attributes can withstand the hormonal manipulation of sex reassignment, thereby giving the male to female transsexual athlete an unfair competitive advantage. Certainly, there are some effects of testosterone that cannot be reversed, including (most notably) its effect on postpubertal height in men. Men are on average taller than women, with the pubertal growth spurt accounting for most of the gender difference. This gender discrepancy in height might itself be construed as offering an unfair performance advantage to male to female transsexual athletes who participate in sports for which height is thought to be an asset, such as volleyball, basketball, and netball.

Consequently, selected international sports associations have chosen to distinguish between male to female transsexual athletes who have undergone sex reassignment before puberty and those who have undergone reassignment after puberty. 27 For example, both the IAAF and the IOC have opined that males who undergo gender reassignment before the onset of puberty should be regarded as female (table 1). According to the IOC Stockholm consensus, 28 surgery must include gonadectomy and revision of the external genitalia, and hormonal therapy must be administered in a verifiable manner. In many ways this situation is comparable to a genetic intersex state, in that the individual would have the chromosomal make up of a male and yet have the appearance and physiology of a female. It would therefore seem reasonable to permit these male to female transsexuals to compete as females. However, for athletes who undergo reassignment after puberty, there remains the possibility that residual testosterone induced attributes could influence performance capacity, and thus it could be logically argued that the decision to permit participation or not should be made on a sport by sport basis.

Let us therefore return to the example of the male to female transsexual volleyball player and investigate if there is evidence that typically male physical attributes such as height actually predict performance success in volleyball. There are numerous studies in the literature that have described the anthropometric features and performance characteristics of elite volleyball athletes. 29– 33 Although it is clear that volleyball athletes tend to be taller than athletes from other sports, athletic performance appears to depend less on height than on physiological and even psychological factors. 29, 32 In addition, the FIVB has collected observational data revealing that:

elite female volleyball players are on average taller than female non-athletes

Olympic volleyball athletes are generally taller now than they were a generation ago

the gold medal winning women’s team in every Olympic Games since 1968 has (with one exception) not been the tallest team in the tournament

the final ranking of the men’s volleyball teams participating in the medal round of the Athens 2004 Summer Games was inversely related to average team height

Thus, insofar as team success in volleyball is concerned, there would appear to be factors more critical to individual performance and team success than average player height. Whether or not these performance and success related traits are hormonally mediated remains to be determined.

As indicated above, the incidence of gender dysphoria syndrome is low, and consequently the frequency with which transsexual athletes might be expected to have a significant impact on a given sport should be similarly low. Spontaneous genetic mutations that produce distinctly favourable performance advantages may also be assumed to occur quite infrequently. Therefore, it might be instructive to consider how an international sports federation would address the issue of a genetically unique individual who, by virtue of their genotype, develops attributes that permit him or her to excel at that sport. Such genetic variability is inevitable, and certainly could produce an “uber-athlete” who would naturally excel at sport. Indeed, it could be argued that elite sport selects for physiological outliers whose genetic potential for excellence has been realised through fortuitous interaction with environmental and cultural factors. Interestingly, there is a well known example of an athlete with a relatively rare genetic condition who excelled at volleyball. The late Flo Hyman was a member of the United States Women’s national volleyball team that won a silver medal at the 1984 Los Angeles Summer Olympics. Unfortunately, only after her untimely death was it appreciated that she had Marfan’s syndrome. Ironically, some of the somatic traits characteristic of Marfan’s (tall stature, long arms) almost assuredly contributed (to some extent) to her success as a volleyball player. The important point is that, although she was clearly phenotypically different from the vast majority of her fellow athletes, Ms Hyman was never (to my knowledge) restricted from competing because she was different, and consequently her considerable talent allowed her to develop into one of the sport’s all time greats. Now, as then, there is no article in the FIVB Medical Regulations that would preclude the participation of a similar individual with a unique genetic endowment that resulted in a talent for volleyball.

What rules, indeed what ethic, should govern the ability of transsexual athletes to participate in competitive sport? Can we say with certainty that male to female transsexual athletes have an unfair performance advantage over all athletes who have a 46XX genotype? Does it matter whether male to female sex reassignment occurs before or after puberty? Is the limited evidence that cross sexual hormonal therapy produces significant alteration in physiological variables that are thought to be relevant to athletic performance sufficient to give us confidence that transsexual athletes do not have a compelling (and unfair) competitive advantage? And what of intent? Unlike the male athletes who posed as females decades ago, and most assuredly distinct from those who have defiled sport by intentionally doping, transsexuals do not appear to be motivated by personal athletic gain. Clearly it is not the transsexual athlete’s fault that they suffer from the syndrome of gender dysphoria. From what is understood of the condition, the individual who ultimately undergoes postpubertal gender reassignment is not seeking to capitalise on any retained physical advantage in the sporting arena. Levy et al 22 contend that “the persistent cross-gender identification that results [from gender dysphoria] transcends a desire for any cultural advantages of being the other sex.”

Finally, the attentive reader will note that this brief review of gender identity issues in sport has focused exclusively on situations in which males (or former males) may potentially upset the level playing field of female competition. This emphasis reflects the practical reality confronting sporting officials charged with creating and protecting competitive balance, as exemplified by the case scenario involving the male to female transsexual volleyball athlete. But what about the female to male transgender athlete? Although Gooren’s group document the efficacy of testosterone administration to female to male transsexuals in increasing thigh muscle cross sectional area and in reducing subcutaneous fat deposits, 25, 26 there seems to be little concern that female to male transsexual athletes would pose a significant competitive threat to male athletes in most sports. Are female to male transsexuals therefore being unfairly discriminated against by broadly crafted policies that restrict participation of transgender athletes to the category of their birth sex? As a further irony, note that such policies would permit male to female athletes receiving oestrogen treatment to still compete as males, but hormonally treated female to male athletes would be prevented from competing against females, because the presence of exogenous testosterone would identify them as having “doped,” a proverbial “Catch-22” situation.

FINAL COMMENT

Although there appears to be a consensus of opinion within sport medicine and governance that determination of a female athlete’s genotype is of limited practical utility in this day and age, the complexity of the issues surrounding the participation of transsexual athletes has prevented consensus from being similarly achieved in this matter. Although the psychosocial arguments in favour of allowing transsexual participation would appear to be relatively uncomplicated, there is in my opinion inadequate physiological performance related data to allow an unambiguous position to emerge. It seems clear, however, that every sports authority or governing body, indeed every athlete, will ultimately need to wrestle with these issues and answer the questions raised above. It is not hyperbole to state that the IOC took a bold step when it decided to permit the participation of transgender athletes in the Olympic Games. Experience will eventually tell us whether they made the correct decision, and whether the modern female athletic playing field will remain level. Until such time when we can reflect on that experience with perfect hindsight, we must make the best decisions we can with the information available. However, whatever is decided, we must not forget that our actions will affect the lives of the athletes involved, both transsexual and not, forever.

• ↵ Federation Internationale de Volleyball . Medical regulations, ed. 2004. http://www.cev.lu/mmp/online/website/main_menu/downloads/file_28430/fivb_med_regulations_-_revised_7.pdf (accessed 23 Mar 2005).
• ↵ Lausanne Declaration on Doping in Sport (adopted by the World Conference on Doping in Sport) . 1999. www.sportunterricht.de/lksport/Declaration_e.html (accessed 23 Mar 2005).
• ↵ Ritchie I . Sex tested, gender verified: controlling female sexuality in the age of containment. Sport History Review 2003 ; 34 : 80 –98. OpenUrl
• ↵ Batterham AM , Birch KM. Allometry of anaerobic performance: a gender comparison. Can J Appl Physiol 1996 ; 21 : 48 –62. OpenUrl PubMed
• Thomas JR , French KE. Gender differences across age in motor performance: a meta-analysis. Psychol Bull 1985 ; 98 : 260 –82. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Shepard RJ . Exercise and training in women. Part I. Influence of gender on exercise and training responses. Can J Appl Physiol 2000 ; 25 : 19 –34. OpenUrl PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Dickinson BD , Genel M, Robinowitz CB, et al. Gender verification of female Olympic athletes. Med Sci Sports Exerc 2002 ; 34 : 1539 –42. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Simpson JL , Ljungqvist A, de la Chapelle A, et al. Gender verification in competitive sports. Sports Med 1993 ; 16 : 305 –15. OpenUrl PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Introducing the, uh, ladies . JAMA 1966 ; 198 : 1117 –18.
• ↵ Doig P , Lloyd-Smith R, Prior JC, et al. Position statement. Sex testing (gender verification) in Sport. Canadian Academy of Sports Medicine . 1997. http://www.casm-acms.org/PositionStatements/GendereVerifEng.pdf (accessed 23 Mar 2005).
• ↵ Simpson JL , Ljungqvist A, Ferguson-Smith MA, et al. Gender verification in the Olympics. JAMA 2000 ; 284 : 1568 –9. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Hipkin LJ . The XY female in sport: the controversy continues. Br J Sports Med 1993 ; 27 : 150 –6. OpenUrl Abstract / FREE Full Text
• ↵ Puffer JC . Gender verification: a concept whose time has come and passed? Br J Sports Med 1996 ; 30 : 278 . OpenUrl FREE Full Text
• ↵ Serrat A , Garcia de Herreros A. Gender verification in sports by PCR amplification of SRY and DYZ1 Y chromosome specific sequences: presence of DYZ1 repeat in female athletes. Br J Sports Med 1996 ; 30 : 310 –12. OpenUrl Abstract / FREE Full Text
• ↵ Elsas LJ , Hayes RP, Muralidharan K. Gender verification at the centennial Olympic games. J Med Assoc Ga 1997 ; 86 : 50 –4. OpenUrl PubMed
• ↵ Carlson A . When is a woman not a woman? Women Sport Fitness 1991 ; 13 : 24 –9. OpenUrl
• ↵ de la Chapelle A . The use and misuse of sex chromatin screening for ‘gender identification’ of female athletes. JAMA 1986 ; 256 : 1920 –3. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed Web of Science
• Gender verification of female athletes . Lancet 1987 ; 28 : 1265 –6. OpenUrl
• ↵ Fox JS . Gender verification: what purpose, what price? Br J Sports Med 1993 ; 27 : 148 –9. OpenUrl FREE Full Text
• ↵ Ljungqvist A , Simpson JL. Medical examination for health of all athletes replacing the need for gender verification in international sports. The International Amateur Athletic Federation Plan. JAMA 1992 ; 267 : 850 –2. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Pilgrim J , Martin D, Binder W. Far from the finish line: transsexualism and athletic competition. Fordham Intellectual Property Media & Entertainment Law Journal 2003 ; 13 : 495 –549. OpenUrl
• ↵ Levy A , Crown A, Reid R. Endocrine intervention for transsexuals. Clin Endocrinol 2003 ; 59 : 409 –18. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed
• ↵ Moore E , Wisniewski A, Dobs A. Endocrine treatment of transsexual people: a review of treatment regimens, outcomes, and adverse effects. J Clin Endocrinol Metab 2003 ; 88 : 3467 –73. OpenUrl CrossRef PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Meyer W III (chairperson) , Bockting WO, Cohen-Kettenis P, et al. The standards of care for gender identity disorders. 6th version. The International Journal of Transgenderism . 2001; 5 . http://www.symposion.com/ijt/soc_2001/index.htm (accessed 24 Mar 2005).
• ↵ Elbers JM , Asscheman H, Seidell JC, et al. Effects of sex steroid hormones on regional fat depots as assessed by magnetic resonance imaging in transsexuals. Am J Physiol 1999 ; 276 : E317 –25.
• ↵ Gooren LJ , Bunck MC. Transsexuals and competitive sports. Eur J Endocrinol 2004 ; 151 : 425 –9. OpenUrl Abstract
• ↵ Australian Sports Commission . Transgender in sport. www.ausport.gov.au/fulltext/2001/ascpub/women_transgender.asp (accessed 22 Mar 2005).
• ↵ International Olympic Committee . IOC approves consensus with regard to athletes who have changed sex. http://www.olympic.org/uk/news/olympic_news/full_story_uk.asp?id=841 (accessed 24 Mar 2005).
• ↵ Fleck SJ , Case S, Puhl J, et al. Physical and physiological characteristics of elite women volleyball players. Can J Appl Sport Sci 1985 ; 10 : 122 –6. OpenUrl PubMed
• Gualdi-Russo E , Zaccagni L. Somatotype, role, and performance in elite volleyball players. J Sports Med Phys Fitness 2001 ; 41 : 256 –62. OpenUrl PubMed Web of Science
• Leone M , Lariviere G, Comtois AS. Discriminant analysis of anthropometric and biomotor variables among elite adolescent female athletes in four sports. J Sport Sci 2002 ; 20 : 443 –9. OpenUrl CrossRef
• ↵ Stamm R , Veldre G, Stamm M, et al. Dependence of young female volleyballers’ performance on their body build, physical abilities, and psycho-physiological properties. J Sports Med Phys Fitness 2003 ; 43 : 291 –9. OpenUrl PubMed Web of Science
• ↵ Viitasalo JT . Anthropometric and physical performance characteristics of male volleyball players. Can J Appl Sport Sci 1982 ; 7 : 182 –8. OpenUrl PubMed

Competing interests: none declared

Read the full text or download the PDF:

• Search Menu
• Browse content in Arts and Humanities
• Browse content in Archaeology
• Anglo-Saxon and Medieval Archaeology
• Archaeological Methodology and Techniques
• Archaeology by Region
• Archaeology of Religion
• Archaeology of Trade and Exchange
• Biblical Archaeology
• Contemporary and Public Archaeology
• Environmental Archaeology
• Historical Archaeology
• History and Theory of Archaeology
• Industrial Archaeology
• Landscape Archaeology
• Mortuary Archaeology
• Prehistoric Archaeology
• Underwater Archaeology
• Urban Archaeology
• Zooarchaeology
• Browse content in Architecture
• Architectural Structure and Design
• History of Architecture
• Residential and Domestic Buildings
• Theory of Architecture
• Browse content in Art
• Art Subjects and Themes
• History of Art
• Industrial and Commercial Art
• Theory of Art
• Biographical Studies
• Byzantine Studies
• Browse content in Classical Studies
• Classical History
• Classical Philosophy
• Classical Mythology
• Classical Literature
• Classical Reception
• Classical Art and Architecture
• Classical Oratory and Rhetoric
• Greek and Roman Papyrology
• Greek and Roman Epigraphy
• Greek and Roman Law
• Greek and Roman Archaeology
• Late Antiquity
• Religion in the Ancient World
• Digital Humanities
• Browse content in History
• Colonialism and Imperialism
• Diplomatic History
• Environmental History
• Genealogy, Heraldry, Names, and Honours
• Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing
• Historical Geography
• History by Period
• History of Emotions
• History of Agriculture
• History of Education
• History of Gender and Sexuality
• Industrial History
• Intellectual History
• International History
• Labour History
• Legal and Constitutional History
• Local and Family History
• Maritime History
• Military History
• National Liberation and Post-Colonialism
• Oral History
• Political History
• Public History
• Regional and National History
• Revolutions and Rebellions
• Slavery and Abolition of Slavery
• Social and Cultural History
• Theory, Methods, and Historiography
• Urban History
• World History
• Browse content in Language Teaching and Learning
• Language Learning (Specific Skills)
• Language Teaching Theory and Methods
• Browse content in Linguistics
• Applied Linguistics
• Cognitive Linguistics
• Computational Linguistics
• Forensic Linguistics
• Grammar, Syntax and Morphology
• Historical and Diachronic Linguistics
• History of English
• Language Evolution
• Language Reference
• Language Acquisition
• Language Variation
• Language Families
• Lexicography
• Linguistic Anthropology
• Linguistic Theories
• Linguistic Typology
• Phonetics and Phonology
• Psycholinguistics
• Sociolinguistics
• Translation and Interpretation
• Writing Systems
• Browse content in Literature
• Bibliography
• Children's Literature Studies
• Literary Studies (Romanticism)
• Literary Studies (American)
• Literary Studies (Asian)
• Literary Studies (European)
• Literary Studies (Eco-criticism)
• Literary Studies (Modernism)
• Literary Studies - World
• Literary Studies (1500 to 1800)
• Literary Studies (19th Century)
• Literary Studies (20th Century onwards)
• Literary Studies (African American Literature)
• Literary Studies (British and Irish)
• Literary Studies (Early and Medieval)
• Literary Studies (Fiction, Novelists, and Prose Writers)
• Literary Studies (Gender Studies)
• Literary Studies (Graphic Novels)
• Literary Studies (History of the Book)
• Literary Studies (Plays and Playwrights)
• Literary Studies (Poetry and Poets)
• Literary Studies (Postcolonial Literature)
• Literary Studies (Queer Studies)
• Literary Studies (Science Fiction)
• Literary Studies (Travel Literature)
• Literary Studies (War Literature)
• Literary Studies (Women's Writing)
• Literary Theory and Cultural Studies
• Mythology and Folklore
• Shakespeare Studies and Criticism
• Browse content in Media Studies
• Browse content in Music
• Applied Music
• Dance and Music
• Ethics in Music
• Ethnomusicology
• Gender and Sexuality in Music
• Medicine and Music
• Music Cultures
• Music and Media
• Music and Religion
• Music and Culture
• Music Education and Pedagogy
• Music Theory and Analysis
• Musical Scores, Lyrics, and Libretti
• Musical Structures, Styles, and Techniques
• Musicology and Music History
• Performance Practice and Studies
• Race and Ethnicity in Music
• Sound Studies
• Browse content in Performing Arts
• Browse content in Philosophy
• Aesthetics and Philosophy of Art
• Epistemology
• Feminist Philosophy
• History of Western Philosophy
• Metaphysics
• Moral Philosophy
• Non-Western Philosophy
• Philosophy of Language
• Philosophy of Mind
• Philosophy of Perception
• Philosophy of Science
• Philosophy of Action
• Philosophy of Law
• Philosophy of Religion
• Philosophy of Mathematics and Logic
• Practical Ethics
• Social and Political Philosophy
• Browse content in Religion
• Biblical Studies
• Christianity
• East Asian Religions
• History of Religion
• Judaism and Jewish Studies
• Qumran Studies
• Religion and Education
• Religion and Health
• Religion and Politics
• Religion and Science
• Religion and Law
• Religion and Art, Literature, and Music
• Religious Studies
• Browse content in Society and Culture
• Cookery, Food, and Drink
• Cultural Studies
• Customs and Traditions
• Ethical Issues and Debates
• Hobbies, Games, Arts and Crafts
• Lifestyle, Home, and Garden
• Natural world, Country Life, and Pets
• Popular Beliefs and Controversial Knowledge
• Sports and Outdoor Recreation
• Technology and Society
• Travel and Holiday
• Visual Culture
• Browse content in Law
• Arbitration
• Browse content in Company and Commercial Law
• Commercial Law
• Company Law
• Browse content in Comparative Law
• Systems of Law
• Competition Law
• Browse content in Constitutional and Administrative Law
• Government Powers
• Judicial Review
• Local Government Law
• Military and Defence Law
• Parliamentary and Legislative Practice
• Construction Law
• Contract Law
• Browse content in Criminal Law
• Criminal Procedure
• Criminal Evidence Law
• Sentencing and Punishment
• Employment and Labour Law
• Environment and Energy Law
• Browse content in Financial Law
• Banking Law
• Insolvency Law
• History of Law
• Human Rights and Immigration
• Intellectual Property Law
• Browse content in International Law
• Private International Law and Conflict of Laws
• Public International Law
• IT and Communications Law
• Jurisprudence and Philosophy of Law
• Law and Politics
• Law and Society
• Browse content in Legal System and Practice
• Courts and Procedure
• Legal Skills and Practice
• Primary Sources of Law
• Regulation of Legal Profession
• Medical and Healthcare Law
• Browse content in Policing
• Criminal Investigation and Detection
• Police and Security Services
• Police Procedure and Law
• Police Regional Planning
• Browse content in Property Law
• Personal Property Law
• Study and Revision
• Terrorism and National Security Law
• Browse content in Trusts Law
• Wills and Probate or Succession
• Browse content in Medicine and Health
• Browse content in Allied Health Professions
• Arts Therapies
• Clinical Science
• Dietetics and Nutrition
• Occupational Therapy
• Operating Department Practice
• Physiotherapy
• Radiography
• Speech and Language Therapy
• Browse content in Anaesthetics
• General Anaesthesia
• Neuroanaesthesia
• Clinical Neuroscience
• Browse content in Clinical Medicine
• Acute Medicine
• Cardiovascular Medicine
• Clinical Genetics
• Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics
• Dermatology
• Endocrinology and Diabetes
• Gastroenterology
• Genito-urinary Medicine
• Geriatric Medicine
• Infectious Diseases
• Medical Toxicology
• Medical Oncology
• Pain Medicine
• Palliative Medicine
• Rehabilitation Medicine
• Respiratory Medicine and Pulmonology
• Rheumatology
• Sleep Medicine
• Sports and Exercise Medicine
• Community Medical Services
• Critical Care
• Emergency Medicine
• Forensic Medicine
• Haematology
• History of Medicine
• Browse content in Medical Skills
• Clinical Skills
• Communication Skills
• Nursing Skills
• Surgical Skills
• Browse content in Medical Dentistry
• Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery
• Paediatric Dentistry
• Restorative Dentistry and Orthodontics
• Surgical Dentistry
• Medical Ethics
• Medical Statistics and Methodology
• Browse content in Neurology
• Clinical Neurophysiology
• Neuropathology
• Nursing Studies
• Browse content in Obstetrics and Gynaecology
• Gynaecology
• Occupational Medicine
• Ophthalmology
• Otolaryngology (ENT)
• Browse content in Paediatrics
• Neonatology
• Browse content in Pathology
• Chemical Pathology
• Clinical Cytogenetics and Molecular Genetics
• Histopathology
• Medical Microbiology and Virology
• Patient Education and Information
• Browse content in Pharmacology
• Psychopharmacology
• Browse content in Popular Health
• Caring for Others
• Complementary and Alternative Medicine
• Self-help and Personal Development
• Browse content in Preclinical Medicine
• Cell Biology
• Molecular Biology and Genetics
• Reproduction, Growth and Development
• Primary Care
• Professional Development in Medicine
• Browse content in Psychiatry
• Addiction Medicine
• Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
• Forensic Psychiatry
• Learning Disabilities
• Old Age Psychiatry
• Psychotherapy
• Browse content in Public Health and Epidemiology
• Epidemiology
• Public Health
• Browse content in Radiology
• Clinical Radiology
• Interventional Radiology
• Nuclear Medicine
• Radiation Oncology
• Reproductive Medicine
• Browse content in Surgery
• Cardiothoracic Surgery
• Gastro-intestinal and Colorectal Surgery
• General Surgery
• Neurosurgery
• Paediatric Surgery
• Peri-operative Care
• Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
• Surgical Oncology
• Transplant Surgery
• Trauma and Orthopaedic Surgery
• Vascular Surgery
• Browse content in Science and Mathematics
• Browse content in Biological Sciences
• Aquatic Biology
• Biochemistry
• Bioinformatics and Computational Biology
• Developmental Biology
• Ecology and Conservation
• Evolutionary Biology
• Genetics and Genomics
• Microbiology
• Molecular and Cell Biology
• Natural History
• Plant Sciences and Forestry
• Research Methods in Life Sciences
• Structural Biology
• Systems Biology
• Zoology and Animal Sciences
• Browse content in Chemistry
• Analytical Chemistry
• Computational Chemistry
• Crystallography
• Environmental Chemistry
• Industrial Chemistry
• Inorganic Chemistry
• Materials Chemistry
• Medicinal Chemistry
• Mineralogy and Gems
• Organic Chemistry
• Physical Chemistry
• Polymer Chemistry
• Study and Communication Skills in Chemistry
• Theoretical Chemistry
• Browse content in Computer Science
• Artificial Intelligence
• Computer Architecture and Logic Design
• Game Studies
• Human-Computer Interaction
• Mathematical Theory of Computation
• Programming Languages
• Software Engineering
• Systems Analysis and Design
• Virtual Reality
• Browse content in Computing
• Business Applications
• Computer Security
• Computer Games
• Computer Networking and Communications
• Digital Lifestyle
• Graphical and Digital Media Applications
• Operating Systems
• Browse content in Earth Sciences and Geography
• Atmospheric Sciences
• Environmental Geography
• Geology and the Lithosphere
• Maps and Map-making
• Meteorology and Climatology
• Oceanography and Hydrology
• Palaeontology
• Physical Geography and Topography
• Regional Geography
• Soil Science
• Urban Geography
• Browse content in Engineering and Technology
• Agriculture and Farming
• Biological Engineering
• Civil Engineering, Surveying, and Building
• Electronics and Communications Engineering
• Energy Technology
• Engineering (General)
• Environmental Science, Engineering, and Technology
• History of Engineering and Technology
• Mechanical Engineering and Materials
• Technology of Industrial Chemistry
• Transport Technology and Trades
• Browse content in Environmental Science
• Applied Ecology (Environmental Science)
• Conservation of the Environment (Environmental Science)
• Environmental Sustainability
• Environmentalist Thought and Ideology (Environmental Science)
• Management of Land and Natural Resources (Environmental Science)
• Natural Disasters (Environmental Science)
• Nuclear Issues (Environmental Science)
• Pollution and Threats to the Environment (Environmental Science)
• Social Impact of Environmental Issues (Environmental Science)
• History of Science and Technology
• Browse content in Materials Science
• Ceramics and Glasses
• Composite Materials
• Metals, Alloying, and Corrosion
• Nanotechnology
• Browse content in Mathematics
• Applied Mathematics
• Biomathematics and Statistics
• History of Mathematics
• Mathematical Education
• Mathematical Finance
• Mathematical Analysis
• Numerical and Computational Mathematics
• Probability and Statistics
• Pure Mathematics
• Browse content in Neuroscience
• Cognition and Behavioural Neuroscience
• Development of the Nervous System
• Disorders of the Nervous System
• History of Neuroscience
• Invertebrate Neurobiology
• Molecular and Cellular Systems
• Neuroendocrinology and Autonomic Nervous System
• Neuroscientific Techniques
• Sensory and Motor Systems
• Browse content in Physics
• Astronomy and Astrophysics
• Atomic, Molecular, and Optical Physics
• Biological and Medical Physics
• Classical Mechanics
• Computational Physics
• Condensed Matter Physics
• Electromagnetism, Optics, and Acoustics
• History of Physics
• Mathematical and Statistical Physics
• Measurement Science
• Nuclear Physics
• Particles and Fields
• Plasma Physics
• Quantum Physics
• Relativity and Gravitation
• Semiconductor and Mesoscopic Physics
• Browse content in Psychology
• Affective Sciences
• Clinical Psychology
• Cognitive Psychology
• Cognitive Neuroscience
• Criminal and Forensic Psychology
• Developmental Psychology
• Educational Psychology
• Evolutionary Psychology
• Health Psychology
• History and Systems in Psychology
• Music Psychology
• Neuropsychology
• Organizational Psychology
• Psychological Assessment and Testing
• Psychology of Human-Technology Interaction
• Psychology Professional Development and Training
• Research Methods in Psychology
• Social Psychology
• Browse content in Social Sciences
• Browse content in Anthropology
• Anthropology of Religion
• Human Evolution
• Medical Anthropology
• Physical Anthropology
• Regional Anthropology
• Social and Cultural Anthropology
• Theory and Practice of Anthropology
• Browse content in Business and Management
• Business Ethics
• Business Strategy
• Business History
• Business and Technology
• Business and Government
• Business and the Environment
• Comparative Management
• Corporate Governance
• Corporate Social Responsibility
• Entrepreneurship
• Health Management
• Human Resource Management
• Industrial and Employment Relations
• Industry Studies
• Information and Communication Technologies
• International Business
• Knowledge Management
• Management and Management Techniques
• Operations Management
• Organizational Theory and Behaviour
• Pensions and Pension Management
• Public and Nonprofit Management
• Strategic Management
• Supply Chain Management
• Browse content in Criminology and Criminal Justice
• Criminal Justice
• Criminology
• Forms of Crime
• International and Comparative Criminology
• Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice
• Development Studies
• Browse content in Economics
• Agricultural, Environmental, and Natural Resource Economics
• Asian Economics
• Behavioural Finance
• Behavioural Economics and Neuroeconomics
• Econometrics and Mathematical Economics
• Economic History
• Economic Systems
• Economic Methodology
• Economic Development and Growth
• Financial Markets
• Financial Institutions and Services
• General Economics and Teaching
• Health, Education, and Welfare
• History of Economic Thought
• International Economics
• Labour and Demographic Economics
• Law and Economics
• Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics
• Microeconomics
• Public Economics
• Urban, Rural, and Regional Economics
• Welfare Economics
• Browse content in Education
• Adult Education and Continuous Learning
• Care and Counselling of Students
• Early Childhood and Elementary Education
• Educational Equipment and Technology
• Educational Strategies and Policy
• Higher and Further Education
• Organization and Management of Education
• Philosophy and Theory of Education
• Schools Studies
• Secondary Education
• Teaching of a Specific Subject
• Teaching of Specific Groups and Special Educational Needs
• Teaching Skills and Techniques
• Browse content in Environment
• Applied Ecology (Social Science)
• Climate Change
• Conservation of the Environment (Social Science)
• Environmentalist Thought and Ideology (Social Science)
• Natural Disasters (Environment)
• Social Impact of Environmental Issues (Social Science)
• Browse content in Human Geography
• Cultural Geography
• Economic Geography
• Political Geography
• Browse content in Interdisciplinary Studies
• Communication Studies
• Museums, Libraries, and Information Sciences
• Browse content in Politics
• African Politics
• Asian Politics
• Chinese Politics
• Comparative Politics
• Conflict Politics
• Elections and Electoral Studies
• Environmental Politics
• European Union
• Foreign Policy
• Gender and Politics
• Human Rights and Politics
• Indian Politics
• International Relations
• International Organization (Politics)
• International Political Economy
• Irish Politics
• Latin American Politics
• Middle Eastern Politics
• Political Behaviour
• Political Economy
• Political Institutions
• Political Methodology
• Political Communication
• Political Philosophy
• Political Sociology
• Political Theory
• Politics and Law
• Public Policy
• Public Administration
• Quantitative Political Methodology
• Regional Political Studies
• Russian Politics
• Security Studies
• State and Local Government
• UK Politics
• US Politics
• Browse content in Regional and Area Studies
• African Studies
• Asian Studies
• East Asian Studies
• Japanese Studies
• Latin American Studies
• Middle Eastern Studies
• Native American Studies
• Scottish Studies
• Browse content in Research and Information
• Research Methods
• Browse content in Social Work
• Addictions and Substance Misuse
• Adoption and Fostering
• Care of the Elderly
• Child and Adolescent Social Work
• Couple and Family Social Work
• Developmental and Physical Disabilities Social Work
• Direct Practice and Clinical Social Work
• Emergency Services
• Human Behaviour and the Social Environment
• International and Global Issues in Social Work
• Mental and Behavioural Health
• Social Justice and Human Rights
• Social Policy and Advocacy
• Social Work and Crime and Justice
• Social Work Macro Practice
• Social Work Practice Settings
• Social Work Research and Evidence-based Practice
• Welfare and Benefit Systems
• Browse content in Sociology
• Childhood Studies
• Community Development
• Comparative and Historical Sociology
• Economic Sociology
• Gender and Sexuality
• Gerontology and Ageing
• Health, Illness, and Medicine
• Marriage and the Family
• Migration Studies
• Occupations, Professions, and Work
• Organizations
• Population and Demography
• Race and Ethnicity
• Social Theory
• Social Movements and Social Change
• Social Research and Statistics
• Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
• Sociology of Religion
• Sociology of Education
• Sport and Leisure
• Urban and Rural Studies
• Browse content in Warfare and Defence
• Defence Strategy, Planning, and Research
• Land Forces and Warfare
• Military Administration
• Military Life and Institutions
• Naval Forces and Warfare
• Other Warfare and Defence Issues
• Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution
• Weapons and Equipment

• < Previous chapter
• Next chapter >

20 Gender, Identity, and Sport

Emily A. Roper, Department of Health and Kinesiology, Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, Texas

• Published: 21 November 2012
• Cite Icon Cite
• Permissions Icon Permissions

This chapter begins with an introduction to the important terms and concepts specific to understanding the body of work in gender and identity in sport. A brief review of women's history in sport and physical activity is provided, including discussion of Title IX, women and girls’ physical activity/sport participation patterns, barriers to gender equity in sport, and why an understanding of the social context is critical for sport and performance professionals. The ways in which females experience, perceive, and physically use their bodies is also addressed. The extensive body of work devoted to the homonegative and heterosexist climate of sport is outlined, with specific attention devoted to the bias and discrimination that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals face within sport and the role that sport and performance professionals play in working toward an inclusive and safe sport environment for all participants. The emergence and growth of feminist sport psychology is addressed with an overview and examples of feminist practice and research in the field. Suggestions for future work in the field are provided throughout the chapter and, in particular, how some of the approaches and research frameworks presented could be used to enhance our understanding of sport and performance psychology.

Understanding the complexities of gender and identity in sport and performance settings is critical of sport and performance psychology professionals. Studying sport requires that we consider how gender and identity affects our attitudes, interpretations, responses, and strategies, both in research and practice. As Gill and Kamphoff ( 2010 ) suggested, “Our world is shaped by gender and culture. Gender influence is particularly powerful in sport, with some unique features” (p. 419). It is these unique features that will be addressed in this chapter.

Important Terms and Concepts

As many in sport and performance psychology have only a limited academic background in issues pertaining to gender and identity, it is important to begin with a brief review of critical terms and concepts. Whereas sex is defined as biological differences between males and females, gender is defined as characteristics that a society or culture delineates as masculine or feminine. One's gender identity refers to the gender that an individual identifies. Sexual identity refers to how an individual defines him- or herself in terms of whom he or she is romantically and sexually attracted to (gay, lesbian, bisexual, heterosexual). This attraction is comprised of not only sexual desire, but emotional and intimate love and support. Sexual identity is often used interchangeably with sexual orientation .

Gender ideology differs from culture to culture. Each culture teaches its children the expected social roles for males and females, as well as what is considered masculine or feminine. Through a variety of socializing agents—parents, mass media, peers, teachers, coaches, and religion—children begin learning at a very young age how to “perform” gender (Blackmore, 2003 ). Socialization is a process that involves a relatively complex dynamic between psychological, social, and cultural considerations of learning and development (Blackmore, 2003 ; Greendorfer, 2001 ). As Greendorfer ( 2001 ) stated, the “process of socialization plays a key role in integrating individuals into society by transmitting cultural values and traditions from one generation to the next” (p. 4). Gender socialization is the tendency for boys and girls to be socialized differently. Traditionally, boys are socialized to conform to a male gender role, while girls are socialized to adhere to a female gender role. A gender role is a set of attitudes and behaviors expected of a person based on her or his sex (Blackmore, 2003 ; Greendorfer, 2001 ). Within North America, boys are expected to be assertive, strong, tough, brave, and independent, while girls are to be submissive, dependent, polite, dainty, and fearful. Gender inappropriate behavior is deemed deviant and those not in compliance are subject to being ostracized and ridiculed for not abiding by societal expectations. Gender role–appropriate behaviors are so ingrained in our culture that they are rarely questioned (Krane, 2001 ).

Feminism carries with it varied meanings and interpretations, and, for many in society, it is a term people fear, reject, or reluctantly adopt. Due to the mediated and mainstream portrayals of feminism that focus on the extreme and threatening, many absorb a stereotypical and inaccurate representation of feminism.

Feminism is a broad social movement that encompasses a variety of perspectives, all of which are under the umbrella of working for women's rights and against female oppression. The beliefs of those who identify as feminists can differ considerably. Liberal feminism , which emerged during the women's movement of the 1960s, emphasizes equality. From a liberal perspective, to achieve equality, one must work within the existing system. Liberal feminists “believe in the importance of public law in changing private attitudes; hence they seek to repeal laws that provide differential rights, responsibilities, and opportunities to females and males” (Costa & Guthrie, 1994 , p. 236). In the United States, liberal feminism is the most mainstream form of feminism. Socialist feminism , also referred to as Marxist feminism , emphasizes that equality cannot be achieved without a complete overhaul of the existing system, particularly from an economic perspective. Socialist feminists argue that fundamental inequalities are built into a capitalist society because power and capital are distributed unevenly. As such, it's not enough for women to individually work to rise to powerful positions in society; rather, power needs to be redistributed throughout society. Whereas liberal feminists focus on individual empowerment, socialist feminists focus on collective change and empowerment. Like socialist feminism, radical feminism emphasizes the need for dramatic social change in order to achieve real equality for women. Radical feminists believe that we exist in a patriarchal society, and until patriarchy is transformed at all levels, the system will remain unjust.

bell hooks, a feminist theorist and cultural studies scholar, defined feminism as “a movement to end sexist inequality, sexist exploitation, and oppression” (hooks, 2000 , p. viii). Although many think of feminism as a movement that works toward women's equality (to men), hooks ( 1984 ) reminds us that gender is not the only identity that shapes one's place and status in society. As she explained,

Implicit in this definition of women's liberation is a dismissal of race and class as factors that, in conjunction with sexism, determine the extent to which an individual will be discriminated against, exploited, or oppressed. (p. 18)

A central aspect of hooks’ ( 1984 , 2000 ) definition of feminism is acknowledging the complexity of oppression and analyzing the intersection of one's varied identities (e.g., race, ethnicity, class, ability, nationality, sexuality), thus allowing for a more accurate picture of women's experiences and realities. Certainly, feminism works toward equality, but equality becomes an arbitrary term when you consider the following: “Which men do women want to be equal to? Do women share a common vision of what equality means?” (hooks, 1984 , p. 18).

In addition to studying women's experiences, a feminist approach can also be used to examine the ways in which men's roles in society are constructed and the ways these roles have changed and continue to transform. Although women are in a unique place to critically assess the patriarchal culture due to their marginalized status, men can adopt a feminist (or pro-feminist) approach by acknowledging the injustices faced by women, advocating for the rights of women (and other minorities), and engaging in a radical questioning of men's privileged position (while also acknowledging the complexity of their own identity) (Messner & Sabo, 1990 ).

A critical component of feminism is praxis , a “commitment to work toward ending the oppression” (Kappeler, 1992 , p. 382). More than simply understanding the problem, feminism is interested in determining strategies to change or improve the situation. Praxis blends theory and practice together and involves an attempt to bring about progressive change. As Mies ( 1983 ) points out, “social change is the starting point of science, and in order to understand the content, form, and consequences of patriarchy, the researcher must be actively involved in the fight against it; one has to change something before it can be understood” (p. 125).

Women's “Herstory” in Sport

For professionals and students in sport and performance psychology it is imperative that we have an understanding of women's “herstory” 1 in sport and physical activity. The more one knows about the social climate of sport for girls and women, the more one will be able to work toward improving their athletic opportunities and experiences. As Gill ( 2001 ) stated, “we cannot fully understand the individual without considering the larger world” (p. 366). Understanding the social context is particularly important for feminist work.

Prior to passage of Title IX in 1972, it was not deemed acceptable for a female to participate in athletics due to the societal assumptions surrounding women's perceived frailty and in particular the notion that physical activity might harm the female reproductive system. Although organized sport forms did not exist in the ways we are familiar with today, many women were physically active and involved in athletics prior to Title IX (Priest, 2003 ).

Title IX of the Educational Amendments of 1972, states “No person in the U.S. shall, on the basis of sex be excluded from participation in, or denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any educational program or activity receiving federal aid.” To be in compliance with Title IX, an institution must work toward the following: (1) providing opportunities that are proportionate to the student enrollment, (2) expanding opportunities for the underrepresented sex, and (3) working to fully accommodate the athletic interests and abilities of the underrepresented sex (Coakley, 2009 ). Title IX has significantly helped increase participation opportunities for girls and women in sports. Since passage of Title IX, female high school sport participation has increased by 1000%, and female college participation has increased 574% (Acosta & Carpenter, 2008 ; The Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, 2007). Despite such increases, however, researchers have found that women and girls continue to confront barriers and stereotypes surrounding their involvement in sport.

A 2007 report by the Tucker Center for Research on Girls and Women in Sport highlighted three important trends in girls’ (under age 18) physical activity patterns. First, although girls and women are participating at record high levels in sport at all levels of competition (youth, high school, college and professional), girls’ participation has declined in team sports, pick-up play, and multisport activities (National Federation of State High School Associations [NFHS], 2007 ). Second, girls’ participation in moderate to vigorous physical activities has also declined. This decline is especially significant due to the myriad of health benefits (e.g., enhanced cardiovascular endurance, flexibility, and muscular strength; disease prevention; enhanced mental health and self-confidence; and decreased morbidity and premature mortality) associated with such activity. Third, girls have been found to “consistently lag behind boys” in sport participation (The Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, 2007, p. 3). The National Federation of State High School Associations (NFHS) High School Participation Survey reported that 2.95 million girls and 4.21 million boys participated in high school sports (The Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport, 2007 ; NFHS, 2007 ). Moreover, according to the Women's Sports Foundation, although girls comprise 49.7% of the high school population, they receive only 41.2% of all athletic participation opportunities.

At the college level, females constitute 54% of the college population, whereas female student athletes represent only 45% of the athletic population (Cheslock, 2007 ). Furthermore, 45% of athletic scholarship dollars and 32% of sport team recruitment dollars are allocated to women's athletics, translating to $166 million and $50 million less than men's athletics, respectively. In their longitudinal study examining the status of women in intercollegiate sport, Acosta and Carpenter ( 2008 ) found promising data pertaining to participation rates of female collegiate student athletes. The 2008 data reported the highest ever number of women teams (per school). In 1970, there were only 2.5 women's teams per school; today's (2008) data reveal 8.65 women's teams per school. The status of women coaches, however, remains low, with only 42.8% of women's teams and 2–3% of men's teams coached by a female head coach. Female athletic directors were found to represent only 21.3% of all athletic directors. Furthermore, only 27.3% of head athletic trainers and 11.3% of sports information directors are female (see Acosta & Carpenter, 2008 , for complete data). As evident in the data, sport is a gendered institution in which men typically occupy the more powerful positions and women the less powerful ones. It is a context that has long been dominated by men, and there is ample documentation to support the continuing domination of men in positions of power in sport (Acosta & Carpenter, 2008 ; Cheslock, 2007 ; NFHS, 2007 ).

Barriers to Gender Equity

Although the landscape of women's sport has significantly changed, societal barriers, stereotypes, and expectations continue to restrict women's participation and experiences in sport. There are numerous reasons to be cautious when predicting the future trends in sport participation for females (Coakley, 2009 ).

The threat of being labeled a lesbian has been found to influence female athletes’ sport involvement (Coakley, 2009 ; Griffin, 1998 ; Krane, 1997 ). The sport in which a female participates remains a significant determinant as to how she will be portrayed and perceived (by fans, media, peers, etc.) (Kauer & Krane, 2006 ). Our society maintains a level of discomfort with women's involvement in traditionally “masculine” sports (e.g., rugby, ice hockey, body building, boxing, basketball, football). Involvement in such sports carries with it assumptions and stereotypes regarding a female athlete's sexuality (Kauer & Krane, 2006 ). These stereotypes serve as a way to control all women by discouraging females from pursuing traditionally “masculine” activities out of fear of being labeled a lesbian (Griffin, 1998 ).

In addition to characterizing sports as “masculine” and “feminine,” many argue that limitations also are placed on female athletes’ physicality. For instance, in debates about the inclusion of women's ski jumping in the Olympic Games, Gran Franco Kasper, President of the International Ski Federation and a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), suggested that women should not ski jump because it “seems not to be appropriate for ladies from a medical point of view” ( www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1963447,00.html ). Anita DeFrantz, chair of the IOC's Women and Sports Commission described the situation as “a textbook case of discrimination” ( www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1963447,00.html ). This case is reminiscent of the 800 m finals in the 1928 Summer Olympics, when several female runners collapsed from fatigue after completing the race; the sight of exhausted women forced officials to restrict women's participation in the 800 m run for 32 years. Such limits and methods of “protection” are placed on female bodies from birth—these restrictions, which persist even today, serve to hinder women's opportunities, physical development, and the perceptions and use of their bodies.

Another roadblock to women's equity in sport is the backlash directed toward Title IX. Critics of Title IX often blame women's sport, female athletes, and in particular Title IX, for the decline (cutting) of men's “minor” sport programs (e.g., wrestling, tennis, track and field, and gymnastics). Cheslock ( 2007 ) found that whereas men's collegiate tennis and wrestling experienced declines (1,166 athletes) between 1995 and 2005, men's football, basketball, lacrosse, and soccer grew by more than 7,400 student athletes. Moreover, only Division I-A schools were found to experience declines in men's participation levels. The problem is not that Title IX takes resources away from men's sports, but that resources are misallocated among men's sports. Men's athletics often inequitably distributes resources among men's sports. For example, it was found that 74% of Division I operating budgets are devoted to men's basketball and football, which leaves all other men's sports to compete for the remaining funds. Although the realities and experiences of those male athletes and coaches who have had programs cut should not to be discounted or ignored, the blame should not be directed toward Title IX. Rather, it is due to the disproportionate amount of the budget being directed toward men's basketball and football. Athletic budget decisions—although dictated by a variety of factors—are made by athletic department administrators (Cheslock, 2007 ; Coakley, 2009 ).

Gender and Sport

Gender plays a pervasive part in how sport and exercise are experienced (Hasbrook, 1999 ). The attributes commonly associated with sport—strength, power, dominance, competitiveness, aggression—are socially defined as masculine traits/ qualities. As a result, female participation in sport creates numerous challenges.

Although attitudes toward women and girls participation in sport has improved since passage of Title IX, the ways in which girls and boys are taught to understand and physically use their bodies is quite different. Researchers have found that whereas boys are encouraged to experience and push their bodies and master complex patterns of skill development, girls are socialized to restrict and protect their bodies (Young, 1990 ). Girls learn early that they should take up less space and refrain from overly physical acts or run the risk of being perceived as less feminine. While boys gain status and popularity as a result of their involvement in sport, girls who are physically aggressive, tough, strong, and/or display an overly competitive persona are often ridiculed, labeled as lesbians, and/or sexually harassed (Griffin, 1998 ; Krane, 2001 ; Lenskyj, 1992 ). Athletic adolescent females are often referred to as “tomboys,” a term used to describe a female who engages in socially defined “masculine” activities. Such labeling works to establish sport involvement as an “abnormal”—and anti-feminine—component of female identity (Hall, 1996 ). It is during adolescence that such gender norms and expectations intensify, which in part explains the decrease in girls’ sport participation during adolescence (Fredricks & Eccles, 2002 ; Hasbrook, 1999 ; Shakib, 2003 ).

In addition to the physical health benefits, a myriad of psychological and social benefits also are associated with sport involvement for girls and women. Females involved in sport gain confidence, learn their physical capabilities, have higher states of psychological well-being, develop important relationships, build mental toughness, develop leadership skills, and acquire a sense of satisfaction that comes from setting and working toward goals. Females also enjoy the challenges associated with sport and describe it as an empowering experience. Girls and women who participate in sport also report a more positive body image (The Tucker Center for Research on Girls and Women in Sport, 2007 ).

The psychological study of gender has significantly evolved over the years. Whereas the initial research in psychology focused on sex differences, the work of Bem ( 1974 , 1978 ) and Spence and Helmreichs ( 1978 ) in the 1970s shifted the focus to studying masculinity, femininity, and gender roles. In the 1980s, another shift pushed researchers to acknowledge the social context. Carolyn Sherif was a strong advocate for the integration of social context into the psychological study of gender (Gill, 1995 ). Within sport psychology, however, we have historically focused on sex differences, failing to consider the ways in which gender relations are socially constructed. In 1992, Gill argued for the importance of analyzing the social context, suggesting that such an analysis “could advance our overall understanding of gender and sport” (p. 156). Even more recently, in 2001, however, there remained a “slow move beyond isolated studies of sex differences to more complex issues of gender relations” (Gill, 2001 , p. 366). As Gill ( 2001 ) further explains,

Despite the pervasiveness and power of gender in sport, and the infinite number of psychological questions we could ask, sport psychology research on gender is limited in all ways … our research questions and methods focus on differences and neglect complex gender issues and relations, and we lack guiding conceptual frameworks to help us understand the complexities of gender in sport and exercise contexts. (p. 366)

With the emergence of feminist sport psychology, we have seen an increase in the number of studies examining the role of gender in sport and exercise contexts. However, little attention has been directed to the ways in which gender is influenced by race, class, sexuality, and ability (among other identities). As Hall ( 2001 ) argued, “one only needs to look at the sport psychology and the feminist sport psychology literature to confirm that feminism and race are only gingerly embraced as a necessary and important variable within sport psychology” (p. 395). To continue moving toward feminist sport psychology, we must “heed the call of the sport studies scholars and consider the many intersections of gender, race, class and other power dynamics” (Gill, 2001 , p. 369).

In addition to the historical focus on biologically based sex differences and psychologically based gender differences, the study of gender in sport psychology is often relegated to “special” sections that provide only minor discussion of the topic. As Fisher, Butryn, and Roper ( 2005 ) suggested, examination of an introductory sport psychology text provides a clear representation of the constructs (e.g., personality, anxiety, motivation, psychological skills training) considered our primary areas of knowledge and those that are marginal (e.g., gender, race, sexuality, class, ability). As Hall ( 2001 ) suggested, “sport psychology books, texts, and journal articles must integrate the social aspects of sport, including race and gender, and allow for more than two pages” (p. 397). Analysis of gender (and race, sexuality, class, ability, nationality, etc.) must be present within research in all areas of sport psychology, including motivation, anxiety, personality, leadership, group dynamics, and so on.

Studying Women's Bodies

The ways in which females experience and view their bodies is an important component in understanding their physical activity and sport behaviors. From a very young age, girls learn—through a variety of socializing agents (e.g., media, peers, family members, toys—Barbie)—the importance of appearance. Today's culture places a tremendous emphasis on the body and physical attractiveness, with specific norms that males and females are expected to model. When girls reach adolescence, the pressure to conform to the ideal feminine body intensifies. A significant amount of research has suggested that women hold inaccurate and negative ideas about their physical appearance, generally viewing themselves as overweight, and hold a desire to become thinner (Cohn & Adler, 1992 ; Rozin & Fallon, 1985 ). Body image is defined as an individual's perception of and ideas about her or his body (e.g., weight, height, shape). Social physique anxiety is defined as the feeling that others are negatively evaluating one's body.

Social physique anxiety has been found to relate to unhealthy eating and exercise behaviors and body dissatisfaction in females (Davis, 1990 ). Researchers have found that low body image is linked with risky behavior (e.g., eating disorders, disordered eating) among girls (Wild, Flisher, Bhana, & Lombard, 2004 ). Females in sports that emphasize appearance and body weight show more concern about body weight (Davison, Earnest, & Birch, 2002 ). However, research has also indicated that before becoming involved in aesthetic sports, their body image did not differ from those not in aesthetic sports (Poudevigne et al., 2003 ).

Feminist researchers in sport sociology and sport and exercise psychology have advocated for the incorporation of a feminist cultural studies perspective to enhance our understanding of the physically active body (Cole, 1993 ; Hall, 1996 ; Krane et al., 2001a ). Feminist cultural studies examines the ways in which culture influences our beliefs about gender. As Krane et al. ( 2001a ) suggests, “culture encompasses everything from our eating habits and the clothes we wear, to our conversation styles and daily activities” (p. 117). Masculinity and femininity are connected with one's physical appearance; “our bodies become the text of femininity or masculinity” (Krane et al., 2001a , p. 117). The ideal feminine body is described by Markula ( 1995 ) as a series of contradictions—“firm but shapely, fit but sexy, strong but thin” (p. 424). To achieve the ideal feminine body, which most women never do, women use diet and exercise. In addition, women must constantly survey their bodies for flaws or problems and often engage in unhealthy eating or exercise patterns in an attempt to attain the ideal body (Duncan, 1994 ). As Krane et al. ( 2001a ) suggested, “Western culture socializes women to monitor their body shapes, strive for the cultural ideal body shape, and engage in self-blame when they do not attain the ideal body” (p. 118).

Female athletes are presented with a number of unique pressures related to their bodies. Research reports that female athletes live in two cultures: a sport culture that is defined as “masculine” and the larger social culture that emphasizes “hegemonic femininity,” the “socially privileged form of femininity” (Kauer & Krane, 2006 , p. 44; Krane et al., 2004 ; Krane et al., 2001a ). Although the ideal white feminine body is thin and toned, it creates an interesting paradox for the athletic female body that is supposed to be muscular and strong. The conflict between the two has the potential to negatively affect an athlete's self-esteem, health, and self-presentation (Krane et al., 1998). Grounded in feminist cultural studies, Krane et al. ( 2001c ) examined the relationships among body image, eating, and exercise in female exercisers and athletes. Eight female athletes and ten female exercisers were interviewed regarding the ways in which they socially constructed their bodies and how these constructions influenced them psychologically and behaviorally. Both groups of women were very aware of the culturally defined standards of beauty and how their own bodies were measured by such standards. The athletes, although proud of the strength and power of their athletic bodies, expressed less positive self-esteem when talking about their bodies in relation to the larger social context. For example, in settings outside the sport context, the athletes described feeling “too big” or “too muscular.” In 2004, Krane, Choi, Baird, Aimar, and Kauer interviewed 21 female collegiate athletes (all Caucasian, all heterosexual) about body image and perceptions of femininity and muscularity. The purpose of the study was to examine how female athletes negotiate and reconcile the social expectations of femininity with their athletic muscularity. Consistent with earlier research (Krane et al., 2001a ), the participants indicated that being feminine was in contrast to being athletic; having muscles was considered unfeminine. As such, the participants considered themselves different from “normal girls,” with normal representing nonathletic females. Their muscularity and athleticism, although acceptable within the sport context, was considered inappropriate outside of sport. Those participants who wore “revealing” uniforms (e.g., swimming, volleyball, distance running) described feeling uncomfortable and concerned about how they looked in their uniforms. The uniforms became a unique source of distress for several of the participants. These series of studies illustrate the challenges female athletes confront as they attempt to negotiate the societal expectations related to their bodies. Such challenges have the potential to lead to such behaviors as negative body image, eating disorders, disordered eating patterns, and low self-esteem. Research suggests that female athletes who feel dissatisfied with their bodies have a higher likelihood that they will engage in negative eating and exercise behaviors (Petrie, 1996 ). In fact, the eating and exercise behaviors of some of the female athletes in Krane et al.'s study (2001) were found to correspond with the descriptions of subclinical eating behaviors (e.g., distorted body image, weight dissatisfaction, excessive exercise, purging, bingeing) (Petrie, 1993 ).

Homonegativism in Sport

Heterosexism is defined as “an ideological system that denies, denigrates, and stigmatizes any nonheterosexual form of behavior, identity, relationship or community” (Herek, 1992 , p. 89). Heterosexism assumes that everyone is heterosexual (Herek, 1992 ). The term homophobia is used to refer to the irrational fear of individuals who identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT). In more recent years, however, scholars have shifted to a more comprehensive term—homonegativism—which also incorporates “negative stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination” against LGBT individuals (Krane, 1997 , p. 145).

A significant amount of research has documented the homonegative and heterosexist climate of sport (Griffin, 1998 ; Krane, 1997 ; Pronger, 1990 ; Young, 1995 ). Within the university context, the athletic department has been described as “the most homophobic place on campus” (Jacobson, 2002 , A33). An athletic director quoted in The NCAA News stated, “athletics has been the last bastion of homophobia. It's one of the few places left where homophobia is tolerated … the reality is that for many of our gay, lesbian, and bisexual athletes, it's not safe in intercollegiate athletics” (Hawes, 2001 , 14). The bias and marginalization LGBT athletes face has been found to occur through a variety of means, including “negative stereotypes, verbal comments and harassment, discrimination in team selection, social isolation, negative media attention, and loss of resources” (Barber & Krane, n.d.).

Homonegativism in Women's Sport

Sport has historically been defined as a male domain and, as such, female and male involvement in sport is interpreted quite differently. As previously noted, female participation in sport contradicts stereotypical notions of what it means to be “feminine.” Whereas the heterosexist assumption is that people are heterosexual, when a female participates in a stereotypically unfeminine context, her sexuality is questioned. As a result, female athletes often find their sexuality is called into question just because they participate in sport. Kauer and Krane ( 2006 ) interviewed college female athletes about the perceived stereotypes surrounding women's sport, how they reacted to such stereotypes, and what strategies they employed to cope with the stereotypes. The findings revealed that the female athletes were commonly stereotyped as lesbians and masculine, with the lesbian stereotype evoking the strongest emotional response. To cope with the stereotypes, the heterosexual athletes described disassociating from their athletic identity (e.g., not wearing team athletic gear outside of the sport context) and emphasizing their heterosexuality (e.g., talking about their boyfriends) and femininity (e.g., wearing make-up, nails done). The lesbian and bisexual athletes described trying to conceal their sexual identity by using vague language, lying about their sexuality, or providing limited personal information. As Griffin ( 1998 ) suggested, “a lesbian participating in a hostile climate must be prepared to deny her lesbian identity and act in ways that lead others to believe that she is heterosexual” (p. 94). The fear of being labeled or identified as a lesbian has the potential to intimidate and limit all women in sport (regardless of sexuality) and forces many female athletes to go to extreme lengths to hide their sexuality or prove their heterosexuality (Griffin, 1998 ; Kauer & Krane, 2006 ; Krane, 2001 ). Consistent with Kauer and Krane ( 2006 ), female athletes involved in masculine sports use a variety of methods to “feminize” their appearance (e.g., wearing ribbons, wearing pink, growing their hair long; Griffin, 1998 ). In addition, athletes have been found to engage in sexual activity (with men) as a way in which to prove their heterosexuality (Krane, Surface, & Alexander, 2005 ). These athletes, especially those who feel compelled to prove their heterosexuality, are particularly vulnerable to sexual harassment (Lenskyj, 1992 ). Researchers also report that some female athletes will drop out of sport altogether or choose to participate in “feminine” sports to avoid the lesbian label (Griffin, 1998 ; Shakib, 2003 ).

Team climate can also be affected by the lesbian label. Researchers have reported that athletes will model the attitudes and behaviors of coaches and their peers. Griffin ( 1998 ) outlines three climates for lesbians in sport: hostile, conditionally tolerant, and open and inclusive. Much of the literature has focused on the hostile environments, those that discriminate against lesbians (Griffin, 1998 ; Krane, 1997 ). Lesbians in a hostile environment must be especially careful about revealing their identity as severe ramifications often are associated with “coming out” (e.g., reduction of playing time, loss of scholarships, harassment, loss of job). In recent years, however, a growing amount of research has described open and inclusive sport climates (Kauer & Krane, 2006 ; Roper & Halloran, 2007 . For example, in a 2006 CHAMPS Life Skills program evaluation, it was found that 71% of the college athletes surveyed were comfortable having a gay or lesbian teammate, and 57% of the athletes indicated they would speak out against anti-gay slurs within the team setting. Roper and Halloran ( 2007 ) surveyed heterosexual male and female student athletes regarding their attitudes toward gay men and lesbians and found that those with contact with openly GLBT individuals held significantly more positive attitudes toward gay men and lesbians. Similarly, Kauer and Krane ( 2006 ) reported that exposure to out lesbians within the team setting positively affected the heterosexual athletes’ attitudes. These results reflect a changing climate for GLBT athletes.

A female athlete's body and frame also raises issues surrounding sexuality. Female athletes who are muscular are often perceived to be lesbians (Kauer & Krane, 2006 ). To combat this association, women athletes have been found to engage in unhealthy eating patterns in an attempt to alter their bodies. Krane et al. ( 2005 ) reported that female athletes will limit their strength training regimen as a way in which to avoid muscular development. As Krane et al. suggest, avoiding the necessary strength training of a sports program has the potential to increase the risk of injury and limit sport skill development due to insufficient strength. It becomes clear that the homonegative and heterosexist climate of sport creates an environment in which “female athletes’ physical and psychological health may be at greater jeopardy than their peers not faced with such discrimination” (Barber & Krane, n.d.; http://www.aahperd.org/nagws/publications/news/loader.cfm?csModule=security/getfile&pageid=28762 ). In fact, as Barber and Krane suggest, such sport environments have the potential to “inhibit intrinsic motivation [and] the desire to participate for the enjoyment of the activity” (Barber & Krane, n.d.).

In addition to the work focused specifically on female athletes, researchers have also examined the experiences of lesbian collegiate coaches (Griffin, 1998 ; Krane & Barber, 2005 ). Lesbian coaches are confronted with a unique set of issues. In extreme cases, although not uncommonly, lesbian coaches are fired if an athletic director finds out about their sexual identity (Griffin, 1998 ; Wellman & Blinde, 1997 ). Coaches’ fears associated with public harassment in the media or trouble securing a new coaching position work to silence the coach who has been wrongfully fired. Griffin ( 1998 ) outlined a continuum of identity management strategies ranging from “completely closeted” to “publicly out.” Most coaches are somewhere in the middle of the continuum (passing as heterosexual, covering their lesbian identity, implicitly out, explicitly out). As a result, “many lesbian coaches are constantly assessing and monitoring how to present themselves depending on who they are with and where they are” (Griffin, 1998 , p. 137). Similar to female athletes, some lesbian coaches attempt to pass as heterosexual by emphasizing or constructing a stereotypically heterosexual image (e.g., changing pronouns of significant relationships, having a male escort to events, emphasizing their role as a mother). Although some lesbian coaches are completely out, most who are out still face discrimination, particularly in terms of public support. Krane and Barber ( 2005 ) examined the experiences of 13 lesbian intercollegiate coaches. The interview data reveals the various tensions faced by lesbian coaches. All of the coaches were encouraged to remain silent about their identity and expressed fear that, if discovered, they would lose their job. Assistant coaches in the study expressed specific concern regarding professional mobility if their sexuality were disclosed or discovered. As a result of being silenced, the coaches were forced to negotiate multiple identities—being a coach and identifying as a lesbian. To do so, the coaches compartmentalized their lives and rationalized their need to do so. As a result, the lesbian coaches studied were found to develop two separate social identities (Krane & Barber, 2005 ).

Homonegativism in Men's Sport

For males, sport plays an important role in male social development and is considered to be one of the primary sites for men to demonstrate their dominance and masculinity (Messner, 2002 ). The hypermasculine sport culture often adheres to the most socially accepted form of masculinity—hegemonic masculinity (Anderson, 2008 ). Hegemonic masculinity is commonly associated with the attributes found in mainstream, team sport—strength, dominance, aggression, intimidation, and (hyper)heterosexuality (Anderson, 2008 ). By demonstrating physical and psychological attributes associated with success in athletic contests, boys gain status in most adolescent and preadolescent male groups. Boys who are more artistic, attracted to traditionally “feminine” sport forms, or uninterested in sport, however, are forced to find alternate ways to claim their masculinity or face being labeled gay or effeminate (Anderson, 2008 ; Messner, 2002 ). Men's involvement in dance, for example, carries with it various stereotypical assumptions regarding male sexuality. Polasek and Roper ( 2011 ) examined the ways in which male ballet and modern dancers negotiated the gay stereotype associated with men's involvement in dance. The dancers were found to employ a variety of methods to challenge the stereotypes associated with men in dance. To combat the pervasive stereotype, several of the dancers, both heterosexual and gay, described working to present an overly “masculine” image when outside of the dance space. The participants described wearing stereotypically masculine clothing (baggy, less fashion conscious), talking about their girlfriends when around strangers, and disconnecting from their career as a dancer (not wearing dance clothing outside the dance space and not talking about their dance career). Several of the gay dancers also described examples of homonegativism within the dance community. For example, there was an assumption within some companies that for a performance between a man and woman to be “believable,” a stereotypically “masculine” and “feminine” presentation was necessary. The participants also described companies that actively discriminated against men who were openly gay, some even being known as having a “no gays” policy. These findings, although clearly homonegative, are particularly interesting considering the meaning and significance of dance—especially ballet and modern—within the gay community (Risner, 2009 ).

Research addressing the homophobic nature of sport has also consistently noted the especially hostile atmosphere of men's mainstream team sports (i.e., basketball, baseball, football, and hockey; Curry, 1991 , 1998 ; Kimmel & Messner, 2001 ). Researchers (both within and outside sport) have found that the most extreme homonegativism is often found among tightly knit groups of men, who need both to deny any sexual component to their bonding and who can increase their solidarity by turning violently on minority groups/individuals (i.e., LGBT individuals; Curry, 1991 , 1998 ; Kimmel & Messner, 2001 ).

Inclusive Sport Environments

As an escape from the hetereosexist and homonegative mainstream sport climate, gay-friendly sport spaces began developing in the 1970s and ‘80s (Young, 1995 ). Such spaces provide an opportunity for LGBT individuals to socialize with other GLBT individuals and participate in sport in a safe and inclusive environment. Research indicates the importance of having a sense of comfort and community among LGBT individuals (Krane et al., 2002 ; Roper & Polasek, 2006 ; van Ingen, 2004 ). For the individual who identifies as LGBT, finding space where one feels comfortable is rare as individuals learn that most space is heterosexual (and primarily male-dominated) (Griffin, 1998 ).

The most prominent organized gay sporting event are the Gay Games, an international, Olympic-style event that occurs every 4 years. In contrast to the tenets of mainstream sport, the emphasis of the Gay Games is on inclusion, participation, and personal achievement (Coakley, 2009 ; Krane, Barber, & McClung, 2002 ; Young, 1995 ). Participation in the Gay Games has been described as empowering (Krane & Romont, 1997 ) and personally transformative (Young, 1995 ). Lesbians surveyed described feeling valued and having freedom to personally express themselves (Krane et al., 2002 ). When asked about the primary reasons that they participated in the Gay Games, lesbian and bisexual athletes discussed the significance of being with other LGBT individuals and the strong sense of community (Krane & Romont, 1997 ).

Social identity theory has been used to study and understand the ways in which gay-friendly sport settings (e.g., the Gay Games, GLBT sport leagues, gay fitness facilities) can promote salient and positive social and personal identity development among gay and lesbian individuals (Krane et al., 2002 ). Krane, Barber, and McClung ( 2002 ) examined the social psychological benefits of participation in the Gay Games. Consistent with previous research examining lesbian and bisexual athletes’ motives and experiences at the Gay Games, Krane et al. ( 2002 ) found that participation in the Gay Games strengthened their personal identity in a variety of ways, including increased self-esteem and pride in their sexuality and community. The participants also enhanced their collective esteem, evident in the use of “we” when describing their experience—“we are proud,” “we're winners—all of us” (p. 36). The participants also noted the importance of learning about the LGB community and indicated an enhanced desire to work toward social change after participating in the Gay Games. Similarly, Roper and Polasek ( 2006 ) examined the experiences and perceptions of being a member of a predominately gay fitness facility and found that the LGB members specifically noted the desire to be a member of a predominately gay gym—“I wanted to be around other gay people” (p. 20). In contrast to the mainstream, “straight” facilities, the members described working out at the predominately gay facility as a positive and comforting experience as a LGB individual.

Working with LGBT Populations

Although researchers in sport psychology, specifically Vikki Krane and Heather Barber, have conducted research examining the homonegative climate of sport—and specifically lesbians’ experiences in sport—little direct application of this knowledge has been connected to applied sport psychology. The one exception is Mark Andersen's ( 2005 ) text, Sport Psychology in Practice , which included two chapters devoted to working with gay (Martens & Mobley, 2005 ) and lesbian athletes (Barber & Krane, 2005 ). Martens and Mobley addressed issues practitioners may confront when working with gay male athletes. Specifically, the authors urged practitioners to have an understanding of the coming out process, an awareness of one's own assumptions and bias associated with LGBT individuals, and an understanding of the ways in which performance may be influenced by the homonegative context of sport (and society). As Martens and Mobley stated, “given the issues that gay athletes must deal with in the world of sport (e.g., contempt for gays, fear of being outed), it is difficult to believe these factors in some way do not affect athletic performance” (p. 252). Framing their chapter from a social identity perspective, Barber and Krane ( 2005 ) presented three consultation scenarios dealing with sexual orientation and incorporated strategies for practitioners working with lesbian, bisexual, and transgender athletes and coaches. Consistent with Martens and Mobley, Barber and Krane assert that sexual orientation is a performance issue that has the potential to influence team climate, psychological readiness (e.g., focus, stress), coach credibility, and coach/athlete satisfaction. Consistent with the tenets of feminist praxis, Barber and Krane note the unique position sport psychology practitioners are in to “challenge the heterosexist norms in women's sport” (p. 266) and “create environments where athletic achievement and positive social growth can occur” (p. 265).

Creating an open and inclusive sport climate requires those in positions of authority (coaches, sport psychology practitioners, team captains, athletic directors/administrators) to make a stand against discrimination toward LGBT individuals. As Barber and Krane ( 2005 ) note, “when coaches regard homonegative comments as unacceptable, it sends a strong message, especially to the LGB athletes” (p. 272). Silence does not signify a positive climate. Those in positions of power must actively speak out against discrimination and harassment and use inclusive language (Barber & Krane, 2005 ; Griffin, 2010 ). It is important for individuals to work toward becoming an agent of social change rather than an agent of oppression, which involves acknowledging one's unearned privileges and status, and working to eliminate or change privileges into rights that all people enjoy (Adams, Bell, & Griffin, 1997 ).

Institutional policies also play an important role in establishing an inclusive climate. For example, the National Collegiate Athletics Association (NCAA) recently included sexual orientation in their nondiscrimination policy. A number of resources also are available for sport and performance professionals. It Takes A Team! Education Campaign for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Issues in Sport is an education project sponsored by the Women's Sport Foundation that focuses on “eliminating homophobia as a barrier to all women and men participating in sport.” The program provides practical resources for athletic administrators, coaches, parents, and athletes at the high school and college levels to make sport safe and welcoming for all. In early 2011, the Gay Lesbian and Straight Education Network launched Changing the Game: The GLSEN Sport Project , an education and advocacy initiative that provides information about best practices for sport professionals on how to make K–12 athletics and physical education safe, respectful, and inclusive for students of all sexual orientations and gender identities ( http://sports.glsen.org ). Such resources provide valuable and practical information for sport and performance professionals. As Fisher, Butryn, and Roper ( 2005 ) suggested, “sport psychology researchers, teachers and consultants have the potential to regulate and prevent discrimination and abuses of power from happening to athletes and even fight on their behalf” ( http://www.athleticinsight.com/Vol7Iss3/DiversifyingPoliticizing.htm ).

Feminist Sport Psychology

Carole Oglesby's 1978 book, Women and Sport: From Myth to Reality , is considered one of the first feminist approaches to women and sport. Her feminist voice in sport psychology has continued to the present day (Oglesby, 1993 ; Oglesby, 2001 a, b ; Oglesby & Hill, 1993 ). Although the field of sport psychology “lacks guiding frameworks and provides few opportunities to engage in [feminist] dialogue” (Gill, 2001 , p. 363), those in sport psychology who have taken a feminist perspective have pulled concepts from other disciplines including women's studies, cultural studies, and sport studies. With the exception of Bredemeier's et al. ( 1991 ) work on the epistemological perspectives of women who participate in physical activity, there was a “long silence” (Krane, 1994 , p. 405) in feminist work in sport psychology between 1978 and 1994. Within the last 20 years, however, feminist work in sport psychology has witnessed “sporadic advances” (Roper, Fisher, & Wrisberg, 2005 , p. 34).

In 1994, Krane and Gill each published papers addressing feminist approaches to sport psychology research and practice, respectively. When Martens ( 1987 ) and Dewar and Horn ( 1992 ) both called for new epistemological perspectives and methodological approaches to sport psychology research, Krane (1994) proposed feminism as an alternative approach to researchers in sport psychology. Feminist research, as Krane suggested, “acknowledges the sexist bias in the knowledge base and reexamines knowledge through the experiences of women … plac[ing] women at the center of analysis, not on the periphery” (p. 397). The participants in feminist research, often referred to as co-participants to reflect the dialectic and reciprocal relationship between the researcher and women (Lather, 1988 ), are viewed as the experts of their own experiences. Beyond simply describing “the problem,” feminist research aims to “challenge the hegemonic practices and asks, what is it about gender relations in sport and exercise that leads to various inequities?” (Krane, 1994 , p. 398). For example, research in sport psychology indicates (and is published in many major sport psychology textbooks) that female athletes report lower levels of confidence than do male athletes (Corbin, Landers, Feltz, & Senior, 1983 ; Feltz & Petlichkoff, 1983 ). Such findings have the potential to perpetuate the perception that males are “naturally” better athletes. A feminist analysis would attempt to articulate why females underestimate their sport abilities. An understanding of the social context for women is pertinent to the analysis of these research findings. Also, it is important that those in sport psychology examine the measurements used to assess such constructs as confidence. As Krane (1994) noted, “perhaps current measurement instruments do not adequately tap into females’ conceptions of constructs such as competitiveness and confidence” (p. 403).

In the same issue of The Sport Psychologist and also in Sport Psychology Interventions (Murphy, 1995 ), Gill ( 1994 , 1995 ) addressed the ways in which sport psychology practitioners may employ a feminist approach to their applied work with athletes, teams, and coaches. Gill urged practitioners to begin by questioning how gender influences their responses, stressing the notion that gender matters. As Gill suggested, “gender influences reactions, expectations, and options a consultant might consider … trying to ‘treat everyone the same’ does a disservice to the athletes” (1994, p. 413). Recognizing the significance of gender is, as Gill ( 1994 ) suggested, the first step in feminist practice. Moving beyond this step involves valuing women's experiences, understanding the social context rather than focusing entirely on the individual, and emphasizing egalitarian relationships (Gill, 1994 , 1995 ; Worrell & Remer, 1992 ). Emphasizing equalitarian relationships is particularly challenging within the sport context, a hierarchical setting often dominated by rigid power structures (e.g., coach–athlete, athletic director–coach, coach–sport psychology practitioner). A feminist approach to practice would allow practitioners to work toward a more inclusive, safe, and empowering environment for all sport participants.

In 2001, a special issue of The Sport Psychologist , edited by Diane Gill, was devoted to feminist sport psychology (In search of feminist sport psychology: Then, now and always). As Ryba ( 2005 ) stated, “it is a testimony to the importance and growing influence of feminist work in the field that apart from individual essays, an entire issue of The Sport Psychologist was recently devoted to the topic of feminist sport psychology” ( www.athleticinsight.com ). In this special issue, professionals and students in the field shared their personal feminist journeys and the feminist frameworks that guided their work in sport and exercise psychology. As Gill ( 2001 ) noted in the introductory article of the issue, “each author contributes her own insights and interpretations … the variations and differing perspectives are the strength of feminist sport psychology” (p. 364).

Oglesby ( 2001b ) begins the issue with discussion of women's absence in the documented, mainstream histories of sport psychology and highlights the many contributions of feminist women in sport sciences during the formative years of sport psychology (1950–1975) (see Chapter 1 , this volume, for further discussion). Ruth Hall addresses the absence of feminist attention to women of color within the sport psychology literature, calling for critical attention to the following three “fundamental issues”:(a) white women are not the norm and should not be used to represent all women, (b) race must move beyond mere description; an understanding of the cultures of women of color are what is important, and (c) increased sport opportunities must be made available for women of color. Vikki Krane outlines three feminist perspectives—feminist standpoint, queer theory, and feminist cultural studies—that have guided her extensive research on lesbians in sport and women's bodily experiences (Krane, 1994 , 1997 , 2001 ; Krane & Barber, 2002 , 2003 , 2005 Krane et al. 2001 ; Krane et al., 2004 ; see earlier in this chapter for a discussion of her work in these areas). Brenda Bredemeier ( 2001 ) outlines the importance of feminist praxis to sport psychology researchers, using her work on moral development as an example of feminist research to practice. Whaley ( 2001 ) reviews the complexities of feminist methods and methodologies, highlighting the issues of particular relevance for those in sport and exercise psychology. The feminist perspectives and influences of five students in sport psychology (now all professionals) are also incorporated into the special issue (Greenleaf & Collins, 2001 ; Roper, 2001 ; Semerjian & Waldron, 2001 ). Consistent with the professionals’ papers, each student raises important and unique perspectives and questions.

Career Experiences of Women in Sport Psychology

Career opportunities are an important area of discussion within any profession. Such a discussion is of particular relevance to this chapter as the sport setting has a poor record of hiring, promoting, and working toward equal representation in many sport careers—coaching, administration, athletic training, and media relations. Women in each of the aforementioned professions have been found to confront various forms of discrimination, marginalization, and harassment (Acosta & Carpenter, 2008 ; Depatie, 1997 ; Gillette, 2000 ; Theberge, 1993 ).

Within sport psychology, growing amount of research has been devoted to the career experiences of prominent professionals (Gould, Tammen, Murphy, & May, 1989 ; Roper, 2008 ; Roper et al., 2005 ; Simons & Andersen, 1995 ; Straub & Hinman, 1992 ). The majority of the early research in this area focused on male professionals, with little to no attention devoted to the experiences and perceptions of female professionals. Although certainly not independent of one another, it is important to distinguish between academic (university setting—teaching, research, service) and applied (practitioner—clinical and educational) sport and performance psychology.

In 2002, I questioned whether there existed a gender bias in applied sport psychology. I suggested that whereas women do exist in great numbers within the field of sport psychology, they are often “marginalized, not recognized for their work, and/or tend to work in less visible arenas” (Roper, 2002 ; p. 55). I addressed the ways in which gender inequality in sport, homonegativism within sport, the lack of prestige women receive within academic circles, and the lack of female role models each impact women's opportunities, status, and experiences working within the applied realm. In 2003, Williams and Scherzer surveyed the training and careers of sport psychology graduates and found no support for a pro-male bias within applied sport psychology. However, Williams and Scherzer found that more females (than males) reported “gender bias” as a frustration to making progress within applied sport psychology.

In 2005, using a feminist standpoint approach, Roper, Fisher, and Wrisberg qualitatively examined the career experiences of female professionals in academic sport psychology. Eight professional women (co-participants) in sport psychology were interviewed regarding their experiences as women (one component of their multiple identities) in the field. Feminist standpoint explores the world from the perspective of those who are oppressed and marginalized (Harding, 2004 ; Hill Collins, 1997 ) and “begins with the assumption that knowledge is socially situated and that there are multiple ‘truths’ emanating from the different sociopolitical situations faced by different social groups” (Krane, 2001 , p. 402). Feminist standpoint theorists suggest that, in order to understand women's experiences, we must hear from the women themselves (Harding, 2004 ). The co-participants in this study provided in-depth descriptions of their career development and experiences. Consistent with Gill ( 1995 ) and Oglesby ( 2001 ), all the co-participants noted the preponderance of male professionals and the subsequent absence of female professionals in the written history of sport psychology. Regardless of the lack of representation, all of the co-participants suggested that there were a sizeable number of female professionals in the field. The specific obstacles the co-participants described confronting were specific to working in academia and not in the field of sport psychology (e.g., unfair hiring practices/job searches, glass ceiling, salary discrepancies, challenges associated with having a family, homophobic academic culture). All of the co-participants identified as feminists and stressed the importance of equality for women (both in sport and academia). The co-participants shared examples of the ways in which their work was feminist, including mentoring women and promoting women’ opportunities (as athletes, students, faculty members), establishing the classroom as a feminist space (e.g., diversity of content/readings, collaborative approach rather than hierarchical teaching style, respect for all), and being active in women's organizations on campus. The importance of social networks for women was another important theme. Very often, female academicians understand the isolating nature of academia for women and are therefore willing to provide support and guidance for other women.

As a follow-up to Roper et al. ( 2005 ), I (2008) examined the ways in which women's career experiences in applied sport psychology were influenced by their gender. Eight professional women in applied sport psychology were interviewed. The participants all held a doctorate in clinical/counseling psychology (6) or sport science (2). At the time the data were collected, the participants worked in a variety of applied settings including in college sport, the United States Olympic Committee, the Canadian Sport Centre, private practice, and in professional men's sports. Consistent with Roper et al. ( 2005 ), the participants’ personal involvement and interest in sport played a significant role in their decision to pursue a career in sport psychology. As was the case in academic sport psychology, all of the participants acknowledged that the majority of “recognized,” high-profile practitioners were male. Due to the overemphasis on male practitioners in the field, several participants suggested that students may be less aware of the work being done by female practitioners. As a result, several of the participants acknowledged the importance of highlighting the work of women consultants at annual conferences. Although several of the participants indicated that their access to many of their applied opportunities developed as a result of “being in the right place at the right time” (p. 416), it was found that male professionals played a significant role in assisting six of the participants gain access to their initial applied opportunities. Certainly, male professionals should work to promote women within the field; however, it is important to consider the privilege male professionals possess that grants them the ability to assist women in gaining access. Moreover, in maintaining such positions of power, “men remain the gatekeepers to entry into advanced sport psychology positions” (Roper, 2008 , p. 421). Consistent with Roper et al. ( 2005 ), it was also important to several of the participants to nurture and support other women in the field—both students and professionals. Seven of the eight participants described experiencing gender discrimination working in the sport context, which included experiencing sexist language from some male coaches, instances of sexual harassment by male athletes, feeling a need to downplay their appearance, having greater expectations placed upon women, and feeling excluded and isolated as a result of not being “one of the boys” (p. 415).

The findings from each of these studies provide insight into some of the unique experiences and challenges women may encounter when pursuing a career within the field of sport psychology. Although the findings are not generalizable to all women within the field, it is possible that other women may share similar experiences. Future research is needed to examine the gender biases in the field of academic and applied sport psychology and the ways the field might broaden the meaning of “traditional” applied sport psychology (e.g., elite, competitive mainstream sport forms) to include “nontraditional” forms of applied work, such as work with athletes with disabilities, senior-aged participants, youth, and other forms of movements or performance (e.g., dance, music, business). The emergence of social support networks was another important theme that characterized the experiences of the participants in both studies. Further investigation is needed to explore the mentoring process and the needs of female students and professionals, as they may be somewhat different than those of males. Continued attention must be directed toward career opportunities and patterns in the field of sport psychology.

It is clear that gender matters in sport and performance psychology, influencing our attitudes, interpretations, responses, and strategies. However, the field of sport and performance psychology is only beginning to critically examine gender relations in our research and practice. Although there are examples of work being conducted in the field that have employed relational analyses of gender and questioned the power relations imbedded within the sport context, sport and performance professionals continue to ignore gender issues and relations in their work. Researchers are encouraged to use alternative frameworks and paradigms to extend our knowledge base. Employing a feminist approach, for example, “challenges assumptions of traditional scientific research and emphasizes alternative methodologies that incorporate a wider range of methods of inquiry and forms of knowledge” (Gill, 1994 , p. 411). It is also important that professionals in the field understand the social context in which they are working in and/or studying. The more one understands the social climate of sport, the more one will be able to work toward improving the opportunities and experiences of all sport participants.

“Herstory” is a feminist term used to represent women's experiences and roles, rather than the “his”torical emphasis on men's experiences. As Oglesby ( 2001 ) stated, “the published history of sport psychology is precisely ‘his story’ ” (p. 375).

Acosta, V., & Carpenter, L. ( 2008 ). Women in sport: A longitudinal, national study . Retrieved June 2, 2008, from http://www.acostacarpenter.org/

Google Scholar

Google Preview

Andersen, M. ( 2005 ). Sport psychology in practice . Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Adams, M., Bell, L. A., & Griffin, P. (Eds.) ( 1997 ). Teaching for diversity and social justice: A sourcebook . New York: Routledge.

Anderson, E. ( 2008 ). “Being masculine is not about who you sleep with …:” Heterosexual athletes contesting masculinity and the one-time rule of homosexuality.   Sex Roles, 58, 104–115.

Barber, H., & Krane, V. (n.d.). Creating inclusive and positive climates in girls’ and women's sport: Position statement on homophobia, homonegativism, and heterosexism . Retrieved from http://www.aahperd.org/nagws/publications/news

Barber, H., & Krane, V. ( 2005 ). The elephant in the locker room: Opening the dialogue about sexual orientation on women's sport teams. In M. Andersen (Ed.), Sport psychology in practice (pp. 259–279). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Bem, S. L. ( 1974 ). The measurement of psychological androgyny.   Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 155–162.

Bem, S. L. ( 1978 ). Beyond androgyny: Some presumptuous prescriptions for a liberated sexual identity. In J. Sherman & F. Denmark (Eds.), Psychology of women: Future directions for research (pp. 1–23). New York: Psychological Dimensions.

Blackmore, J. E. O. ( 2003 ). Children's beliefs about violating gender norms: Boys shouldn't look like girls, and girls shouldn't act like boys.   Sex Roles, 48, 411–419.

Bredemeier, B., Desertrain, G., Fisher, L., Getty, D., Slocum, N., Stephens, D., & Warren, J. ( 1991 ). Epistemological perspectives among women who participate in physical activity.   Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 3, 87–107.

Bredemeier, B. ( 2001 ). Feminist praxis in sport psychology research.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 412–418.

Cheslock, J. ( 2007 ). Who's playing college sports? Trends in participation . East Meadow, NY: Women's Sport Foundation.

Coakley, J. ( 2009 ). Sports in society: Issues and controversies (10th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Cohn, L.D., & Adler, N.E. ( 1992 ). Female and male perceptions of ideal body shapes: Distorted views among Caucasian college students.   Psychology of Women Quarterly, 16, 69–79.

Cole, C. L. ( 1993 ). Resisting the canon: Feminist cultural studies, sport, and technologies of the body.   Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 17, 77–97.

Corbin, C. B., Landers, D., Feltz, D., & Senior, K. ( 1983 ). Sex differences in performance estimates. Female lack of confidence versus male boastfulness.   Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 54, 407–410.

Costa, D. M., & Guthrie, S. R. ( 1994 ). Feminist perspectives: Intersections with women and sport. In D. M. Costa & S. R. Guthrie (Eds.), Women and sport: Interdisplinary perspectives (pp. 235–252). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Curry, T. ( 1991 ). Fraternal bonding in the locker room: A pro-feminist analysis of talk about competition and women.   Sociology of Sport Journal, 8, 119–135.

Curry, T. ( 1998 ). Beyond the locker room: Campus bars and college athletes.   Sociology of Sport Journal, 15, 205–215.

Davis, C. ( 1990 ). Body image and weight preoccupation: A comparison between exercising and non-exercising women.   Appetite, 15, 13–21.

Davison, K., Earnest, D., & Birch, L. ( 2002 ). Participation in aesthetic sports and girls’ weight concerns at ages 5 and 7 years.   International Journal of Eating Disorders, 31, 312–317.

Depatie, C. ( 1997 ). Employment equity in Canadian equity newspaper sports journalism: A comparative study of the work experiences of women and men sports reporters . Unpublished thesis, University of British Columbia.

Dewar, A., & Horn, T. ( 1992 ). A critical analysis of knowledge construction in sport psychology. In T. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (pp. 13–22). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Duncan, M.C. ( 1994 ). The politics of women is body images and practices: Foucault, the panopticon, and Shape magazine. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 18, 48–65.

Feltz, D., & Petlichkoff, L. ( 1983 ). Perceived competence among intercollegiate sports participants and dropouts.   Canadian Journal of Applied Sport Science, 8, 231–235.

Fisher, L. A., Butryn, T. M., & Roper, E. A. (2005). Diversifying (and politicizing) sport psychology through cultural studies: A promising perspective revisited. Athletic Insight, 7 (3).

Fredricks, J. A., & Eccles, J. S. ( 2002 ). Children's competence and value beliefs from childhood through adolescence. Growth trajectories in two male sex-typed domains.   Developmental Psychology, 38, 519–533.

Gill, D. ( 1992 ). Gender and sport behavior. In T. S. Horn (Ed.), Advances in sport psychology (pp. 143–160). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Gill, D. ( 1994 ). A feminist perspective on sport psychology practice.   The Sport Psychologist, 8, 411–426.

Gill, D. ( 1995 ). Women's history in sport psychology.   The Sport Psychologist, 9, 418–433.

Gill, D. ( 2001 ). Feminist sport psychology: A guide for our journey.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 363–372.

Gill, D., & Kamphoff, C. S. ( 2010 ). Gender and cultural considerations. In J. Williams (Ed.), Applied sport psychology: Personal growth to peak performance (pp. 417–439). Dubuque, IA: McGraw Hill.

Gillette, C. J. ( 2000 ). Perceptions of discrimination in athletic training education programs . Unpublished thesis, University of Wisconsin.

Gould, D., Tammen, V., Murphy, S., & May, J. ( 1989 ). An examination of U.S. Olympic sport psychology consultants and the services they provide.   The Sport Psychologist, 3, 300–312.

Greendorfer, S. L. ( 2001 ). Gender role stereotypes and early childhood socialization. In G. Cohen (Ed.), Women in sport: Issues and controversies (pp. 3–23). Oxon Hill, MD: AAHPERD Publications.

Greenleaf, C., & Collins, K. ( 2001 ). In search of our place: An experiential look at the struggles of young sport and exercise psychology feminists.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 431–437.

Griffin, P. ( 1998 ). Strong women, deep closets: Lesbians and homophobia in sport . Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Griffin, P. ( 2010 ). When gay coaches and athletes come out. Retrieved August 5, 2010, from http://ittakesateam.blogspot.com/2010/05/when-gay-coaches-and-athletes-come-out.html .

Hall, A. ( 1996 ). Feminism and sporting bodies: Essays on theory and practice . Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Hall, R. ( 2001 ). Shaking the foundation: Women of color in sport.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 431–437.

Harding, S. ( 2004 ). The feminist standpoint theory reader . London: Routledge.

Hasbrook, C. A. ( 1999 ). Young children's social constructions of physicality and gender. In J. Coakley & P. Donnelly (Eds.), Inside sports (pp. 7–16). London: Routledge.

Hawes, K. ( 2001 ). H—The scarlet letter of sports: More people in athletics say it's time to start talking openly about homophobia.   NCAA news, 38(21), 13–14.

Herek, G. ( 1992 ). The social context of hate crimes: Notes on cultural heterosexism. In G. M. Herek & K. T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men (pp. 89–104). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Hill Collins, P. ( 1997 ). Comment on Heckman's ‘Truth and method: Feminist standpoint theory revisited: Where's the power?’   Signs, 22, 375–381.

hooks, b. ( 1984 ). Feminist theory: From margin to center . Boston: South End Press.

hooks, b. ( 2000 ). Feminism is for everybody: Passionate politics . Cambridge, MA: South End Press.

Jacobson, J. ( 2002 ). The loneliest athletes.   Chronicle of Higher Education, 11(1), A33–A34.

Kappeler, S. ( 1992 ). Pornography unmodified. In C. Kramerae & D. Spender (Eds.), The knowledge explosion: Generations of feminist scholarship (pp. 379–385). New York: Teachers College Press.

Kauer, K., & Krane, V. ( 2006 ). “Scary dykes” and “feminine queens”: Stereotypes and female collegiate athletes.   Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 15, 42–55.

Kimmel, M. , & Messner, M. ( 2001 ). Boyhood, organized sports and the construction of masculinities. In M. Kimmel & M. Messner (Eds.), Men's lives . Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

Krane, V. ( 1994 ). A feminist perspective on sport psychology research.   The Sport Psychologist, 8, 393–410.

Krane, V. ( 1997 ). Homonegativism experienced by lesbian collegiate athletes.   Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 6(1), 141–163.

Krane, V. ( 2001 a). We can be athletic and feminine, but do we want to? Challenging hegemonic femininity in women's sport.   Quest, 53, 115–133.

Krane, V. ( 2001 b). One lesbian feminist epistemology: Integrating feminist standpoint, queer theory, and feminist cultural studies.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 401–411.

Krane, V., & Barber, H. ( 2003 ). Lesbian experiences in sport: A social identity perspective,   Quest, 53, 115–133.

Krane, V., & Barber, H. ( 2005 ). Identity tensions in lesbian college coaches.   Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 76, 67–81.

Krane, V., Barber, H., & McClung, L. ( 2002 ). Social psychological benefits of gay games participation: A social identity theory explanation.   Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 14, 27–42.

Krane, V., Choi, P., Baird, S., Aimar, C., & Kauer, K. ( 2004 ). Living the paradox: Female athletes negotiate femininity and muscularity.   Sex Roles, 50, 315–329.

Krane, V., & Romont, L. ( 1997 ). Female athletes’ motives and experiences at the Gay Games.   Journal of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Identities, 2, 123–138.

Krane, V., Surface, H., & Alexander, L. ( 2005 ). Health implications of heterosexism and homonegativism for girls and women in sport. In L. Randall & L. Petlichkoff (Eds.), Ensuring the health of active and athletic girls and women (pp. 327–346). Reston, VA: National Association for Girls and Women in Sport.

Krane, V., Waldron, J., Michalenok, J., & Stiles-Shipley, J. (2001c). Body image concerns in female exercisers and athletes: A feminist cultural studies perspective. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal , 17 .

Lather, P. ( 1988 ). Feminist perspectives on empowering research methodologies.   Women's Studies International Forum, 11(6), 569–581.

Lensky, H. ( 1992 ). Unsafe at home base: Women's experiences of sexual harassment in university sport and physical education.   Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 1, 19–33.

Markula, P. ( 1995 ). Firm but shapely, fit but sexy, strong but thin: The postmodern aerobicizing female bodies.   Sociology of Sport Journal, 12, 424–453.

Martens, M. P., & Mobley, M. ( 2005 ). Straight guys working with gay guys: Homophobia and sport psychology service delivery. In M. B. Andersen (Ed.), Sport psychology in practice (pp. 249–263). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

Martens, R. ( 1987 ). Science, knowledge, and sport psychology.   The Sport Psychologist, 1, 39–55.

Messner, M. A. ( 2002 ). Taking the field: Men and women in sports . Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.

Messner, M., & Sabo, D. ( 1990 ). Sport, men, and the gender order: Critical feminist perspectives . Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics

Mies, M. ( 1983 ). Towards a methodology of feminist research. In G. Bowles & R. D. Klein (Eds.), Theories of women's studies (pp. 117–139). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Murphy, S. ( 1995 ). Sport psychology interventions . Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.

National Federation of State High School Associations (NFHS). ( 2007 ). 2005–2006 NFHS high school athletics participation survey . Retrieved July 16, 2010, from http://www.nfhs.org/2006/09/participation_in_high_school_sports

Oglesby, C. ( 1978 ). Women and sport: From myth to reality . Philadelphia: Lea & Febiger.

Oglesby, C. ( 1993 ). Changed times or different times—what happened with “women's ways” of sport?   Journal of Physical Education and Recreation, 64, 60–64.

Oglesby, C. ( 2001 a). Leaving it all on the field: Journeys of growth and change for women and sport. In G. Cohen (Ed.), Women in sport: Issues and controversies (2nd ed., pp. 441–444). Oxen Hill, MD: AAHPERD.

Oglesby, C. ( 2001 b). To unearth the legacy.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 373–385.

Oglesby, C. A., & Hill, K. L. ( 1993 ). Gender and sport. In R. N. Singer, M. Murphy, & L. K. Tennant (Eds.), Handbook on research in sport psychology (pp. 718–728). New York: Macmillan.

Petrie, T. ( 1993 ). Disordered eating in female collegiate gymnasts: prevalence and personality/attitudinal correlates.   Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 15, 424–436.

Petrie, T. ( 1996 ). Differences between male and female college lean sport athletes, non-lean sport athletes and non-athletes on behavioral and psychological indices of eating disorders.   Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 8, 218–230.

Polasek, K. M., & Roper, E. A. ( 2011 ). Negotiating the gay stereotype in men's ballet and modern dance. Research in Dance Education, 12(2), 173–193 .

Priest, L. ( 2003 ). The whole IX yards: The impact of Title IX: The good, the bad and the ugly.   Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 12, 27–44.

Pronger, B. ( 1990 ). The arena of masculinity: Sports, masculinity, and the meaning of sex . New York: St. Martins Press.

Poudevigne, M., O’Connor, P., Laing, E., Wilson, A., Modlesky, C., & Lewis, R. ( 2003 ). Body images of 4 to 8 year old girls at the outset of their first artistic gymnastic class.   International Journal of Eating Disorders, 34, 244–250.

Risner, D. ( 2009 ). Stigma and perseverance in the lives of boys who dance: An empirical study of male identities in Western theatrical dance training . Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press.

Roper, E. A. ( 2001 ). The personal becomes political: Exploring the potential of feminist sport psychology.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 445–449.

Roper, E. A. ( 2002 ). Women working in applied sport psychology: Examining the gender bias in the applied domain.   Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 14, 53–66.

Roper, E. A. ( 2008 ). Career experiences of women working in applied sport psychology.   Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 19, 32–50.

Roper, E. A., Fisher, L. A., & Wrisberg, C. ( 2005 ). Women's career experiences in sport psychology: A feminist standpoint approach.   The Sport Psychologist, 19, 32–50.

Roper, E. A., & Halloran, E. ( 2007 ). Attitudes toward gay men and lesbians among heterosexual male and female student-athletes.   Sex Roles, 57, 919–928.

Roper, E. A., & Polasek, K. M. ( 2006 ). Negotiating the space of a predominately gay fitness facility.   Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 15(1), 14–27.

Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. ( 1985 ). Sex differences in perceptions of desirable body shape.   Journal of Abnormal Psychology , 94 ,102–105.

Ryba, T. (2005). Sport psychology as cultural praxis: Future trajectories and current possibilities. Athletic Insight , 7 (3). Retrieved from www.athleticinsight.com

Semerjian, T., & Waldron, J. ( 2001 ). The journey through feminism: Theory, research and dilemmas from the field.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 438–444.

Shakib, S. ( 2003 ). Female basketball participation.   American Behavioral Scientist, 46, 1405–1422.

Simons, J., & Andersen, M. ( 1995 ). The development of consulting practice in applied sport psychology: Some personal perspectives.   The Sport Psychologist, 9, 449–468.

Spence, J. T., & Helmreichs, R. L. ( 1978 ). Masculinity and femininity . Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Straub, W., & Hinman, D. ( 1992 ). Profiles and professional perspectives of 10 leading sport psychologists.   The Sport Psychologist, 6, 297–312.

Theberge, N. ( 1993 ). The construction of gender in sport: Women, coaching, and the naturalization of difference.   Social Problems, 40, 301–313.

The Tucker Center for Research on Girls & Women in Sport. ( 2007 ). Executive Summary. The 2007 Tucker Center Research Report, Developing physically active girls: An evidence-based multidisciplinary approach . University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.

van Ingen, C. ( 2004 ). Therapeutic landscapes and the regulated body in the Toronto Front runners.   Sociology of Sport Journal, 21, 253–269.

Wellman, S., & Blinde, E. ( 1997 ). Homophobia in women's intercollegiate basketball: Views of women coaches regarding coaching careers and recruitment of athletes.   Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 6(2), 63–73.

Whaley, D. ( 2001 ). Feminist methods and methodologies in sport and exercise psychology: Issues of identity and difference.   The Sport Psychologist, 15, 419–430

Wild, L., Flisher, A., Bhana, A., & Lombard, C. ( 2004 ). Associations among adolescent risk behaviors and self-esteem in six domains.   Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45, 1454–1467.

Williams, J. M., & Scherzer, C. B. ( 2003 ). Tracking the training and careers of graduates of advanced degree programs in sport psychology, 1994 to 1999.   Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 15, 335–353.

Worrell, J., & Remer, P. ( 1992 ). Feminist perspectives in therapy: An empowerment model for women . Chichester, UK: Wiley.

Young, I. M. ( 1990 ). Throwing like a girl and other essays in feminist philosophy and social theory . Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

Young, P. ( 1995 ). Lesbians and gays and sports . New York: Chelsea House.

• About Oxford Academic
• Publish journals with us
• University press partners
• What we publish
• New features  
• Open access
• Institutional account management
• Rights and permissions
• Get help with access
• Accessibility
• Advertising
• Media enquiries
• Oxford University Press
• Oxford Languages
• University of Oxford

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide

• Copyright © 2024 Oxford University Press
• Cookie settings
• Cookie policy
• Privacy policy
• Legal notice

This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only

Sign In or Create an Account

This PDF is available to Subscribers Only

For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription.

• Olympic Studies Centre
• Olympic Refuge Foundation

Gender Equality in Sport

WISH programme: Empowering female coaches on the road to Paris 2024

On a mission to tackle gender imbalance among coaches in athletics: Martin Johansen, an IOC Young Leader and a male ally  

Using bicycles to change the lives of young girls in India: the innovative project of IOC Young Leader Pragnya Mohan

“My happiest moment” - Nawal El Moutawakel sees full gender parity at Paris 2024 as biggest achievement

IOC Young Leaders: Ouname Mhotsha is inspiring the next generation of sportswomen in Africa

Dakar 2026 – Girls in the spotlight at the “24 hours of women’s sport” 

Applying a gender lens to ensure that men’s and women’s sports have equal visibility at Paris 2024

Laura Martinel: towards gender equality in coaching

Katrina Adams named Global Winner of the 2023 IOC Gender Equality, Diversity and Inclusion Champions Award

Kirsty Coventry: my advice for women in leadership

#GenderEqualOlympics: advancing gender equality beyond the field of play 

Olympic broadcasting: More women in key broadcast roles at Paris 2024

GENDER EQUALITY THROUGH TIME

Sport is one of the most powerful platforms for promoting gender equality and empowering women and girls.

Great progress has been made in terms of balancing the total number of athletes participating at the Games

As the leader of the Olympic Movement, the IOC is taking continuous action to advance gender equality.

Click to learn more about:.

Female Coaches

The IOC is committed to addressing the challenge and to supporting Olympic Movement stakeholders to find pathways for more women to reach the highest levels of coaching. Increasing the visibility of elite coaches who have broken those barriers and who are role models for more women to follow their lead is itself a goal.

Commission and Community

The Commission advises the IOC Session, the IOC Executive Board and the IOC President on the implementation of the gender equality and inclusion strategy to enable them to make informed and balanced decisions to advance gender equality in sport on and off the field of play across the three spheres of responsibility of the IOC: the IOC as an organisation, the IOC as owner of the Olympic Games, and the IOC as leader of the Olympic Movement.

An IOC LinkedIn community group has been created for individuals working in the Olympic movement who are committed to closing the gender gap in sport. The group is a place to share best practices, success stories, lesson learned, news and events, and fosters a solutions-based approach to achieving gender equality both on and off the field of play.

Advocacy and Support

More information

The IOC Framework on Fairness, Inclusion and Non-discrimination aims to help sports bodies provide pathways to inclusion in elite sport for all athletes, without discriminating on the basis of gender identity or sex variations, while defining disproportionate advantage in ways that preserve meaningful and fair competition.

The IOC firmly believes that harassment and abuse have no place in sport or in society, and advocates for safe sport, as the safety and wellbeing of athletes are paramount. Since 2004, the IOC has been developing programmes and initiatives to safeguard athletes from harassment and abuse in sport.

• Share full article

Advertisement

Supported by

Who Should Compete in Women’s Sports? There Are ‘Two Almost Irreconcilable Positions’

Some experts say inclusion and competitive fairness conflict as leaders consider how to regulate the athletic participation of transgender women.

By Gillian R. Brassil and Jeré Longman

A restrictive Idaho law — temporarily blocked by a federal judge Monday night — has amplified a charged debate about who should be allowed to compete in women’s sports, as transgender athletes have become increasingly accepted on the playing field while still facing strong resistance from some competitors and lawmakers.

While scientific and societal views of sex and gender identity have changed significantly in recent decades, a vexing question persists regarding athletes who transition from male to female: how to balance inclusivity, competitive fairness and safety.

There are no uniform guidelines — in fact the existing rules that govern sports often conflict — to determine the eligibility of transgender women and girls (policy battles have so far primarily centered on regulating women’s sports). And there is scant research on elite transgender athletes to guide sports officials as they attempt to provide equitable access to sports while reconciling any residual physiological advantages that may carry on from puberty.

Dr. Eric Vilain , a geneticist specializing in sexual development who has advised the N.C.A.A . and the International Olympic Committee on policies for transgender athletes, said that sports leaders were confronted with “two almost irreconcilable positions” in setting eligibility standards — one relying on an athlete’s declared gender and the other on biological litmus tests.

Politics, too, have entered the debate in a divided United States. While transgender people have broadly been more accepted across the country, the Trump administration and some states have sought to roll back protections for transgender people in health care, the military and other areas of civil rights, fueling a rise in hate crimes, according to the Human Rights Campaign .

In March, Idaho became the first state to bar transgender girls and women from participating in women’s sports.

The law, enacted in July by a Republican-controlled legislature with no Democratic support, required athletes to participate in sports based on their sex assigned at birth. The law mandated that all participants, including transgender athletes, answer a form about their sex, surgical procedures, medications and even whether they have had organs, like testes, removed. Any dispute in an athlete’s eligibility required a physical, genetic or hormonal exam conducted by a physician.

The ban was challenged by a transgender athlete in federal court in Idaho, claiming it violated equal protection guaranteed by the 14th Amendment to the Constitution. Chief U.S. District Judge David C. Nye temporarily halted the law on Monday, writing in an 87-page injunction that a “categorical bar to girls and women who are transgender stands in stark contrast to the policies of elite athletic bodies that regulate sports both nationally and globally,” which permit transgender women to participate in women’s sports in college and the Olympics under certain conditions.

While the ruling was not final, it was a victory for Lindsay Hecox, who is transgender and challenged the law in April, seeking to become eligible for the women’s cross-country team at Boise State University. “I’m a girl and the right team for me is the girl’s team,” Hecox said Monday in a statement . “It’s time courts recognize that and I am so glad that the court’s ruling does.”

The injunction was a setback for the Trump administration and for Barbara Ehardt, the Republican Idaho state representative who sponsored the bill. On Monday, Ehardt said she would still “stand strongly” behind her position.

In a recent interview, Ehardt, who played basketball in college and formerly coached a N.C.A.A. Division I women’s team, expressed concern that residual physical advantages that transgender athletes might possess could reduce the participation of cisgender women in sports. (Cisgender means their gender identity matches their assigned sex at birth.)

Ehardt said: “The progress that we, as women, have made over the last 50 years will be for naught and we will be forced to be spectators in our own sports.”

The Idaho case and a lawsuit in Connecticut that challenges the eligibility of transgender high school athletes have raised complicated questions about equitable access to sports, human rights and athletic advantages. Scientists have long said there is no single biological factor that determines sex, and the sex assigned at birth is not considered the sole determinant of gender.

‘One group prioritizes inclusion. Another group says we want fairness and safety.’

There is little or no scientific research regarding the performance of elite transgender athletes, experts say. But some evidence suggests that residual strength and muscle mass advantages largely remain when people assigned as males at birth undergo testosterone suppression for a year.

Complicating matters further, medical and ethical questions have arisen about whether any women should be required to lower testosterone levels just to play sports. The United Nations has called required hormone suppression “unnecessary, humiliating and harmful.” And there continues to be vigorous debate about the extent to which testosterone provides a decisive advantage in athletic performance.

Guidelines regarding transgender athletes represent “sport’s unsolvable problem,” said Ross Tucker, a South African exercise physiologist who is helping World Rugby develop its eligibility rules.

He said it seemed impossible to balance the values of competitive fairness, inclusion and safety because they conflict. “Therefore, you have to prioritize them,” Tucker said. “That’s the problem. One group prioritizes inclusion. Another group says we want fairness and safety” on the playing field.

At puberty, male athletes generally gain physiological advantages for many sports, like a larger skeletal structure, greater muscle mass and strength, less body fat, greater bone density, larger hearts and greater oxygen-carrying capacity. As a result, men and women mostly compete in separate divisions. At issue for scientists and sports officials is how much testosterone-suppression regimens reduce those advantages.

Even if transgender athletes retain some competitive advantages, it does not necessarily mean that the advantages are unfair, because all top athletes possess some edge over their peers, said Vilain, the director of the Center for Genetic Medicine Research at Children’s National Hospital in Washington.

“It’s like saying Usain Bolt’s abilities are unfair because he wins by so much each time,” Vilain said.

Contrary to fears expressed by some, there has been no large-scale dominance of transgender athletes in women’s sports.

One former athlete who expressed such fears, the tennis great Martina Navratilova, was widely criticized and walked back her comments after writing last year in The Times of London that it was “insane” and “cheating” to allow transgender women to participate in women’s sports. She wrote without evidence that any man could “decide to be female,” take hormones and become victorious and then reverse course “and go back to making babies.”

Veronica Ivy, who was known as Rachel McKinnon when she became the first transgender woman to win a world masters track cycling title, accused Navratilova of being transphobic and having “ an irrational fear of something that doesn’t happen .”

Olympic historians say that no athletes at the Winter or Summer Games identified themselves publicly as transgender when they competed. At least two announced that they were transgender sometime after competing, including Caitlyn Jenner .

In recent years, transgender athletes have become more widely embraced and successful in sports from high school and college track to international weight lifting. The Tokyo Olympics, postponed to 2021 because of the coronavirus pandemic, could feature transgender women such as the BMX freestyle rider Chelsea Wolfe of the United States, the volleyball player Tifanny Abreu of Brazil and the weight lifter Laurel Hubbard of New Zealand.

Connecticut decided to split high school athletes by gender identity, prompting a lawsuit.

Governing bodies have varied in their approaches toward transgender athletes. Connecticut, for example, permits athletes to compete according to their gender identity, without restriction.

Last February, the Connecticut Interscholastic Athletic Conference policy was challenged by three cisgender female athletes, Selina Soule, Chelsea Mitchell and Alanna Smith. The lawsuit, still being adjudicated, referred to two transgender sprinters, Terry Miller and Andraya Yearwood, who have won 15 state titles between them. Their dominance in winning races deprived cisgender athletes of athletic opportunities and potential college scholarships, the suit argued.

In May, the civil rights division of the United States Department of Education ruled that Connecticut’s high school policy violated Title IX, the federal law that prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex.

“All the biological females know who is going to win before we even start, and it’s sad to see that all our training just goes to waste,” Smith, one of the three plaintiffs in the lawsuit, said in an interview.

The Connecticut high school association’s position is that multiple federal courts and government agencies have acknowledged in reference to Title IX that the term “sex” is “ambiguous” and historical usage of the word “has not kept pace with contemporary science, advances in medical knowledge and societal norms.”

Miller, the star transgender sprinter, said in a statement in February, “The more we are told that we don’t belong and should be ashamed of who we are, the fewer opportunities we have to participate in sports.”

The N.C.A.A. welcomed transgender athletes beginning in 2011.

Today, about 200,000 athletes compete in women’s college sports. Joanna Harper, a researcher and medical physicist, estimated that about 50 are transgender.

Harper, who is transgender, said that different levels and types of sports should tailor policies to their unique circumstances, including testosterone-suppression requirements for top transgender athletes beginning in high school, but with an eye toward inclusivity.

“Where there’s no professional contracts, no money, no Olympic glory, we should be very inclusive about that,” Harper said.

The N.C.A.A. policy says that issues of basic fairness and equity “demand the expansion of our thinking about equal opportunity in sports.” The organization requires that transgender women undergo testosterone suppression treatment for a year before becoming eligible for women’s events. But the N.C.A.A. says it does not set permissible limits of testosterone for transgender athletes.

In August 2019, June Eastwood of the University of Montana became the first known transgender woman to compete in an N.C.A.A. Division I women’s cross-country race. Before transitioning, Eastwood had been a top runner for Montana’s men’s cross-country and track teams. But in women’s cross-country, she finished 60th at a regional meet and did not qualify for the national championships.

Four years earlier, Harper had published the first study on the effect of hormone therapy — testosterone suppression and estrogen — on the performance of transgender athletes.

Her research found that a nonelite group of eight transgender distance runners was no more competitive as women than as men. Her findings suggested that a performance advantage was not always maintained over cisgender women as transgender women faced a reduction in speed, strength, endurance and oxygen-carrying capacity.

Harper noted, though, that her research applied only to distance runners and that transgender sprinters may retain an advantage over cisgender sprinters because they tend to carry more muscle mass to propel themselves over shorter distances.

In May 2019, the first known transgender athlete won an N.C.A.A. track championship, when CeCe Telfer of Franklin Pierce University in New Hampshire took first place in the Division II women’s 400-meter hurdle race. Telfer’s transition seemed to follow, at least partially, Harper’s theory about sprinters.

In two seasons for the Franklin Pierce men’s team, Telfer did not qualify for the national collegiate championships, ranking no better than 200th in the hurdles event. On the women’s team, she ran slightly slower in winning the 400-meter hurdles (57.53 seconds) than she had before transitioning (57.34). But Telfer was faster after transitioning in the 60-meter sprint (7.63 seconds compared to 7.67) and the 400-meter sprint (54.41 seconds compared to 55.57).

Telfer attributed her success, in part, to a newfound motivation to compete, telling Outsports.com that she felt a release from gender dysphoria, which left her “uncomfortable in my skin.”

But Gregory A. Brown, a professor of exercise science at the University of Nebraska-Kearney, wrote in an expert declaration for the state of Idaho in its case that Telfer’s performance “provides some evidence that male-to-female transgender treatment does not negate the inherent athletic performance advantages” of a person who experienced puberty as a male.

Some experts say the science undermines any hope for universal guidelines.

A 2019 Swedish study of 11 transgender women found that, after a year of undergoing testosterone suppression, they experienced only a negligible decrease in strength in their thigh muscles and only a 5 percent loss of muscle mass.

One of the researchers, Tommy Lundberg of the Karolinska Institute outside Stockholm, said in an interview that the participants were untrained and that it was difficult to speculate about physical changes to elite athletes because “there are no longitudinal studies.” He added, “I’m not sure there will be any reliable data at any point.”

The International Olympic Committee allows transgender female athletes to compete in the Games if they reduce their serum testosterone levels below 10 nanomoles per liter for a year and maintain the lower levels during their careers. Transgender men can compete without restriction.

According to World Athletics, track and field’s governing body, the general testosterone range for cisgender women is .12 to 1.79 nanomoles per liter, compared with 7.7 to 29.4 nanomoles per liter for men after puberty. In other words, World Athletics says, the lowest level in the men’s range is four times greater than the highest level in the women’s range.

Separately, track and field has guidelines specifically for intersex athletes, competitors born with biological factors that don’t fit typical descriptions for males or females. Those who possess a rare chromosomal condition are required to reduce their testosterone levels even lower, to five nanomoles per liter, in races from the quarter mile to the mile.

One of the athletes affected is Caster Semenya of South Africa, the two-time Olympic champion at 800 meters, who was classified as female at birth, identifies as a woman and is challenging the track and field policy in an ongoing case.

The I.O.C. has been widely expected to require transgender Olympic athletes to adhere to the five nanomole limit after the Tokyo Games.

According to new research , which examines available studies of testosterone suppression, evidence shows that even a reduction to one nanomole per liter — squarely within the average female range — only minimally reduces the advantages of muscle mass and strength retained as men transition to women.

That undermines the attempt of sports organizations to set universal guidelines, said Lundberg, a co-author of the study, which is undergoing peer review. He recommends that individual sports set their own policies.

“It is easy to sympathize with arguments made on both sides,” Lundberg said of gender identity versus biology. But, he added, “It is going to be impossible to make everyone happy.”

An earlier version of this article misspelled the given name of a Brazilian volleyball player. She is Tifanny Abreu, not Tiffany.

How we handle corrections

Gillian Rose Brassil is a sports reporter for The New York Times and member of The Times' 2020-2021 Fellowship class. More about Gillian R. Brassil

Jeré Longman is a sports reporter and a best-selling author. He covers a variety of international sports, primarily Olympic ones. He has worked at The Philadelphia Inquirer, The Dallas Times Herald and The Clarion-Ledger in Jackson, Miss. More about Jeré Longman

• All Solutions
• Audience measurement
• Media planning
• Marketing optimization
• Content metadata
• Nielsen One
• All Insights
• Case Studies
• Perspectives
• Data Center
• The Gauge TM – U.S.
• Top 10 – U.S.
• Top Trends – Denmark
• Top Trends – Germany
• Women’s World Cup
• Men’s World Cup
• News Center

Client Login

Insights > Sports & gaming

On different playing fields: the case for gender equity in sports, 6 minute read | stacie de armas, svp, diverse insights & initiatives | march 2021.

Women make up more than half of the U.S. population, but they are still fighting for equality in the world of sports, where gender-based discrimination is all too common. Recently, we saw a very public and painful example, during Women’s History Month no less, of the stark inequity in the treatment of female versus male athletes in the NCAA Basketball Tournament. It’s difficult to understand how neglecting to supply female student-athletes with the proper equipment and facilities—especially during the largest tournament of their sport—can still happen today. Unfortunately, it seems that sexism in sports is ingrained from the time our children are in youth sports. This inequity is also institutionalized—from how we define what qualifies as a sport to the imagery used to represent female athletes, disparities in the facilities, and support for female athletes. 

As superstar athlete and World Cup champion Megan Rapinoe testified to Congress, “One cannot simply outperform inequality or be excellent enough to escape discrimination of any kind.” As a mother of a son and a daughter, this inequality hit very close to home just last week. Up until two weeks ago, in my state of California, all youth sports, which were prohibited for nearly a year, were permitted to return. All sports, that is, except for one female-dominated sport: cheer. While my son was able to get back on the field and enjoy his sport, I, alongside many other concerned parents, had to continue to advocate at the state level for equity for cheer athletes. We were successful, but why did we even have to fight for recognition and equal treatment for these athletes? Women and girls in sports should not be an afterthought.

It is disheartening to see that the fight for equality for women’s sports continues beyond grade school, as collegiate athletes in the NCAA Women’s Basketball Tournament recently experienced firsthand. Like many of you, I recently saw the viral video from University of Oregon sophomore forward Sedona Prince showing the weight room facilities provided for the female players at the basketball tournament compared with the facilities provided for the men. The women’s weight room consisted of a single set of dumbbells and some yoga mats, while the men’s weight room was stocked with state-of-the-art training equipment, rows of weights, and workout machines. Her TikTok video was further socialized on Instagram and Twitter and now has more than 20 million views. 

The outrage was swift, as many people were quick to criticize the blatant inequities for these female athletes, but the brands stepped in even faster. Not only did the outcry to correct the situation come from celebrities, sports journalists, and fans, but companies weighed in, too. Fitness and retail brands like Orange Theory, Dick’s Sporting Goods and Tonal responded to support these women athletes (who don powerful social media influence) with equipment the very next day and offered to make appropriate training facilities available. Shortly thereafter, the NCAA acknowledged this terrible error in judgment and installed a fully functional women’s weight room coupled with an apology. 

These brands understand the power of the moment and of female athletes. Research from Nielsen Sports illustrates the power female athletes hold as social media endorsers. Fans like to buy products and services that their favorite athletes endorse on social media. When brands partner with athletes to embrace their power and advocate for equity, they can enact change as well as accountability in sports institutions. That’s a winning play for brands—fully embracing the power of female athletes, while proactively building equity in women’s sports and not just in response to a crisis.

There are several fundamental truths here that brands need to embrace: social media is powerful; female athletes are powerful influencers; and consumers are asking more from brands when it comes to social responsibility. For example, a global Nielsen Fan Insights study reveals that 47.5% of respondents have a greater interest in brands that have been socially responsible and “do good.” The good news is that some brands are taking notice and recalibrating business and marketing models to meet consumers’ changing needs in a new era of sports sponsorship . The brands stepping in to act on the values they espouse as an organization are a perfect example. Brands, including leagues, teams, owners, and even school districts, must address changing consumer and social demands and their female athletes’ needs by operating with equity in women’s sports. 

More opportunity leads to more audience

The weight room in San Antonio isn’t the only place where we need to see change. While we’re seeing progress in how women are represented on television in scripted content, we have not seen the same visibility in women’s sports. This isn’t for lack of women’s sporting events or even viewer interest, but rather the relative lack of access to women’s team sporting events being broadcast and promoted on TV compared with men’s events. We know this needs to change, but it is a catch 22. Far fewer women’s sports are being broadcast, and when they are, games are often carried on difficult to find, smaller outlets, and are under-promoted, naturally resulting in smaller audiences. This overall lack of investment and promotion on television negatively affects audience draw, and therefore ROI for advertisers and sponsors. This lower brand investment is being used to justify disparities in resources for women’s sports. And the cycle continues. 

The good news is that there seems to be a change in tide. Coverage for the NCAA Women’s Basketball Tournament this year is one of the broadest in its history thanks to ESPN’s expanding coverage—a move that has so far doubled the audience reach of the first round of the women’s tournament compared with the one in 2019. 

Along with the gripping game play, the increase in reach is most likely attributed to the number of games actually being aired. Round 1 of the tournament in 2019 was exclusively broadcast on ESPN2, which aired just nine game windows. This year’s NCAA women’s games have been on ABC, ESPN, ESPN2 and ESPNU, and every single one of the 32 games has been aired in round 1. When audiences have access to women’s sports, they tune in. Female athletes deserve the facilities, equipment and support they need to thrive. While the men’s tournament has seen multi-network coverage since 2011, the women’s tournament is finally seeing increased coverage, with 2021 marking the first time the women’s tournament has been on network TV—and not just on cable—in decades. Because that viewing opportunity exists, more people are watching. It is time women’s sports get the investment, coverage and support they deserve. Advertisers should take note: A growing fan base means a bigger audience.

It has been nearly 50 years since Title IX legislation granted women equal opportunities to play sports. But the legislation also mandates the equal treatment of female and male student-athletes from equipment to competitive facilities to publicity and promotions and more. As more and more brands champion equity for women’s sports and female athletes become more influential as brand endorsers, it is my hope that we will see fewer disparities in playing time, facilities, brand partnerships, and coverage of women’s sports on screen. And that for future female athletes, equity for women’s sports will be a slam dunk.

Related tags:

Related insights

Continue browsing similar insights.

Black audiences are looking for relevant representation in advertising and content

Dimensions of diversity are numerous, spanning well beyond skin tone and narrative location.

Need to Know: What’s the difference between OTT, CTV and streaming?

We break down the differences between OTT, CTV and streaming, how advertising works on each, and why they’re more…

Reaching voters with radio 

In a crowded market for political ads, radio offers an advantage.

Find the right solution for your business

In an ever-changing world, we’re here to help you stay ahead of what’s to come with the tools to measure, connect with, and engage your audiences.

How can we help?

• Princeton University Undergraduate Senior Theses, 1924-2023
• Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, 1929-2023

Items in Dataspace are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.

clock This article was published more than  2 years ago

The fight for the future of transgender athletes

A group of influential women’s sports advocates say their proposals are about fairness. but lgbt activists say their plans would endanger transgender rights — and transgender lives..

The women timed their announcement carefully, holding it the day before National Girls and Women in Sports Day, created three decades ago to promote female athletes.

Among them were trailblazers: Donna de Varona, the Olympic swimmer who lobbied for Title IX’s passage in 1972; Donna Lopiano, the former chief executive of the Women’s Sports Foundation; and Nancy Hogshead-Makar, Olympic swimmer and law professor who wrote a book on Title IX.

Before that day in early February, they were universally respected as pioneers in the long fight for women’s equality in sports. Then they unveiled their project: changing the way transgender girls and women participate in women’s sports. Almost immediately, their proposal drew bitter criticism in the fraught debate over transgender rights.

For starters, they said, they planned to lobby for federal legislation requiring transgender girls and women, in high school sports and above, to suppress testosterone for at least one year before competing against other girls and women, making universal a policy already in place in some states and some higher levels of sports. For transgender girls in high school who do not suppress testosterone, they suggested “accommodations,” such as separate races, podiums or teams.

They called themselves the Women’s Sports Policy Working Group .

“To give girls and women an equal opportunity to participate in sports, they need their own team. Why? Because of the biological differences between males and females,” said Hogshead-Makar, CEO of Champion Women, a women’s sports advocacy organization.

They portrayed their proposals as a science-based compromise between two extremes: right-wing politicians seeking wholesale bans of transgender athletes and transgender activists who argue for full inclusion — and who even dispute what some view as settled science about the relationship between testosterone and athleticism. They quickly drew fierce backlash, illustrating how the issue of transgender athletes has become the most vexing, emotionally charged debate in global sports and why it may prove impossible for schools and sports organizations to craft policies that are both fair to all female athletes and fully inclusive of transgender girls and women.

Transgender and women’s equality activists denounced their proposals as transphobic and accused the women of having a myopic focus on sports at a critical time for the transgender equality movement — as the Biden administration fights to expand federal anti-discrimination protections for transgender people and as conservative lawmakers push bills in more than 20 states seeking to ban transgender athletes and criminalize gender-affirming hormone therapy for transgender youth.

Critics also pointed to members of the working group with reputations of engaging in anti-trans rhetoric, including Martina Navratilova, the tennis champion whose commentary on transgender athletes has stoked outrage, and a Duke law professor whose work calling transgender girls and women “biological males” is cited in anti-transgender legislation.

Inside the world of sports — where careers are built on split-second wins and governed by rules that measure testosterone by the nanomole — these women’s proposals have gained some surprising voices of support. They have drawn endorsements from the first openly transgender Division I cross-country runner in NCAA history as well as a leading transgender scientist researching the effects of hormone therapy on athleticism. With enduring credibility in the sports world and on Capitol Hill, they have begun meeting with state and federal lawmakers grappling with this issue.

But even advocates who view their proposed policies as sensible for collegiate and professional athletes wonder whether these women have truly grappled with the impact their policies would have on the lives of hundreds, perhaps thousands of transgender girls across the country.

“The folks who are pushing these anti-trans bills … they don’t believe transgender people exist. They think they’re faking it for an advantage in sports,” said Cathryn Oakley, state legislative director at the Human Rights Campaign. “I don’t know how you find a middle ground between a hate group and people pushing for equality.”

A patchwork of policies

Before 2010, few college or high school athletic associations had policies on transgender athletes, according to a report published that year by the Women’s Sports Foundation and the National Center for Lesbian Rights.

Noting that “an increasing number of high school and college-aged young people are identifying as transgender,” the report proposed a set of policies: In college sports, transgender women should undergo one year of hormone therapy before competing against other women, a rule rooted in scientific research that suggested such an approach would mitigate any athletic benefits. The NCAA quickly adopted the policy.

For high schools, the report recommended letting transgender girls compete in sports as soon as they transition socially and begin dressing and acting in accordance with their gender identity. Requiring hormone therapy for adolescents is potentially harmful, experts said in interviews, because not all transgender teens have supportive families or access to gender clinics. Ones who do may not want to undergo hormone therapy, which for transgender girls typically involves puberty blockers that pause developmental changes followed by a combination of testosterone suppressors and estrogen.

According to information compiled by transathlete.com and the ACLU , 10 states let transgender girls compete in high school sports after undergoing some treatment. Twelve states prohibit them entirely, including four that passed new laws and executive orders this year. Nine states have no policies at all. And 19 states, as well as the District of Columbia, let them compete regardless of testosterone level.

For the past decade, this policy patchwork has developed largely without controversy. Transgender youth are a very small minority of the U.S. population — 1.8 percent of high school students, according to a 2019 CDC report — and the number of those transgender girls likely to play sports and compete at an elite level is even smaller.

But then, a few years ago, a transgender runner took the Connecticut track scene by storm, catching the attention of politicians, pundits and advocates — including Lopiano, a Connecticut resident and Title IX champion.

Running on the boys’ team as a ninth-grader in suburban Hartford, Terry Miller was an average track athlete, online records show, failing to qualify for any postseason events. But in 2018, Miller came out as a transgender girl. In her first season running against other girls, as a sophomore, Miller dominated. She won five state championships and two titles at the New England championships, beating the fastest girls from six states.

The next fall, as a junior, Miller won another four state titles and two more all-New England titles. In several races, she was followed closely by Andraya Yearwood, another transgender girl who had also won three state titles.

In interviews, Miller and her supporters discussed how important track was for her confidence and stability as she transitioned.

“Track helps me forget about everything, and I love it,” Miller said in a 2019 story on DyeStat, a website that covers high school track and field. (Miller and her parents declined an interview request for this story.)

Support for Miller, however, was not unanimous. Girls who lost to her and their coaches complained that she had an unfair advantage. Parents of other girls started online petitions demanding state high school officials add a testosterone suppression requirement for transgender girls.

I’m not saying transgender girls are going to take over women’s sports. I’m saying that the law protects girls and women, and they shouldn’t have to compete against someone who has an immutable testosterone-based advantage. — Donna Lopiano, Title IX advocate

A lawyer representing a few mothers contacted Lopiano and asked for help. Believing Connecticut’s policy violated Title IX, Lopiano met with state officials and attempted to broker a compromise that would allow the results of transgender runners not to affect the results of cisgender girls.

Title IX doesn’t define what it means to be a girl or a woman. But Lopiano argues Congress intended to restrict female sports to girls and women who haven’t gone through male puberty, when testosterone in boys surges to between four and 10 times the levels found in girls and women.

She points to the 1975 testimony of Bernice Sandler, an activist known as “the godmother of Title IX,” who told Congress that, because of physical advantages men acquire during puberty, any effort to integrate sports between the sexes “would effectively eliminate opportunities for women.”

“I’m not saying transgender girls are going to take over women’s sports,” Lopiano said. “I’m saying that the law protects girls and women and they shouldn’t have to compete against someone who has an immutable testosterone-based advantage.”

Lopiano’s compromise never materialized. The mothers decided instead to work with the Alliance Defending Freedom, an Arizona-based conservative Christian advocacy organization that supports anti-trans lawsuits and legislation across the country. The Alliance helped three girls who lost races to Miller and Yearwood sue Connecticut high school authorities, arguing their policy on transgender athletes violated Title IX. The case is pending in U.S. District Court in Connecticut.

The ACLU has intervened on behalf of the transgender runners. In an interview, Chase Strangio, deputy director for transgender justice at the ACLU, said courts already have found Title IX protections apply to transgender girls and women in cases involving access to women’s restrooms. He views restrictions on transgender athletes in high school, such as hormone requirements, as discriminatory and probably a violation of the law.

Miller did not begin suppressing testosterone until her junior year, Strangio acknowledged, but Yearwood was on hormone therapy throughout high school. Regardless, Strangio emphasized that his clients didn’t win every race they competed in and they quit the sport after high school.

“Their careers were sabotaged by the rhetoric and the attacks on them,” Strangio said.

In early 2019, Lopiano began meeting regularly with de Varona and Hogshead-Makar to discuss what they believe are looming collisions between the transgender equality movement and Title IX. To them, the Connecticut controversy illustrated what they view as the two extreme positions between which they are trying to navigate.

The Alliance Defending Freedom argues that transgender girls and women always have physiological advantages in sports, even if they have suppressed testosterone. Their advocacy has inspired a wave of legislation across the country targeting transgender athletes since 2019.

“You can’t change a person’s biological sex,” said Christiana Holcomb, an Alliance lawyer working on the Connecticut case. “Nothing can undo the physiological advantages that come from being born biologically male.”

Strangio and the ACLU dispute whether transgender girls and women have advantages in sports, even if they’re not suppressing testosterone. Other prominent transgender activists, making this same argument, have called for the NCAA to remove its testosterone suppression requirement.

“The truth is, transgender women and girls have been competing in sports at all levels for years, and there is no research supporting the claim that they maintain a competitive advantage,” a 2019 ACLU article noted.

“Athleticism is complex,” Strangio said. Referring to Lopiano and her colleagues, he added, “I’m not a scientist, and neither are any of them.”

A growing research field

Benjamin Levine, a professor of cardiology at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, is one of the world’s leading experts on the science of athletic performance. The founder and director of the Institute for Exercise and Environmental Medicine at Texas Health Presbyterian Hospital Dallas, one of the largest institutes of its kind in the world, Levine has published hundreds of peer-reviewed papers and consulted for the NCAA, the NFL, World Athletics and NASA.

In an interview, Levine said he understands why this topic stirs intense emotions. But, he said, there is no debate over whether post-pubescent transgender teenage girls and women have advantages in sports until they suppress testosterone.

Regardless of gender identity, Levine said, people who go through puberty with male levels of testosterone, on average, will grow taller and stronger than cisgender girls and women, with more muscle mass, larger hearts and advantages in several other physiological factors that affect athleticism. Puberty in boys typically begins by 12 and ends by 18.

“This is why, for every single record that you see in athletic competitions, boys and girls before puberty are about the same, and then everything diverges afterward,” said Levine, whose scientific research is cited by the women’s policy group.

Transgender advocates dismiss Levine’s research as irrelevant because he studies cisgender athletes. But several small-scale studies have found transgender women do have physiological advantages until they suppress their testosterone for at least one year.

The first was published in 2004 by Louis Gooren , a Dutch endocrinologist and founder of the Center of Expertise on Gender Dysphoria in Amsterdam, one of the largest transgender health clinics in the world. “Testosterone exposure has profound effects on muscle mass and strength,” wrote Gooren, who reported that as he gave more testosterone to 19 transgender men, they saw marked increases in muscle growth, as well as hemoglobin and insulinlike growth factor levels, both relevant in athletic performance. As he suppressed testosterone in 17 transgender women, the opposite occurred: Their muscles shrank, and their hemoglobin and IGF levels dropped.

Gooren’s findings were essentially replicated in November by a study published in the British Journal of Sports Medicine examining how 29 transgender men and 46 transgender women in the Air Force performed on routine fitness tests — push-ups, sit-ups and a 1½-mile run — as they transitioned hormonally.

After a year of treatment, transgender men were performing better and the transgender women worse. The transgender women were still running slightly faster than cisgender women, however, so the authors concluded elite sports organizations might need to lengthen testosterone suppression requirements beyond one year. In interviews, two of the study’s authors cautioned against drawing conclusions about high school athletes because their research subjects were all 18 or older.

Other recent research has been conducted by a transgender athlete herself: Joanna Harper, a medical physicist and runner. In 2015, Harper published an analysis of what happened to her and seven other transgender women runners as they transitioned hormonally. Seven of the eight women, including Harper, saw their times slow considerably.

After that, Harper left her job in Portland, Ore., and moved to England to research the effects of hormone treatment on transgender athletes at Loughborough University.

In February, she published a systematic review of 24 studies of the effects of hormone treatment on transgender women. Harper found some athletic benefits — such as higher hemoglobin levels, vital in endurance sports — dissipated after only four months of suppressing testosterone. But other advantages, such as increased muscle area and strength, remained even after 36 months.

Harper has consulted for the International Olympic Committee, World Athletics and other elite sports organizations, where she advocates for allowing transgender girls and women to compete after one year of hormone therapy. She also has signed on as a public supporter of the women’s policy group.

In a recent interview, Harper said she has been called both “the destroyer of women’s sport” and “a traitor to transgender people.”

“My agenda is to pull people toward the middle,” Harper said. “The science leads me there.”

My agenda is to pull people toward the middle. The science leads me there. — Joanna Harper, transgender athlete and researcher

When asked for experts to support his belief that it’s unclear whether transgender girls and women have competitive advantages in sports, the ACLU’s Strangio mentioned two people: Katrina Karkazis and Joshua Safer.

Karkazis is a cultural anthropologist and bioethicist. She has not conducted original research on testosterone and athleticism, but she has written extensively on the subject, including the book, “Testosterone: An Unauthorized Biography.”

In an interview, Karkazis emphasized many complexities in scientific research of testosterone and athleticism — testosterone alone doesn’t build a better athlete, researchers have found — but did not dispute that transgender girls and women who do not suppress testosterone have advantages in sports.

“Yes, on average … there will be performance differences that will be better,” she said when pressed on this point. “Whether that’s an advantage or not … I actually think that’s a normative statement that involves a value judgment about what is advantaged.”

Safer is an endocrinologist and the director of a transgender health clinic who has served as an expert witness for the ACLU. In court filings, Safer has acknowledged transgender girls and women with higher levels of testosterone will have advantages in sports. But, he has noted, these advantages are less pronounced in high school.

“Testosterone begins to affect athletic performance at the start of puberty, and those effects increase each year until about age 18,” Safer wrote in a statement challenging a law barring transgender athletes in Idaho. “As a result, testosterone provides less of an impact for a 14-, 15- or 16-year-old than it does for a 17- or 18-year-old.”

In an interview, Safer emphasized that, despite the advantages conferred by testosterone, the list of known examples of transgender girls and women succeeding in sports, at any level, is vanishingly short.

There has never been an openly transgender athlete in the Olympics ; the first three, all women, could compete this summer in Tokyo. There has been one openly transgender woman champion in the history of NCAA: CeCe Telfer, a Franklin Pierce University runner who won the Division II 400-meter hurdles in 2019. On the high school level, there are just Miller and Yearwood in Connecticut.

Said Safer, “The important thing to consider here, as it relates to high school sports and teenagers, is are we addressing a problem that actually exists, or are we simply addressing a fear?”

‘Sports does discriminate’

At their opening news conference, Lopiano spoke first and stressed that the group’s proposals represented “respectful inclusion” of transgender athletes.

“These are our kids. And we have to take care of all of them,” she said.

A few minutes later, the women turned the news conference over to one of their lesser-known colleagues: Doriane Lambelet Coleman, a Duke law professor and former elite runner who, in the late 1970s, was one of the first women to receive a track scholarship to Villanova University.

Over the past few years, Coleman has published law review articles and essays defending the preservation of girls’ and women’s sports for athletes with female levels of testosterone.

“I’ve tried to make clear that I support a science-based approach to inclusion, not categorical exclusion,” she said.

But as the debate moves beyond sports and into mainstream politics, more people have begun to see “science-based inclusion” as a form of exclusion. Which is why, to her dismay, her writings are routinely cited by right-wing politicians promoting wholesale bans of transgender athletes. It’s also why some transgender advocates say her and her colleague’s proposals are not only unfair but dangerous.

Research shows that transgender youth struggle with alarmingly high rates of anxiety, depression and suicidality. Emerging research has suggested affirmative transgender care — letting children transition socially for a period of time and then, if prescribed, start hormone therapy — can significantly reduce those mental health problems. A key to affirmative care, experts said, is to avoid situations where a transgender child is treated in any way that invalidates their gender identity.

When briefed on the women’s policy group’s proposals, several experts sharply criticized the idea of transgender-specific sports teams or events as stigmatizing.

“They have to go through so many obstacles just to recognize they are transgender, and for a lot of them, sports is the turning point. … You’d just end up exiling transgender girls from sports,” said Helen Carroll, former director of the Sports Project of the National Center for Lesbian Rights, who co-wrote the NCAA’s policy on transgender athletes.

And even if they do have physiological advantages, some experts argued, transgender teens face a minefield of challenges, including higher rates of bullying, rejection by their families and homelessness.

“The deck is stacked against them in every single way, so, to me, it seems silly to … look at this physiological advantage but not consider all the other substantial disadvantages these kids face,” said Jack Turban, fellow in child and adolescent psychiatry at Stanford University School of Medicine.

De Varona and her peers conceded that their concerns about high school sports are mostly hypothetical. As the legal and social climate for transgender people improves, they believe, more situations similar to what happened in Connecticut may arise.

But when asked to describe the harms that occurred to the girls who lost to the transgender athletes in Connecticut, they struggled to come up with anything concrete. Neither Miller nor Yearwood, the transgender girls, received track scholarships to college, and the women concede they are unaware of any cisgender girls who missed out on a scholarship opportunity as a result of Miller’s and Yearwood’s success.

There was other harm, the women argued, pointing to dozens of girls who lost races or opportunities to advance to postseason meets because they finished behind the transgender girls. Research has shown, they emphasized, that when girls succeed in sports, they’re more likely to go to college and have successful careers.

“Everybody here … has worked their entire lives to make sure that girls and women have equal opportunities in competitive sports,” Hogshead-Makar said.

And in those moments, these women tacitly conceded that, despite their talk of inclusion, they view transgender girls and women as different from the girls and women to whom they have devoted their careers — at least when they’re on the playing field.

“Yes, it’s important for everyone to have that opportunity in athletics,” de Varona said. “But sports does discriminate.”

From the field to the courts

The IOC is revising its guidelines on transgender athletes and is expected to announce them after this summer’s Tokyo Games. The NCAA also is examining its guidelines after hearing concerns from transgender advocates last fall.

The battle over transgender athletes in America’s high schools is likely to be settled, at least in part, in the courts. The ACLU is challenging an Idaho law that banned transgender athletes from competing in any public school, including colleges. The Connecticut lawsuit challenging that state’s policy also must be resolved.

Since its February news conference, the women’s policy group has had conversations with several members of the House and Senate, on both Judiciary Committees, according to Coleman, but they declined to specify whom or how many.

They also acquired a prominent supporter: Juniper Eastwood, one of the first openly transgender women to compete in NCAA Division I sports and the first cross-country runner.

There’s no way it would have been fair. My testosterone levels were so much higher than any of the girls I would’ve been running against. — Juniper Eastwood, the first openly transgender cross-country athlete in NCAA Division I history

In an interview, Eastwood said she never would have competed against girls or women without suppressing her testosterone. In high school, she set a Montana state record in the 800 meters that, had she been running on the girls’ team, would have broken the women’s world record.

“There’s no way it would have been fair,” she said. “My testosterone levels were so much higher than any of the girls I would’ve been running against.”

A closer examination of Eastwood’s personal story, however, spotlights the ramifications of policies that would separate transgender youth from sports.

Eastwood always planned to transition after she finished her track career because she knew she would attract unwanted attention as a transgender runner. But in her sophomore year at the University of Montana, Eastwood got hurt and had to sit out the season. Running had always been her way of coping with gender dysphoria. Without it, Eastwood began drinking excessively and struggled with depression.

Eastwood decided to transition and then continue running track on the women’s team. As she had expected, she got considerably slower as she suppressed her testosterone. And, as she had dreaded, her performances were closely analyzed by right-wing news sites, track and field obsessives and transgender activists.

Eastwood’s senior track season ended abruptly because of the coronavirus . She’s in graduate school at Montana, studying environmental philosophy, and would like to work somewhere outdoors. Even though she feels a little out of shape lately, Eastwood said, she enjoys running now more than she ever did in high school or college.

She lives not far from several secluded trails where she can run for miles without seeing another person. When she runs now, she said, she feels free from the worry about what someone will write online the next day about her performance.

“It’s just me, the trails and no one else,” Eastwood said. “And I can just run.”

Correction: An earlier version of this article described Juniper Eastwood as the first openly transgender athlete in NCAA Division I sports history. Eastwood is o ne of the first openly transgender women to compete in Division I sports and the first to run cross-country. The story has been corrected.

Read more about sports and social issues

“But while Osaka Inc. is thriving, Naomi, the woman, is hurting. Tennis doesn’t seem to be helping. And she doesn’t owe it to anyone to keep trying — not her sponsors, not her fans and not the game.” Read Candace Buckner on Naomi Osaka .

“I can’t escape into sports. Nor should I. I don’t even want to try, even during this most absorbing stretch of the sports calendar. March Madness for me is no competition for the real madness that, while overseas this time, seems oh so close.” Read Kevin B. Blackistone on the war in Ukraine .

“It was all true. The members of the women’s team had been wronged. For years, they had to play more, and win bigger, to be paid anything close to their male counterparts. They got less pay for better work.” Read Sally Jenkins on the USWNT settlement with U.S. Soccer .

“Who’s lying here? Probably, to some degree, both sides. The NFL expecting Snyder to stop lying, covering up, blocking and bullying is a little bit like expecting a poisonous cobra not to bite you. You are who you are.” Read John Feinstein on Daniel Snyder and the NFL .

The Success of LGBT Athletes in the Sports Media

• First Online: 24 November 2018

Cite this chapter

• Edward (Ted) M. Kian 2  

1776 Accesses

1 Citations

For decades sport media has been criticized by scholars researching women and/or LGBT in sport for upholding hegemonic masculinity by primarily providing coverage of male athletes in what media helped socially construe as masculine sports. Whereas coverage of female athletes has been the subject of hundreds (maybe thousands) of published scholarly articles since the mid-1970s, little was researched on LGBT in sport. This was likely due to a lack of openly gay athletes, especially in the more popular professional men’s team sports that receive the majority of sports media content in most Western countries. However, the twenty-first century has seen increasingly more athletes coming out publicly as gay or lesbian and issues surrounding LGBT discussed far more by sport media, which has led to more scholarship on LGBT and sport media. That research has shown sport media generally offering support and providing positive coverage to openly gay athletes. The limitless space of the Internet has resulted in far more coverage of LGBT athletes and issues, while the advent of social media has allowed LGBT athletes and supporters to reach fans, media, and sport consumers directly. This chapter analyzes the historic relationship between LGBT and sport media, with a focus on scholarly research and major changes that have occurred in the digital age (i.e., Internet and social media).

• Hegemonic Masculine
• Lesbian Athletes
• transgenderTransgender

These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

• Available as PDF
• Read on any device
• Instant download
• Own it forever
• Available as EPUB and PDF
• Durable hardcover edition
• Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
• Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Adams, A., Anderson, E., & McCormack, M. (2010). Establishing and challenging masculinity: The influence of gendered discourses in organized sport. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 29 (3), 278–300.

Article   Google Scholar  

Anderson, E. (2002). Contesting hegemonic masculinity in a homophobic environment. Gender & Society, 16 (6), 860–877.

Anderson, E. (2009). Inclusive masculinity: The changing nature of masculinities . New York: Routledge.

Google Scholar  

Anderson, E. (2011). Updating the outcome: Gay athletes, straight teams, and coming out at the end of the decade. Gender & Society, 25 (2), 250–268.

Anderson, E., & McCormack, M. (2015). Heteromasculinity and homosocial tactility among student-athletes. Men and Masculinities, 18 (2), 214–230.

Anderson, E., Magrath, R., & Bullingham, R. (2016). Out in sport: The experiences of openly gay and lesbian athletes . London: Routledge.

Book   Google Scholar  

Angelini, J. R., MacArthur, P. J., & Billings, A. C. (2014). Spiraling into or out of stereotypes? NBC’s primetime coverage of male figure skaters at the 2010 Olympic games. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 33 (2), 226–235.

Bernstein, A., & Kian, E. M. (2013). Gender and sexualities in sport media. In P. M. Pedersen (Ed.), Handbook of sport communication (pp. 319–327). London: Routledge.

Billings, A. C., Angelini, J. R., MacArthur, P. J., Bissell, K., Smith, L. R., & Brown, N. A. (2014). Where the gender differences really reside: The “Big Five” sports featured in NBC’s 2012 London primetime Olympic broadcast. Communication Research Reports, 31 (2), 141–153.

Billings, A. C., Moscowitz, L. M., Rae, C., & Brown-Devlin, N. (2015). Traditional and social media frames surrounding the NBA’s Jason Collins. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 92 (1), 142–160.

Birrell, S., & Cole, C. L. (1990). Double fault: Renee Richards and the naturalization of difference. Sociology of Sport Journal, 7 (1), 1–21.

Bruce, T., Hovden, J., & Markula, P. (2010). Sportswomen at the Olympics: A global content analysis of newspaper coverage . Rotterdam: Sense.

Bryson, L. (1987). Sport and the maintenance of masculine hegemony. Women’s Studies International Forum, 10 (4), 349–360.

Capranica, L., & Aversa, F. (2002). Italian television sport coverage during the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 37 (3–4), 337–349.

Cashmore, E., & Cleland, J. (2011). Grasswing butterflies: Gay professional football players and their culture. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 35 (4), 420–436.

Cassidy, W. P. (2017). Inching away from the toy department: Daily newspaper sports coverage of Jason Collins’ and Michael Sam’s coming out. Communication & Sport, 5 (5), 534–553.

Chawansky, M. (2016). Be who you are and be proud: Brittney Griner, intersectional invisibility and digital possibilities for lesbian sporting celebrity. Leisure Studies, 35 (6), 771–782. https://doi.org/10.1080/02614367.2015.1128476 .

Chawansky, M., & Francombe, J. M. (2011). Cruising for Olivia: Lesbian celebrity and the cultural politics of coming out in sport. Sociology of Sport Journal, 28 (4), 461–477.

Claringbould, I., Knoppers, A., & Elling, A. (2004). Exclusionary practices in sport journalism. Sex Roles, 51 (11/12), 709–718.

Cleland, J. (2014). Association football and the representation of homosexuality by the print media: A case study of Anton Hysen. Journal of Homosexuality, 61 (9), 1269–1287.

Cleland, J. (2015). Discussing homosexuality on association football fan message boards: A changing cultural context. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 50 (2), 125–140.

Cleland, J., Magrath, R., & Kian, E. M. (2018). The Internet as a site of decreasing cultural homophobia in football: An online response by fans to the coming out of Thomas Hitzlsperger. Men and Masculinities, 21 (1), 91–111.

Connell, R. W. (1987). Gender and power . Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Connell, R. W. (1990). An iron man: The body and some contradictions of hegemonic masculinity. In M. A. Messner & D. F. Sabo (Eds.), Sport, men, and the gender order: Critical feminist perspectives (pp. 83–114). Champaign: Human Kinetics.

Connell, R. W. (2005). Masculinities (2nd ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Crosset, T. (1995). Outsiders in the clubhouse: The world of professional women’s golf . Albany: State University of New York Press.

Cunningham, G. B. (2010). Predictors of sexual orientation diversity in intercollegiate athletics departments. Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 3 (2), 256–269.

Cunningham, G. B. (2015). Creating and sustaining workplace cultures supportive of LGBT employees in college athletics. Journal of Sport Management, 29 (4), 492–506.

Cunningham, G. B., & Melton, N. E. (2014). Signals and cues: LGBT inclusive advertising and consumer attraction. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 23 (1), 37–46.

Dann, L., & Everbach, T. (2016). Opening the sports closet: Media coverage of the self-outings of Jason Collins and Brittney Griner. Journal of Sports Media, 11 (1), 169–192.

Devitt, J. (2002). Framing gender on the campaign trail: Female gubernatorial candidates and the press. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 79 (2), 445–463.

Duggan, L. (2002). The new homonormativity: The sexual politics of neoliberalism. In R. Castronovo & D. D. Nelson (Eds.), Materializing democracy: Toward a revitalized cultural politics (pp. 175–194). Durham: Duke University Press.

Duncan, M. C. (2006). Gender warriors in sport: Women and the media. In A. A. Raney & J. Bryant (Eds.), Handbook of sports and media (pp. 231–252). Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Dworkin, S. L., & Wachs, F. L. (1998). “Disciplining the body”: HIV-positive male athletes, media surveillance, and the policing of sexuality. Sociology of Sport Journal, 15 (1), 1–20.

Ellison, J. (2012, July 26). Caster Semenya and the IOC’s Olympics Gender Binder. The Daily Beast . Retrieved from http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/07/26/caster-semenya-and-the-ioc-s-olympics-gender-bender.html

FIFA.com. (2015, December 16). 2014 World Cup final reached 3.2 billion viewers, one billion watched final. Retrieved from https://www.fifa.com/worldcup/news/2014-fifa-world-cuptm-reached-3-2-billion-viewers-one-billion-watched%2D%2D2745519

Fink, J. S., Burton, L. J., Farrell, A. O., & Parker, H. M. (2012). Playing it out: Female intercollegiate athletes’ experiences in revealing their sexual identities. Journal for the Study of Sports and Athletes in Education, 6 (1), 83–106.

Gaston, L., Magrath, R., & Anderson, E. (2018). From hegemonic to inclusive masculinities in English professional football: Marking a cultural shift. Journal of Gender Studies, 27 (3), 301–312. https://doi.org/10.1080/09589236.2017.1394278 .

Gregory, S. (2013, May 24). Should a former man be able to fight women? Time online. Retrieved from http://keepingscore.blogs.time.com/2013/05/24/should-a-former-man-be-able-to-fight-women/

Griffin, P. (1998). Strong women, deep closets: Lesbians and homophobia in sport . Champaign: Human Kinetics.

Griffin, P. (2012). LGBT equality in sports: Celebrating our successes and facing our challenges. In G. B. Cunningham (Ed.), Sexual orientation and gender identity in sport: Essays from activists, coaches, and scholars (pp. 1–12). College Station: Center for Sport Management Research and Education.

Grundy, P., & Rader, B. G. (2016). American sports: From the age of folk games to the age of televised sports . New York: Routledge.

Hancock, D. (2009, February 11). Baseball player’s gay porn past. CBS News online. Retrieved from http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/01/28/entertainment/main596540.shtml

Hardin, M., & Whiteside, E. (2009). Sports reporters divided over concerns about Title IX. Newspaper Research Journal, 30 (1), 58–80.

Hardin, M., & Whiteside, E. (2010). The Rene Portland case: New homophobia and heterosexism in women’s sports coverage. In H. L. Hundley & A. C. Billings (Eds.), Examining identity in sports media (pp. 17–36). Thousand Oaks: Sage.

Chapter   Google Scholar  

Hardin, M., Kuehn, K. M., Jones, H., Genovese, J., & Balaji, M. (2009). ‘Have you got game?’ Hegemonic masculinity and neo-homophobia in U.S. newspaper sports columns. Communication, Culture, & Critique, 2 (2), 182–200.

Harris, J., & Clayton, B. (2002). Femininity, masculinity, physicality and the English tabloid press: The case of Anna Kournikova. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 37 (3–4), 397–413.

Indiana University Center for Sexual Health Promotion. (2010). National survey of sexual health and behavior . Retrieved from http://www.nationalsexstudy.indiana.edu/

Kian, E. M. (2015). A case study on message board and media framing of gay male athletes on a politically liberal website. International Journal of Sport Communication, 8 (4), 500–518.

Kian, E. M. (2016). GLBTQ issues in sport and sport media. In A. C. Billings (Ed.), Sport communication: Defining the field (pp. 121–134). London: Routledge.

Kian, E. M., & Anderson, E. (2009). John Amaechi: Changing the way reporters examine gay athletes. Journal of Homosexuality, 56 (7), 799–818.

Kian, E. M., & Vincent, J. (2014). Examining gays and lesbians in sport via traditional and new media. In A. C. Billings & M. Hardin (Eds.), The Routledge handbook of sport and new media (pp. 342–352). London: Routledge.

Kian, E. M., Clavio, G., Vincent, J., & Shaw, S. D. (2011). Homophobic and sexist yet uncontested: Examining football fan postings on Internet message boards. Journal of Homosexuality, 58 (5), 680–699.

Kian, E. M., Anderson, E., & Shipka, D. (2015a). I am happy to start the conversation’: Examining sport media framing of Jason Collins’ coming out. Sexualities, 18 (5–6), 618–640.

Kian, E. M., Anderson, E., Vincent, J., & Murray, R. (2015b). Sport journalists’ views on gay men in sport, society and within sport media. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 50 (8), 895–911.

King, C. (2004). Race and cultural identity: Playing the race game inside football. Leisure Studies, 23 (1), 19–30.

Lapchick, R. (2018, May 2). The 2018 Associated Press sports editors racial and gender report card . Retrieved from http://nebula.wsimg.com/e1801a8b96d97c40f57cf3bf7cd478a3?AccessKeyId=DAC3A56D8FB782449D2A&disposition=0&alloworigin=1

Lavelle, K. L. (2014). “Plays like a guy”: A rhetorical analysis of Brittney Griner in sports media. Journal of Sports Media, 9 (2), 115–131.

Lenskyi, H. (1994). Girl-friendly sport and female values. Women in Sport & Physical Activity Journal, 3 (1), 35–46.

Lenskyj, H. J. (2013). Reflections on communication and sport: On heteronormativity and gender identities. Communication & Sport, 1 (1/2), 138–150.

Loke, J. (2016). The darling and the dyke: Differing receptions in the coming-out of Jason Collins and Brittney Griner. Journal of Sports Media, 11 (2), 129–158.

Lucas-Carr, C. B., & Krane, V. (2012). Troubling sport or trouble by sport: Experiences of transgender athletes. Journal of the Study of Sports and Athletes in Education, 6 (1), 21–44.

Luisi, M. L., Luisi, T., & Geana, M. V. (2016). Homosexuality and the heartbeat of a locker room: An analysis of quotations in the context of hegemonic and inclusive masculinity theories. Journal of Homosexuality, 63 (10), 1314–1338.

Madhani, A. (2018, May 23). Poll: Approval of same-sex marriage in U.S. reaches new high. USA Today online. Retrieved from https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2018/05/23/same-sex-marriage-poll-americans/638587002/

Magrath, R. (2017a). Inclusive masculinities in contemporary football: Men in the beautiful game . London: Routledge.

Magrath, R. (2017b). ‘To try and gain an advantage for my team’: Homophobic and homosexually themed chanting among English football fans. Sociology (Online First).

Magrath, R., & Anderson, E. (2016). Homophobia in men’s football. In J. Hughson, K. Moore, R. Spaaij, & J. Maguire (Eds.), Routledge Handbook of Football Studies . London: Routledge.

Magrath, R., Cleland, J., & Anderson, E. (2017). Bisexual erasure in the British print media: Representation of Tom Daley’s coming out. Journal of Bisexuality, 17 (3), 300–317.

Masci, D., & Desilver, D. (2017, December 8). A Global Snapshot of Gay Marriage . Pew Research Center. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/12/08/global-snapshot-sex-marriage/

Melton, N., & Cunningham, G. B. (2014). Examining the workplace experiences of sport employees who are LGBT: A social categorization theory perspective. Journal of Sport Management, 28 (1), 21–33.

Messner, M. A. (2002). Taking the field: Women, men, and sports . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

MSNBC.com. (2004). Civil unions for gays favored, polls show: Same-sex marriage debate increases support for such recognition. Available at: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/4496265/ns/us_news-same-sex_marriage/

Mumcu, C., & Lough, N. (2017). Are fans proud of the WNBA’s ‘Pride’ campaign? Sport Marketing Quarterly, 26 (1), 42–54.

Nelson, J. (1984). The defense of Billie Jean King. Western Journal of Speech Communication, 48 (1), 92–102.

Newhall, K., & Buzuvis, E. (2008). (e)Racing Jennifer Harris: Sexuality and race, law and discourse in Harris v. Portland. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 32 (4), 345–368.

Parker, H. M., & Fink, J. S. (2012). Arrest record or openly gay: The impact of athletes’ personal lives on endorser effectiveness. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 21 (2), 70–79.

Pedersen, P. M. (2002). Examining equity in newspaper photographs: A content analysis of the print media photographic coverage of interscholastic athletics. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 37 (3–4), 303–318.

Pedersen, P. M., Whisenant, W. A., & Schneider, R. G. (2003). Using a content analysis to examine the gendering of sports newspaper personnel and their coverage. Journal of Sport Management, 17 (4), 376–393.

Plymire, D. C., & Forman, P. J. (2000). Breaking the silence: Lesbian fans, the Internet, and the sexual politics of women’s sport. International Journal of Sexuality and Gender Studies, 5 (2), 141–153.

Schoch, L., & Ohl, F. (2011). Women sports journalists in Switzerland: Between assignments and negotiation of roles. Sociology of Sport Journal, 28 (2), 189–209.

Spencer, N. E. (2003). “America’s sweetheart” and “Czech-mate”: A discursive analysis of the Evert-Navratilova rivalry. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 27 (1), 18–37.

Tuchman, G. (1978). Making news: A study in the construction of reality . New York: Free Press.

Vincent, J., Imwold, C., Masemann, V., & Johnson, J. T. (2002). A comparison of selected ‘serious’ and ‘popular’ British, Canadian, and United States newspaper coverage of female and male athletes competing in the Centennial Olympic games. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 37 (3–4), 319–335.

Vincent, J., Hill, J. S., & Lee, J. W. (2009). The multiple brand personalities of David Beckham: A case study of the Beckham brand. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 18 (3), 173–180.

Wright, J., & Clarke, G. (1999). Sport, the media and the construction of compulsory heterosexuality. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 34 (3), 227–243.

Download references

Author information

Authors and affiliations.

School of Media and Strategic Communications, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA

Edward (Ted) M. Kian

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Edward (Ted) M. Kian .

Editor information

Editors and affiliations.

Solent University, Southampton, UK

Rory Magrath

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2019 The Author(s)

About this chapter

Kian, E.(.M. (2019). The Success of LGBT Athletes in the Sports Media. In: Magrath, R. (eds) LGBT Athletes in the Sports Media. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00804-8_12

Download citation

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00804-8_12

Published : 24 November 2018

Publisher Name : Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

Print ISBN : 978-3-030-00803-1

Online ISBN : 978-3-030-00804-8

eBook Packages : Social Sciences Social Sciences (R0)

Share this chapter

Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:

Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article.

Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative

• Publish with us

Policies and ethics

• Find a journal
• Track your research

All the Arguments You Need: To Prove It’s Fair for Trans, Intersex Athletes to Compete in Consistence With Their Gender Identity

Bodies and gender identities aren’t binary, so why are sporting competitions?

Nowhere is the struggle between maintaining the traditional status quo of the gender binary, and moving forward toward greater inclusivity, more pronounced than in competitive sports, due to the differences in male and female physiology. But, there is enough science and data out there to suggest these differences aren’t nearly as stark as we’ve been led to believe — which means any argument against allowing trans and intersex people and people with differences in sex development (DSD) to compete against ciswomen is queerphobic at best. Here are all the arguments you need to fight for greater gender inclusivity in sport.

“Biological males have physical advantages over women such as more stamina, larger bones, and more muscle, so it’s unfair for trans women to compete with ciswomen.”

The science on what women’s bodies can do is flimsy at best. But consider what the female body can do better than a male body: “Women’s bodies have a lower center of gravity and therefore better balance; they tend to be more flexible, and their bodies more efficiently convert calories into energy giving them greater endurance,” Liesl Goeker writes for The Swaddle , while arguing for equal pay in sports. This gives women the upper hand in ultra-endurance running and gymnastics — just as male bodies have the upper hand when it comes to sports such as the shotput and 100m sprint that require speed and brute strength. But zero trans women who are gymnasts are complaining about the advantage cis women have, or saying they want to compete in the men’s category for endurance running or gymnastics — because they just want to participate in the sports category congruent with their gender identity.

Besides, sports isn’t ‘fair.’ It never was. Genetics isn’t either. Many elite athletes are genetically blessed in a way the average person isn’t. Basketball players have the advantage of height, and Michel Phelps’s very peculiar anatomy gives him the upper handin swimming. Privilege isn’t fair either — athletes of color are at a disadvantage when it comes to exposure, opportunities, and resources to even begin pursuing sports competitively, compared to Caucasian athletes. So, what is this “level playing field” argument but a myth spun by those allowed to play and win in the field, to maintain the status quo?

Related on The Swaddle:

New Report Outlines Scale of Homophobia, Transphobia in Sport

“Biological males have the advantage of testosterone that enhances performance so it’s unfair for trans women to compete with ciswomen.”

The science on physiological advantages male athletes have over female athletes is in a nascent stage. It’s important to preface this argument by pointing out that very little research and conversation is around, say, the advantages of estrogen (the hormone responsible for many physical characteristics of a typical female) or prolactin (the breastfeeding hormone) on athletic ability. The obsession is entirely with testosterone (T) — the hormone responsible for many glorified physical characteristics of a typical male — and the absurd question of at what level of testosterone does a female athlete become too good to be a woman.

For every credible study and statement out there that proves greater testosterone is linked to greater athletic ability in men and women, there are equally credible studies that prove testosterone is just one of the many factors that affect sporting ability — sometimes even negatively. Take the International Association for Athletics Federation’s data on elite women athletes. Its initial analysis of two world championships showed that women with higher T levels performed better in only five out of 21 events.

After an independent group of researchers took an issue with the research methodology to reach even this finding, the sports body was forced to issue a correction. In the corrected results, in three of 11 running events, the group with the lowest levels of T did better. Across all events, the association between T and performance was the strongest (and the most surprising) in the 100m sprint: athletes with lower T ran 5.4% faster than those with the highest levels of T. The independent group of researchers who objected to the results earlier concluded it’s “impossible” to discern the real relationship, if any, between T and performance. Clearly, though, neither this study nor the broader sports science literature supports the IAAF’s claim that targeted trans, intersex athletes  “have the same advantages over [other] women as men do over women.”

Then there’s the stuff outside of the binary that science is nowhere close to explaining clearly, like Chand’s and Semenya’s hyperandrogenism (a medical condition where a typical female body produces higher testosterone than usual). Or, as Faryal Mirza, a clinical endocrinologist at the University of Connecticut Medical Center, tells Scientific American , sometimes high T simply means that a person isn’t very efficient at using T: the body is producing more precisely to arrive at “typical” function of someone producing T in the “typical range.”

IAAF’s Caster Semenya Decision Arbitrarily Dictates What Is Female

A review of 31 national and international transgender sporting policies, including those of the International Olympic Committee, the Football Association, Rugby Football Union and the Lawn Tennis Association by researchers at the Scool of Sports Exercise and Health Sciences, Loughborough University concluded : “After considering the very limited and indirect physiological research that has explored athletic advantage in transgender people, we concluded that the majority of these policies were unfairly discriminating against transgender people, especially transgender females” by overinterpreting the “unsubstantiated belief” that testosterone improves athletic performance.

Thousands of trans athletes have been competing at national and international competitions who you just don’t hear about simply because they don’t all win or qualify for the Olympics even with all their apparent unfair advantages. This also proves the non-cisgender athletes who do go ahead and win medals owe their success more to their training, skill, perseverance, resilience, and a host of other reasons apart from their gender or sex, and especially from the myth of testosterone.

“Letting trans and intersex women compete in women’s sports will lead to many male athletes pretending to be women just so they can easily win.”

Yikes. Are we really suggesting there are numerous male athletes who will declare they identify as women, go through exhausting transition processes such as hormone replacement, gather the required medical and psychological proof of their fake gender dysmorphia (prolonged distress caused a mismatch between their biological sex and gender identity), go through their entire lives living under the pretense of being female, all while facing prejudice that trans people face on a daily basis — only for a few gold medals and some cash? Notwithstanding the paranoia (looking at you Martina Navratilova ), this argument is the literal definition of transphobia . This idea — that we should ban all innocent and real trans and intersex women based solely on the fantastic hypothetical of the fraudulent cis man — has roots in an irrational fear of the other (in this case, non-cisgender people) based on prejudice or ignorance.

Laws and rules can always be misused, irrespective of gender. But, we can’t deny people’s rights simply because a few could, in theory, game the system. Look at it this way: are some people falsely framed for murder? Yes. Does that mean we don’t have any rules to punish the crime? Of course not.

This debate doesn’t even have to be esoteric; there is actual data to prove male athletes aren’t queuing up to declare a new gender identity. In 2003, the International Olympic Committee adopted the Stockholm Consensus (SC) allowing the inclusion of trans athletes who had undergone sex reassignment, making it possible for trans athletes to compete in the Olympics from 2004. The IOC modified these guidelines in 2015 to put a cap on testosterone levels for trans womenathletes. And yet, despite the fact that more than 50,000 athletes have participated in the Olympics since 2004, no trans athlete has ever been a part of the Olympics until now, real or fake. So, clearly including trans athletes in sports won’t make the sky fall.

Explaining the Vocabulary of the Gender Spectrum

“If not men’s and women’s sports categories, then how do we organize sports fairly?”

Creating a third, mixed category for trans, non-binary, cis men and women to compete against each other can be an earnest, motivating place to start making sports more inclusive. Mixed-gender sports teams are a widely debated topic and have been for many years, just not in relation to opportunities for transgender people. But, introducing more mixed-gender sports teams would also facilitate accessibility for transgender people. The IOC did well, when in June 2017, it added mixed-sex events in athletics, swimming, table tennis, and triathlon to the upcoming Summer Olympics schedule in Tokyo 2020 , in addition to the traditional categories. This not only allows trans and intersex athletes to compete in the sports category congruent with their gender identity based on their athletic ability alone, Tokyo 2020’s milestone mixed-sex events are a concrete step towards ungendering sports. (It is important here to note this will all be moot unless the IOC allows trans and intersex athletes to compete — in these mixed events at least — without having to meet any criteria other than being a human adult who’s good enough to qualify.)

Another way to organize sports, as suggested by Alison Heather, a physiologist at the University of Otago in New Zealand, and her colleagues in an essay  published in the Journal of Medical Ethics , would be to create a system that uses an algorithm to account for physiological factors such as testosterone, height, and endurance, and social factors like gender identity and socioeconomic status. Sure it’s a Herculean task, but international sports bodies have enough money to at least begin research into the idea if it means a more inclusive world.

Apart from this, sports can also be organized on the basis of other factors such as weight class, professional/amateur status, and size. The idea is that through a mixture of formats, we redesign sports to make them more inclusive.

It’s going to take fresh thinking and self-awareness that what we believe to be facts about sex and gender are not unquestionable. But every individual must have the possibility of practicing sport, without discrimination of any kind, and in the spirit which requires mutual understanding, with a spirit of friendship, solidarity and fair play. Those are not my words, that’s the Olympic charter.

Pallavi Prasad is The Swaddle's Features Editor. When she isn't fighting for gender justice and being righteous, you can find her dabbling in street and sports photography, reading philosophy, drowning in green tea, and procrastinating on doing the dishes.

Why Indian Women Protesters Sang a Chilean Anti‑Rape Anthem

Little Big Things: A 25‑Year‑Old’s Shift From Being Apolitical to Protesting NRC‑CAA

Rapists Increasingly Killed Their Victims in 2018: NCRB

Biological Sex’s Impact on Sports Performance Surpasses Gender Identity, Study Reveals

A new study has challenged the assumption that gender identity is a more important factor than biological sex in determining the performance of athletes in mass-participation races.

Dr. John Armstrong, King’s, Dr. Alice Sullivan, University College London and George M Perry, an independent researcher from the U.S., conducted a study analyzing data on the performance of people who competed in the non-binary category of 21 races in the New York Road Runners database.

The researchers used a novel technique to model the sex of athletes probabilistically based on their given names, using US Social Security Administration data. Race times were used as the outcome variable in linear models with explanatory variables derived from biological sex, gender identity, age and the event being raced.

The researchers found a sex gap in race times between athletes who identify as non-binary, and that there is no evidence that the gap between biological males and biological females is less for athletes who identify as non-binary. The results also indicate that non-binary athletes may have slower race times than other athletes once sex and age are controlled for.

Dr John Armstrong, Reader in Financial Mathematics at King’s, said: “Gender identity is clearly important to many people, but nevertheless sex matters.

“Given the lack of empirical evidence supporting gender-identity theory, one should not assume by default that gender-identity is a more powerful explanatory variable than sex. Being an objectively measurable binary variable, sex has considerable explanatory advantages over gender identity.

“Our results illustrate that if we want to understand the needs of gender non-conforming individuals, it is vital to control for biological sex as it is likely to play a significant role in any analysis. Both sex and gender identity should therefore both be considered useful explanatory variables in data collection.”

The study provides a new perspective on the ongoing debate about the role of sex and gender identity in sports performance. It suggests that while gender identity is important, biological sex also plays a significant role in determining athletic performance. This has implications for how we understand and approach sports performance, particularly in mass-participation events.

Relevant articles:

– Study shows sex could be a better predictor of sports performance than gender identity

– Study shows sex could be a better predictor of sports performance than …

Transgender athletes face growing hostility: four tell their stories in their own words

USA TODAY’S “In Their Own Words” is a video project that interviewed four transgender athletes who told their own stories about living in an America that is increasingly hostile to gender diverse people. We’re using a video format so you can hear from the athletes directly.

This project is needed now more than ever. Increasing numbers of states are attempting to prohibit transgender athletes from participating on teams that align with their gender identities.

One of the main goals of supporters of these bills, the trans athletes interviewed for this project say, is to both demonize and spread misinformation about the trans community. They’ve identified sports as a vehicle to attack trans people, the athletes said.

These athletes tell a different story. It is a story of hope, self-expression, and sports competition. It’s their story…told in their own words.

An official website of the United States government

The .gov means it’s official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you’re on a federal government site.

The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely.

• Publications
• Account settings

Preview improvements coming to the PMC website in October 2024. Learn More or Try it out now .

• Advanced Search
• Journal List
• v.9(6); 2023 Jun
• PMC10275786

Experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports: A meta-ethnography

a Department of Sports Studies, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Seri Kembangan, Malaysia

Kim Geok Soh

Yingying xu.

b Department of Philosophy and Civilization Studies, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Seri Kembangan, Malaysia

Seyedali Ahrari

c Department of Professional Development and Continuing Education, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Seri Kembangan, Malaysia

Noor Syamilah Zakaria

d Department of Counsellor Education and Counselling Psychology, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Seri Kembangan, Malaysia

Associated Data

Data included in article/supplementary material/referenced in article.

This study aimed to explore and describe the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes to identify ways in which athletic staff, coaches, and others can support LGBTQ youth's safe participation in sports. Guided by the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews (PRISMA) and eMERGe reporting guidance. We conducted a meta-ethnography to synthesize qualitative research focused on student-athletes’ experiences. Fourteen studies were included in the meta-ethnography published between 1973 and 2022. Four themes were identified: (1) experiences of discrimination and violence; (2) perceived stigma; (3) internalized prejudice; and (4) coping and team support, and they were used to generate a line of argument model, which explains the stress process of LGBTQ student-athletes in the sports. LGBTQ student-athletes experience persistent discrimination in college sports, which poses a significant risk to their mental health. Meanwhile, this study identified that qualitative research on LGBTQ youth sports participation is lacking in many regions of the world and lacks knowledge of the sports participation experience of bisexual, gay, and transgender students. These findings revealed a way for research on LGBTQ-related issues and future policy and practice on LGBTQ youth-related issues in sports.

1. Introduction

Sport is perceived as an arena of hegemonic masculinity, perpetuating men's social dominance and the social subordination of women and gay men [ [1] , [2] , [3] , [4] ]. Numerous studies have consistently demonstrated that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) individuals have been excluded, rejected, stereotyped, discriminated against, and treated violently in sports context [ [5] , [6] , [7] , [8] , [9] , [10] , [11] , [12] ]. Given the issues faced by LGBTQ individuals in sports contexts, the International Olympic Committee identified LGBTQ athletes as the group at the highest risk for harassment and abuse in sports contexts [ 13 ]. The situation is the same in LGBTQ youth's sports participation. Many LGBTQ youth reported being the target of homophobia in sports; they feared rejection by their teammates and discrimination by coaches and officials [ 7 ]. LGBTQ youth perceived the sports context as an exclusive environment allowing blatant bullying and more subtle discriminatory behaviors [ 14 ]. As a result, LGBTQ youth were less likely to participate in sports than their heterosexual peers; In some sexual orientation groups, the gap in participation in formal sports has widened over time [ 15 ].

While a large body of quantitative research demonstrated the existence of discrimination against LGBTQ individuals in sports [ 16 ], scholars pointed out that because the inclusion criteria for LGBTQ youth in existing quantitative studies were inaccurate and quantitative studies mostly had secondary data and cannot examine the unique personal and social factors [ 17 ]. Therefore, LGBTQ-related discrimination evidence in the sports context also needs to be gathered through the voices of individual LGBTQ youth [ [17] , [18] , [19] , [20] ]. There have been a considerable number of qualitative studies with LGBTQ student-athletes over the past two decades, which gathered evidence through the feelings and experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes themselves. These findings should be grouped and synthesized for ease of use. Synthesizing qualitative research evidence can lead to new policy and education practice insights, especially in sports and exercise [ 21 ]. In addition, studies are needed to apply existing evidence on LGBTQ-related sports issues and to propose, apply, and test established theories and frameworks to help people understand the experiences of LGBTQ young athletes, provide the research and practitioner community with focused and evidence-based recommendations of ways coaches, PE teachers, and sport leaders can create sport environments which are welcoming and safe for LGBTQ people. Therefore, this systematic review aimed to undertake a comprehensive meta-ethnographic synthesis of qualitative studies on LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports to generate theoretical insights that could enhance policy and practice development in this field.

Noblit and Hare [ 22 ] developed meta-ethnography, which is now widely used in education and other disciplines. Unlike other reviews that summarize results, meta-ethnography translates findings between studies to produce new insights or interpretations that were not apparent in the original research [ 23 ]. At the same time, researchers’ redevelopment and interpretation of meta-ethnography also enhanced the quality of the results of meta-ethnography [ [23] , [24] , [25] , [26] ] and provided a way for the application in sports and exercise psychology [ 21 ]. Therefore, this approach could generate new evidence about the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports. Moreover, to enhance the quality of reporting, the eMERGe reporting guidance was adopted in this meta-ethnography [ 27 ]. The eMERGe guidance has 19 components to report the findings of meta-ethnography. It requires a clear description of the method, a discussion of analytical options, and greater transparency and completeness of reporting.

In addition, the review was theoretically anchored in Meyer [ 28 ]'s minority stress theory, which has been widely applied in LGBTQ-related research in sports [ [29] , [30] , [31] ]. In the minority stress theory, environmental circumstances, minority status and identity, different stressors, and social support are all relevant to minority stress. Meyer [ 28 ] indicated that stress could affect an LGB individual's health through a distal to proximal stress process. The distal stress process is prejudicial events, mainly outside discrimination and violence against LGB individuals; the proximal stress process is expectations of rejection, concealment, and internalized homophobia. Minority stress theory can identify the causes of distal and proximal distress and guide interventions for LGBTQ-related issues at the individual and structural levels. Therefore, this study adopted minority stress theory as the theoretical framework and employed a meta-ethnographic approach to synthesize the findings on LGBTQ student-athletes' experiences in college sports.

2.1. Study design

According to Noblit and Hare [ 22 ], meta-ethnography can be approached through seven phrases (Appendix A). Phase 1 (Selecting meta-ethnography and getting started) was explained in the introduction section. Then, based on the eMERGe reporting guidance (Appendix B), we completed the specific guidance below each phase. It is worth noting that although this review is written based on 19 components of the eMERGe reporting guidance, this meta-ethnography did not use a linear approach as meta-ethnography is an additive process [ 27 ]. The protocol for this qualitative research review was registered at INPLASY (ID: INPLASY202240041).

2.2. Research team and reflexivity

The first author (MX) is currently a Ph.D. student from China, and her main project is the intersection of diverse gender/sexual identities and sports. Working as a former student-athlete and now a coach in a university, the author tries to understand the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes. The first author invited another Ph.D. student (YX) to help with the study, who collaborated with the author to conduct searching and analysis and to interpret the findings. Both authors tried to bracket existing biases or assumptions to avoid bias, using memos to record the entire synthesis process and each meeting discussion.

2.3. Search for relevant literature

This study systematically reviewed the relevant literature since 1973. We chose 1973 because this is the earliest time we could find for a peer-reviewed scientific study of homophobia [ 32 ]. English and Chinese databases were searched in this study, such as EBSCOhost, Scopus, PubMed, ProQuest, SAGE, and CNKI, by December 2022. Specifically, the main keywords used in the retrieval process were (a) LG, LGB, LGBT*, sexual minority, gender minority lesbian, gay, bisexuality, trans, transgender, queer, homosexuality, sexual orientation, sexual identity, gender identity, gender diversity, (b) sports, athletics, athletes, and (c) college, university. The review also supplemented the database search with a citation search of the retrieved articles and focused only on qualitative research.

2.4. Inclusion/exclusion criteria and study selection

The review also met the PRISMA guidelines. After developing inclusion and exclusion criteria ( Table 1 ), we independently searched the included databases using the search terms. The initial number of literature was 2189 articles, which resulted from limiting the years and language. After removing duplicate articles, 874 were obtained for the title and abstract screening. As many synonyms exist for LGBTQ, we initially selected studies for inclusion based on title and abstract scan rather than just reading the titles. Articles not meeting our criteria were filtered out by reading the abstracts. If the abstracts also fail to provide information, it was reserved for the full article reading. Duplicate articles were also sorted out in this stage. At this stage, we excluded many quantitative studies and theory studies. As a result, 822 articles were excluded at this stage, and 52 were considered potentially eligible. After independently reading and assessing the eligible studies, we made a joint decision that 14 studies ( Fig. 1 ) be included in the review. It is important to explain that although there were bisexual and gay participants in two articles [ 33 , 34 ], the LGBTQ student-athlete representation in the sample was too low and did not meet the inclusion criteria (LGBTQ student-athlete participants must reach 80% of the total sample). Hence, we decided to exclude them after a discussion. The strict inclusion criteria were consistent with our aim for this review, as we wanted to highlight and synthesize qualitative evidence from LGBTQ students-athletes’ perspectives.

Inclusion and exclusion criteria.

PRISMA flow diagram.

2.5. Quality assessment

A quality assessment of all included studies was also conducted in this stage. This review used Kmet's qualitative research quality assessment checklist [ 35 ] to assess the articles' quality. This checklist includes ten key aspects of qualitative research. Research questions/objectives, design, context, theoretical framework, sampling, data collection methods, data analysis process, validation procedures, conclusions and findings, and reflexivity. Scores were used to evaluate, ranging from 0 to 2.

2.6. Data extraction and analysis

After we had read through the included studies, data were extracted using forms developed for the review. These included the researcher, time of publication, the focus of interest, location, participant characteristics, data collection methods, and sports. These data were extracted by the first author and checked by the second author. Like previous research [ 26 ], this study used NVivo [ 36 ] to extract the raw data from the included studies for synthesis. Included studies were uploaded to NVivo and read repeatedly, then coded each study's findings in NVivo. A hierarchical structure was used to code in NVivo, with researchers' names and time coded as top-level codes and one concept or theme from each study coded as a sub-code [ 25 ]. It made it easier for us to track the provenance of each concept or theme. Using NVivo's team function, each author's coding structure was compared, and in the process, all conflicts of opinion were resolved through discussions. We independently identified and coded quotations outlining student-athletes' experiences in college sports (first-order structure) and corresponding authorial interpretation and discussions (second-order structure) (see Fig. 2 ). Afterwards, these second-order constructs were further abstracted into the author's interpretation of the original researcher's interpretation (third-order constructs) [ 22 ]. Each concept or theme was then interpreted independently by both authors and recorded in the NVivo memo, and these interpretations were then compared and combined into a joint interpretation.

Example of data extraction using NVivo.

With Sattar et al. recommended procedure [ 23 ], we first created a list of themes that contained concepts or themes for each study and, in this way, looked to find common and recurring concepts across studies. We then reduced the themes or concepts from the different studies into relevant categories. Next, two authors independently categorized the themes. Whenever the categorization of a theme became difficult, we returned to the full text for a thorough reading and discussion until an agreement was reached. Finally, these formed categories were labeled using terms encompassing all relevant concepts. We then examined the relationships between these themes’ key concepts through juxtaposition and identifying common and recurring concepts. In addition, at this stage, we examine the background data for each study, including the context, objectives, and focus.

When the included studies span a considerable period, it is recommended that they be arranged chronologically [ 26 ]. As the studies included in this review span more than 25 years, the world has experienced a significant shift in attitudes toward LGBTQ athletes during these decades. So, both authors agreed that a chronological comparison would be appropriate. We also found that the included studies were sufficiently similar in their focus to be inter-translatable. Thus, starting with the previously created categories, we arranged each article chronologically and then compared the themes and concepts of the first article with the second article, then the combination of the former two with the third one, and so on [ 22 ]. We kept an open mind to the emerging categories in this process.

3.1. Description of studies

Fourteen studies met the criteria and were included in the review ( Fig. 1 ). Table 2 shows the characteristics of each included study. The results of the quality assessment are shown in Table 3 . Most of the included articles were from the USA, with 12 pieces. The remaining articles were from South Africa [ 37 ] and Turkey [ 38 ]. The total sample size was 156 LGBTQ participants. Of the participants, 107 were females, 40 were males, and nine were transgender. In the subgroup of LGBTQ, 78 participants self-identified as lesbian; 51 self-identified as gay; 14 self-identified as bisexual women; nine self-identified as transgender; one self-identified dyke; one self-identified as “I don't know,” and two chose not to label their sexuality.

Included studies.

Quality assessment of included studies.

Of the fourteen studies included in the systematic review, eight studies focused on the experiences of female athletes who self-identified as lesbian, gay, and queer [ 5 , 31 , [39] , [40] , [41] , [42] , [43] , [44] ]; three studies focused on the experiences of gay athletes [ 38 , 45 , 46 ]; two studies focused on the experiences of only transgender athletes [ 47 , 48 ]; one study included all LGBTQ participants [ 37 ].

Data collection involved interviews in all but one study using a video diary [ 48 ]. While all the included articles focused on the college sports experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes, some of the studies also included a portion of the high school sports experience [ 45 ]; three studies especially focused on the “out” experiences [ 39 , 40 , 46 ]; and almost half studies recruited former student-athletes [ 31 , 39 , 40 , 42 , 44 , 47 ].

Participants were involved in many intercollegiate sports: basketball, softball, golf, soccer, track, crew, cheerleading, cross-country, diving, fencing, football, hockey, rodeo, rugby, speed skating, swimming, tennis, volleyball, water polo, wrestling, lacrosse, tennis. Still, these articles mentioned more than once [ 5 , 42 , 44 ] that basketball and softball were the most significant number of lesbians.

3.2. Description of themes

After conducting a line of argument synthesis, four key third-order constructs were interpretively synthesized from the extracted data: (1) experiences of discrimination and violence; (2) perceived stigma; (3) internalized prejudice; and (4) coping and team support. These four themes were abstracted from 15 categories ( Fig. 3 ). The contribution of included studies towards themes is shown in Table 4 . Finally, a line of argument model was developed to express the interpretation of the results from included studies ( Fig. 4 ).

Categories abstracted to themes.

Contribution of included studies towards themes.

Model of the stress process of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports.

3.2.1. Experiences of discrimination and violence

This theme refers to external, objective stressful events and conditions that LGBTQ student-athletes face in college sports, mainly experiencing discrimination and violence, including abuse, harassment, threats, rejection, silence, neglect, and restriction. Twelve studies contributed to this theme [ 5 , 31 , [37] , [38] , [39] , [40] , [41] , [42] , [43] , [44] , [45] , [46] , [47] , [48] ].

Abuse . Abuse against LGBTQ Individuals made LGBTQ student-athletes feel unsafe in college sports. For example, one lesbian student-athlete described being sexually assaulted, “One of the guys picked me up and gave me the nastiest kiss on the back of my neck. I used all of my strength to fight him off, but I couldn't. He asked, ‘still Lesbian now?” [ 41 ]. In another case, one gay participant described direct violence by his teammate:

“… I was walking in the course for a race that I was expected to win, and a teammate of mine took a rock, about the size of a softball and threw it at the back of my head. … And he said, ‘what’s the big deal? It’s just that gay pussy fag kid’” [ 46 ].

This kind of abuse not only hurt the LGBTQ individual involved but was also a warning to all LGBTQ athletes. One gay student-athlete described big worries after hearing about violence against a gay man, “One of the things that was holding me back from coming out was … One of my friend's friend was beaten to a bloody pulp because they thought he was gay” [ 45 ]. Thus, both direct abuse and the afraid of being abused can leave LGBTQ student-athletes fearful and worried about their situation in the college athletic context.

Harassment . The most frequent form of harassment was the use of homophobic language. LGBTQ student-athletes reported frequently hearing “fag”, “gay,” and “dyke”, as well as insulting language about gender and sexual orientation in the sports context. Homophobic language has been mentioned in many included studies. Some lesbian student-athletes thought it was verbal abuse [ 5 ], while some gay student-athletes believed it was just joking [ 45 ]. Although homophobic language could be interpreted as different motives in different contexts, most LGBTQ student-athletes indicated that it hurt their feelings and distanced them from their teammates. One lesbian student-athletes reported more severe harassment that her car was vandalized with an insulting note “die dyke” attached [ 41 ]. Both homophobic language and outright harassment seem to be common and tacitly accepted in the college sports context, and these behaviors prevent a proper understanding of the dangers of discrimination against LGBTQ student-athletes.

Threats . Threats usually from coaches, teammates, and athletic department staff. One coach threatened lesbian student-athletes to comply with traditional gender norms or be expulsion [ 5 ]; another coach threatened to disclose one lesbian student-athlete as a punishment, “In the meeting he told me he wasn't afraid to pull the gay card” [ 31 ]. Threats also came from teammates, causing great distress to LGBTQ student-athlete:

“… She made my life a living hell for a semester …. Somehow she found out how I didn’t want my parents to know I was gay …. She started acting like she was going to tell them … like just to hurt me or something. That would have been the worst thing ever ….” [ 31 ].

In addition, from the content of the threat we can learn that disclosure was the thing that LGBTQ student-athletes feared the most and that family was the most challenging environment for LGBTQ people to come out.

Rejection. When LGBTQ status was revealed, student-athletes faced an even worse situation. LGBTQ student-athletes described plenty of experiences of being excluded from competitions and being alienated by teams [ 37 ]. One transgender athlete was criticized by her coach for not wearing a skirt, “you're not respecting yourself, you're not respecting your team” [ 47 ]. One lesbian student-athlete indicated that some team coaches refused to recruit lesbian athletes:

“I know, especially women’s basketball that it is a huge no-no. [The coach] makes it very clear to the players that will not be … that they will not be open. Moreover, that’s obviously something that’s not talked about or well known, but they’ll tell you that it’s not accepted” [ 40 ].

Likewise, some athletic department staff and coaches threatened student-athletes with having their scholarships revoked if they go to a gay bar [ 42 ]; Some lesbian student-athletes had even been expelled from the team, “He cut five people, four of them were gay” [ 5 ]. Another rejection that came with coaches was the non-recognition of LGBTQ student-athletes. For example, in Anderson and Bullingham's study [ 41 ], one coach stated, “nice girl from a ‘nice family’ couldn't dare be like that.” To make it even worse, one coach even asked a lesbian student-athlete to reject her sexual identity, “she (strength coach) hates it if you're gay, and always pushes you to go to her Bible studies … she says things like ‘God will get me’ and ‘I need to turn from my sinful ways’” [ 31 ]. For those who do not accept LGBTQ individuals, “a homosexual is not accepted as an individual. They see homosexuality as a choice” [ 38 ].

Meanwhile, teammates' rejection added to LGBTQ student-athletes’ frustration. One gay student-athlete returned to his team after a suicide attempt and was excluded by his former teammates, “Like, I was told that if I played any sports, they'd make my life living hell” [ 45 ]. In addition to being rejected by the entire team, one gay student-athlete reported lost friends due to the disclosure, “Someone had found out that we were gay and had a fit over it.…I'd say he was one of our good friends … he no longer spoke to me” [ 45 ].

Silence. The silence described by LGBTQ student-athletes refers to the fact that neither teammates nor coaches normally talk about topics related to gender and sexual orientation in college sports, “nobody talks about it …. Everyone knows about everyone else, but no one talks about it …. It's not a big gay thing; you go, you dive, and you leave” [ 45 ]. One lesbian student-athlete argued that the silence had made LGBTQ-related topics taboo in college sports:

“… I feel like they talk about, you know, race, and you know, like international acceptance, the international athletes, everything but kind of gender and sexuality. You know, I feel like it’s taboo like it’s kind of not talked about” [ 40 ].

The silence was sometimes forced, and pressure came from the coaches and the athletic department, “… but it was like your coaches and the administrators who would be like, ‘just don't talk about it’” [ 40 ]. One lesbian student-athlete was even asked by their coaches to remain silent, “My coaches have these rules for what I can do and what I can't do” [ 41 ]. Silence limited LGBTQ student-athletes’ communication with teammates, coaches, and the athletic department and restricted the inclusive development of college sports.

Neglect. Studies showed that student-athletes’ LGBTQ identities were neglected in favor of students’ athletic identities in the athletic department [ 5 , 31 , 44 ].

“With (coach), he (pauses) just doesn’t want to know (if a player is a lesbian). He just wants you to be a (sport) player, he doesn’t want to know about anything else, unless it makes him or the team look good” [ 31 ].

In Anderson and Bullingham's study [ 41 ], one coach neglected the needs of one lesbian student-athlete and did not offer help, which led the student to leave the team. The description of these studies showed that gender and sexual identity were still a topic that could not be openly discussed in sports teams. Most teammates and coaches chose to refuse or remain silent, which made it impossible for LGBTQ student-athletes to face up to their gender or sexual identity. They were forced to hide or even try to escape it, which made them face more psychological pressure than heterosexual athletes.

Restriction. Restrictions refer primarily to the barriers to sports participation encountered by transgender student-athletes. Although transgender participation is allowed in college sports in some countries, gender expectations and rules restrict transgender athletes from participating. One transgender student-athlete described how they often experienced the embarrassment of being in a locker room that did not conform to their gender identity because they were restricted from participating in the male game:

“… we would like all change on one side of the locker room (laughing), and all the girly-girls changed on the other side of the locker room. And like we can’t touch and don’t look, but the girls on the other side of the locker room could do whatever they want” [ 47 ].

In another case, one transgender student-athlete left the sport due to a difficult process of hormone therapy [ 48 ]. Consequently, transgender student-athletes face additional challenges in college sports participation, both in the face of the restrictions of sports competition rules and the difficulties of physical transition, and the evidence of these experiences is insufficient in the literature.

Therefore, the first theme exposed various forms of discrimination and violence against LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports. The discrimination stemmed from the specific nature of the sports context as well as the social culture; however, according to LGBTQ student-athletes, educational institutions and athletic departments did not pay attention and intervene, which greatly affected the benefits that sports could bring to LGBTQ youth.

3.2.2. Perceived stigma

This refers to how student-athletes perceive discrimination from the external environment and how they perceive these negative experiences. Nine studies contributed to this theme [ 5 , 31 , 38 , 40 , 42 , 44 , [46] , [47] , [48] ].

Traditional Gender Role Ideology . Gender role ideology is how individuals' attitudes towards the role of women and men and how this attitude is shaped by sex. In addition, gender role ideology determines the distribution of women and men in social roles in society [ 49 ]. The traditional gender role ideology required men to do the bulk of the labor while women were expected to take care of the family. In sports, corresponding to traditional gender role ideology, people expect different performances from female and male athletes. Male athletes were supposed to be aggressive, while female athletes should keep feminine. In this case, when one transgender student-athlete moved from the men's team to the women's team, they found it difficult to fit into the norms of traditional gender roles:

“I feel the big difference was that people seemed to use their bodies. Like, [for] women a lot of it is about technique. A lot of it in guys' sports, for better or worse, [is] they use their bodies almost sacrificially …. So that aggression and physicalness did not help my cause when I switched to a girl’s team” [ 47 ].

With traditional gender role ideology, female athletes must dress femininely and wear make-up and skirts [ 5 , 31 , 47 ]. One lesbian student-athlete said, “because that's just how society is. You're supposed to be straight; you're supposed to be girly” [ 40 ]. Another lesbian student-athlete also expressed frustration with the preservation of femininity in sports:

“We had to look nice because boosters were going to be there …. that meant you had to wear a dress or skirt, no exceptions. Even the straight girls didn’t like it. It’s ridiculous to have to wear a dress when it’s freezing outside (the event was in February)” [ 31 ].

Women in sports had the job of not only being athletes but also maintaining the image expected of females, which sometimes carried more weight than the role of an athlete [ 5 ]. On the other hand, Male student-athletes need to show masculinity in sports. In Saraç and McCullick's study [ 38 ], one gay student received a reprimand for acting feminine, “I was criticized because of my actions. I was told that I looked like a girl”. Influenced by traditional gender role norms, transgender student-athletes also feel the need to preserve their gender roles. Strong muscles seem to be representative of the male role, “My body is really important to me, I need to build it in a way that's going to make me feel good about myself” [ 48 ].

Stereotypes . Stereotypes were defined as general images or characteristics people perceive as fixed for LGBTQ athletes. First, female athletes who were masculine and successful would be put on the “lesbian” label. One lesbian student-athletes detailed how people view lesbian athletes' “butch’ appearance,” “They're super muscular. Maybe shorter haircuts … and appearance, not only their clothes but the way they walk, the way they carry their body, their posture … don't wear makeup or as much makeup as their straight teammates” [ 42 ]. In addition, lesbians were usually connected to unhealthy habits and characteristics such as drinking [ 42 ].

Labeling female athletes as lesbians divided the female team. Some female athletes distanced themselves from the lesbian label by denigrating lesbian athletes, and some lesbian athletes labeled others to avoid lesbian stigma [ 5 ]. Some sports have also been labeled as “lesbian games,” such as basketball, baseball, soccer, and rugby [ 5 , 42 , 44 ]. One lesbian student-athlete joked “… that it would actually be more shocking if a (women's) basketball player came out that they were ‘straight’” [ 42 ]. The stigma attached to women's sports was also confirmed in the South African study, “If you are a female and you play soccer or rugby, you are automatically labeled as lesbian. Whether you are straight or not, they don't care, they don't even ask” [ 37 ]. The lesbian label tried to deprive women of success through belittling and stigmatizing. At the same time, the label was discriminatory and demeaning to women, and all-female athletes suffered from the unfair treatment caused by the label.

In contrast, gay men were viewed as feminine, weak, inferior, and not good at sports. One gay student-athlete mentioned, “I think with sports …. you are supposed to be manly and then how can you be manly if you like guys. I guess because it's kind of the connotation that gay guys are feminine” [ 46 ]. “They think that homosexuals are only about being in bed; according to them, homosexuals only have sex and, then, get up” [ 38 ]. It should be noted that less evidence of stereotypes of gay athletes was found in included studies, possibly because this review only included three articles about the experiences of gay athletes.

Culture and Religion. Evidence showed that culture and religion were essential in the LGBTQ student-athlete experience [ 38 , 42 , 44 ]. The study in Turkey found that a PE student's most significant barrier to self-acceptance was religion. Because homosexuality is a sin in Islam, the student described his experience of rejection by his religion:

“Of course, I rejected it at first. The reason that I didn’t accept [my homosexuality] was religion, because of religion.… I was thinking that religion always neglects homosexuality, God would not like me, and he would put me in a bad place, in the other world” [ 38 ].

In line with the influence of Islam on LGBTQ individuals, studies in the US have found that Christianity was also the cause of LGBTQ athletes' struggles with their identity. “Religiously, I don't believe that it’s right, but not everyone has the same religious values … I wish that I believed it was okay, but I don't believe that it’s okay as far as religion” [ 44 ]. Similarly, another lesbian student-athlete claimed the need to hide her identity and play another role in the Christian Athletic Association in college [ 42 ].

3.2.3. Internalized prejudice

After experiencing discrimination and violence, as well as perceived sexual stigma and stereotypes in the sports context, LGBTQ student-athletes internalized these negative experiences and attitudes, developing internalized prejudices, including tolerance, hiding, and self-hating. Ten studies contributed to this theme [ 5 , 31 , [38] , [39] , [40] , [42] , [43] , [44] , [45] , [46] ].

Tolerance . When faced with a hostile environment, some LGBTQ student-athletes choose to tolerate it [ 40 , 45 ]. They believed that negative comments about LGBTQ individuals were not serious. The homophobic language was considered a “joke,” “not some evil thing,” and “they didn't mean it.” Some would even join in with the “joke,” “If everybody laughed at a gay joke or something, just laughed” [ 5 ].

LGBTQ student-athletes had a high tolerance for hostile climates because they had low expectations. They anticipated that they would experience “awkward” or “weird” situations. Some even felt “surprised” if the situation exceeded expectations:

“I went out there and was kinda scared, but everyone kept being the same. You know, they kept being my friends, and there were like only two or three that stopped talking to me … and one of them, I used to be best friends with him … and as soon as he found out, he stopped talking to me” [ 45 ].

Hiding. LGBTQ student-athletes often hid their gender or sexual identity when they felt unsafe in their environment [ 40 , 43 ]. One lesbian student-athlete declared, “I mean I never deny my sexual orientation, but I don't outwardly offer the information to people” [ 44 ]; one gay student-athlete also admitted, “When people guess it, I don't want them to make me feel that they know it” [ 38 ]. In addition, Some led segmented lives in a different context, “I think I was negotiating the representation I was putting out there of myself in each community” [ 42 ]. Some hid their sexual orientation by engaging in heterosexual topics [ 45 ] or acting heterosexual:

“I had to pretend to like girls, like, make out with girls in public and then take them back to my room and pretend to have sex with them and in reality they would want to have sex and … just trying to show people you’re not gay and you’re straight can be very exhausting. And then, make you even unhappier when you can’t be yourself and you have to fake being someone else” [ 46 ].

The hiding most came from the fear of being disclosed, “I think the biggest scare was just like the unknown. I didn't know how people would react …; so that made me fearful” [ 43 ]. Furthermore, hiding can put much psychological pressure on LGBTQ student-athletes, “It was stressful in the sense that I couldn't be honest with them …” [ 46 ]. Lying and pretending to be heterosexual led to exhaustion and frustration for LGBTQ student-athletes [ 39 ].

Self-hating. LGBTQ student-athletes developed self-loathing and self-hatred for their minority identity in a hostile external climate. Some blamed the problems they encountered on their minority identity: “I immediately think that the problem comes out of my homosexuality, and that's why they behave this way” [ 31 ]. Some refused to accept the gay identity:

“I was still depressed and I was still self-hating. I still didn't want to be gay even though I knew and accepted it at that point before I came out. I didn’t. I still didn’t want to be gay at all. I was like nope, nope I know I’m gay but I don’t wart to be. I was still at that point where I was very unhappy with being gay” [ 46 ].

After being rejected by peers, one gay student-athlete said, “so that kind of made me really hate myself more” [ 45 ]. One lesbian student-athletes also expressed regret for her identity: “I'd give anything to take it all back … I don't know, maybe if I was straight life would be better. I know my life would be better” [ 31 ].

3.2.4. Coping and team support

This theme refers to LGBTQ student-athletes developing resilience after coping with negative experiences with the support of their teams. Eleven studies contributed to the theme [ 31 , [38] , [39] , [40] , [41] , [42] , [43] , [44] , [45] , 47 , 48 ].

Team Support. While many LGBTQ student-athletes reported many negative experiences in college sports, some described an experience of being supported by the team. For example, heterosexual student-athletes wore “gay pride socks” with their gay teammates in competition [ 45 ]; transgender athletes felt “belonged,” “awesome” [ 48 ], and “supportive” [ 47 ] in their college teams. Similarly, in women's teams, lesbian student-athletes also found support from teammates, “So I told everyone on my team … they were in the background like cheering me on, screaming, waving signs …” [ 40 ]; “they have been so supportive of me, that they even went to some gay pride events with me” [ 41 ]. Mann and Krane [ 43 ] found two types of team climates: inclusive climates and transitioning climates; among these teams, ostensibly accepting of diverse sexual orientations and introducing inclusive norms, LGBTQ students felt accepted and appreciated. One lesbian student-athlete described what it was like to be supported by the team:

“I have been in an athletic environment, and I have been on teams that have been really supportive, and that has allowed me to come out and maintain the rest of my identity, without feeling like there was something wrong with me [uh huh]. So, I mean I am just incredibly grateful for it. And you know, I have definitely been lucky in the teammates that I have had and the environments that I have been in” [ 39 ].

Notably, what could explain this kind of team support in women's team may be that lesbian was common in the women's teams [ 43 ]. For example, one lesbian student-athlete stated, “It's a community where a lot of women who play hockey are lesbians” [ 39 ]. Lesbians were common in women's teams, “I think we had at one point out of 15 or 16 girls, we had like seven gay girls … so it wasn't a big deal …” [ 42 ]; “… that it would actually be more shocking if a [women's] basketball player came out that they were ‘straight” [ 42 ].

Similarly, one lesbian student-athlete felt the situation would be better “when all your coaches are gay I guess it really doesn't matter … they were probably more understanding when they found out and probably could connect to you almost a little more than when they didn't know” [ 44 ]. A similar phenomenon was found in Carr and Krane's study [ 47 ], “And shoot, you go to a rugby party and there is a lot of androgyny happening (laughs). If you have to come out in a sport, it's a pretty safe sport to come out in”.

Therefore, when interpreting team support, the population of LGBTQ individuals needs to be considered, especially in women's teams.

Resilience. Resilience was defined as LGBTQ student-athletes’ ability to adapt and cope with negative experiences. First, LGBTQ student-athletes accepted their minority identity and found it a “huge part of my life.” One lesbian student-athletes considered it a special status:

“I never really felt special. But, when I figured out I was gay it made me feel like I was finally a part of something (pauses) that I belonged. It made me feel like I was different. In a good way” [ 31 ].

Another lesbian student-athlete felt the same way, “But, you know it was just accepting myself really, and once that happened I haven't really had a problem [disclosing] since then” [ 39 ]. Once LGBTQ student-athletes accepted their identity, they would become confident, “when it is called into play you have a self-confidence about yourself that is not gendered to hold and maintain through that situation” [ 47 ] and strong, “Some things change in you … after accepting myself, I started to believe that I was more powerful. I thought that I could handle the reactions [of other people]” [ 38 ].

Therefore, the team support and personal resilience seemed to offset some of the negative effects of the external environment and positively impact the mental health of LGBTQ student-athletes.

3.3. Model of the stress process of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports

The meta-ethnographic synthesis used a line-of-argument approach to generate a model of the stress process of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports ( Fig. 4 ). The model illustrates four main dimensions of the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes. First, LGBTQ student-athletes experience constant discrimination and violence in the college sports environment, often from teammates and coaches; abuse, harassment, threats, rejection, silence, neglect, and restriction are the primary manifestations of discrimination. Meanwhile, LGBTQ student-athletes perceive stigma in the sports context, including traditional gender roles, stereotypes of LGBTQ individuals, and pressures from cultural and religious, which make LGBTQ student-athletes vigilant about their environment. As a result, high levels of stigma can lead to chronic pressure, which leads LGBTQ student-athletes to endure hostility from the external environment, hide their identity, and even self-hating. Under certain conditions, such as receiving team support, some LGBTQ student-athletes would develop resilience and become confident and strong. Each dimension is interrelated, and ultimately, these experiences can have different health effects on LGBTQ student-athletes. It is worth noting that this is a dynamic process: People's attitudes towards LGBTQ athletes evolve with the culture and the climate of the college sports context changes with the renewal of teammates or coaches. More importantly, LGBTQ student-athletes' acceptance of their minority status also influenced the perceptions of their identity.

4. Discussion

This study used a meta-ethnographic approach to synthesize qualitative studies that focused on the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports. We conducted this review to identify ways in which athletic staff, coaches, and others can support this population to participate safely in sports.

The results show that most of the studies are from the United States and therefore lacked evidence of the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes from other regions. The results also show a dominance of research on lesbians and a lack of research on gay, bisexual, and trans youth. Therefore, there are considerable gaps in the literature, and scholars need more effort to increase knowledge in this area across different regions and LGBTQ subgroups.

The results of this meta-ethnography are generally consistent with the results of the quantitative study [ 14 , [50] , [51] , [52] , [53] , [54] , [55] ]; there is solid qualitative evidence that LGBTQ youth are discriminated against in sports. Especially gay student-athletes have been found to experience even more egregious acts of discrimination accompanied by physical abuse. Roper and Halloran [ 56 ] found that male student-athletes have a more negative attitude towards lesbians and gay men than female student-athletes. Compared to women's teams, male teams had a less tolerant climate, and gay male athletes were more worried about being alienated from their teams [ 57 ]. As a result, sexual minority men were less likely to engage in physical activity or participate in team sports than heterosexual men [ 58 ]. In addition, the qualitative evidence for transgender youth in this study is consistent with the review of sport and transgender people [ 59 ], which found that the sport's policies impose many restrictions that affect transgender youth's sports participation opportunities and benefits.

Evidence of homophobic language continues to require attention. Scholars have found frequent homophobic language was used in youth team sports [ 60 ], and homophobic language was an important tool for stigmatizing gays and lesbians in sports [ 55 ]. Homophobic language can maintain heteronormativity in sports, and the frequent use of homophobic language contributes to the perception of gay male identity as an inferior form of masculinity, marginalizing all non-heterosexuals individuals in sports [ 45 ]. While scholars have called for the use of interventions to reduce the occurrence of homophobic language in sports [ 60 ], a recent study of a social cognitive education intervention in youth rugby teams found that the intervention did not significantly reduce the use of homophobic language or change related norms and attitudes [ 61 ]. Therefore, research on homophobic language needs to continue, and scholars need to explore more effective ways to intervene in the appearance of homophobic language in sports contexts.

The results show some positive experiences for LGBTQ student-athletes, such as team support. However, we must interpret this result cautiously because the results also revealed a significant number of LGBTQ teammates in team-supported settings [ 39 , 42 , 43 , 47 ]. Therefore, these positive experiences may not indicate that the sports environment is inclusive of LGBTQ individuals. This support and acceptance may come from LGBTQ teammates. On the other hand, due to the presence of numerous LGBTQ athletes on the team, heterosexual students will have more opportunities to engage with LGBTQ students, therefore enhancing the communication generated between the two groups. Roper and Halloran [ 56 ] found that student-athletes who reported having contact with gay men or lesbians had significantly more positive attitudes toward gay men or lesbians; Pariera et al. also inferred that greater exposure to LGBTQ athletes might help reduce negative assumptions held by heterosexuals [ 62 ]. In conclusion, future research needs to pay attention to the number of LGBTQ individuals on the team when examining the climate of inclusive teams, as this is a key factor in interpreting the results.

Furthermore, the results of this review are primarily consistent with the minority stress theory [ 28 ]. LGBTQ student-athletes are continually exposed to discrimination and violence in the sport context; after perceiving identity stigma, LGBTQ student-athletes would develop internalized prejudices, which affect their mental health. Although team support can reduce mental health risks for LGBTQ student-athletes, there is insufficient evidence that the sport context is inclusive of LGBTQ individuals in this study. In addition, consistent with previous studies [ 63 , 64 ], this meta-ethnography found that resilience was a key factor affecting the health of LGBTQ student-athletes. However, the mechanism by which this resilience is generated in a sports context is unclear, and further research is needed to explore this area. Moreover, Given the important positive role of recovery factors for LGBTQ individuals, future relevant research could explore the experiences and mental health effects of LGBTQ individuals using combined minority theory and other identity theories, such as the homosexual lifespan development model [ 65 ].

This study highlights the importance of interventions for LGBTQ-related issues in sports participation. The development of prevention and interventions needs to include the interrelationship of the four components of advocacy, policy, education, and research [ 66 ]. Therefore, educational institutions should incorporate inclusion into relevant curricula and work to increase campus-wide dialogue on LGBTQ-related topics [ 67 ]. Educational institutions and athletic departments should incorporate policies and procedures, such as “prejudice response team” orientation [ 68 ], to ensure a safe and affirming environment for LGBTQ student-athletes. Provide professional development for athletic teachers and coaches, increasing their awareness and knowledge of the importance of sensitive language in sports [ 69 ]. Meanwhile, given that LGBTQ-related education resources cannot be proven effective in sports contexts at this time, educational resources need to be assessed to ensure effectiveness [ 70 ]. Lastly, to advance the field, it is necessary for researchers and funding agencies to conduct research, for example, using minority stress theory and other related theories to study LGBTQ youth-related issues in different sports contexts and regions.

5. Implication and limitation

Based on existing knowledge about LGBTQ individuals in sports participation, this study synthesized qualitative research which explores the experiences of LGBTQ youth in college sports. In addition, building on the literature on minority stress theory, this study establishes the stress process model for LGBTQ student-athletes, emphasizing the importance of educational institutions and athletic departments understanding and intervening in LGBTQ-related issues. We must continue our theoretical and conceptual exploration of the experiences and mental health-related issues of LGBTQ individuals. A more comprehensive understanding of the LGBTQ youth's experience allows us to fully develop policies and practices that protect the safe sport participation of LGBTQ youth.

This study also has some limitations. The variation in the literature and resources on LGBTQ student-athletes was widespread. LGBTQ and sexual minorities were utilized for the criteria of search, which could remove a few articles that used the terminologies such as non-cisgender and non-binary. In addition, this review included only qualitative studies and may have lost a small portion of the evidence for LGBTQ student-athletes in mixed studies.

6. Conclusion

This study used meta-ethnography to synthesize the experiences of LGBTQ student-athletes in college sports. We hope this study provides a valuable overview of qualitative evidence that can serve as a foundation to support inclusive and diverse policies and practices in educational institutions and athletic departments. Although more scholars are focusing on issues related to LGBTQ youth in sports contexts, these studies are unevenly developed, and there are many regions in the world where LGBTQ youth are discriminated against in sports contexts due to cultural, religious, and other factors, and we do not have a clear understanding of their actual situation. Therefore, we call on more regional scholars to engage in this field and work together to build a safe and inclusive sports context for LGBTQ youth.

Author contributions

Conceptualization, MX.; methodology, MX; data collection, MX and YX.; data analysis, MX and YX; data curation, MX; writing—original draft preparation, MX; writing—review and editing, MX, YX, and SA; supervision, KS, SA, and NZ. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Data availability statement

Additional information.

Supplementary content related to this article has been published online at [URL].

Declaration of competing interest

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Appendix A Supplementary data related to this article can be found at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2023.e16832 .

Appendix A. Supplementary data

The following are the supplementary data related to this article:

• Share on Facebook
• Share on Twitter
• Share on LinkedIn
• Share via Email

LGBTQ+ Identification in U.S. Now at 7.6%

More than one in five gen z adults identify as lgbtq+.

WASHINGTON, D.C. -- LGBTQ+ identification in the U.S. continues to grow, with 7.6% of U.S. adults now identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or some other sexual orientation besides heterosexual. The current figure is up from 5.6% four years ago and 3.5% in 2012, Gallup’s first year of measuring sexual orientation and transgender identity.

These results are based on aggregated data from 2023 Gallup telephone surveys, encompassing interviews with more than 12,000 Americans aged 18 and older. In each survey, Gallup asks respondents whether they identify as heterosexual, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or something else. Overall, 85.6% say they are straight or heterosexual, 7.6% identify with one or more LGBTQ+ groups, and 6.8% decline to respond.

Bisexual adults make up the largest proportion of the LGBTQ+ population -- 4.4% of U.S. adults and 57.3% of LGBTQ+ adults say they are bisexual. Gay and lesbian are the next-most-common identities, each representing slightly over 1% of U.S. adults and roughly one in six LGBTQ+ adults. Slightly less than 1% of U.S. adults and about one in eight LGBTQ+ adults are transgender. The most commonly volunteered LGBTQ+ identities are pansexual and asexual, mentioned by less than 2% of LGBTQ+ adults each.

LGBTQ+ Growth Tied to Higher Identification Among Younger Adults

Increases in LGBTQ+ identification in recent years have occurred as members of Generation Z and the millennial generation have entered adulthood. Adults in these younger generations are far more likely than those in older generations to identify as LGBTQ+.

Overall, each younger generation is about twice as likely as the generation that preceded it to identify as LGBTQ+. More than one in five Gen Z adults, ranging in age from 18 to 26 in 2023, identify as LGBTQ+, as do nearly one in 10 millennials (aged 27 to 42). The percentage drops to less than 5% of Generation X, 2% of baby boomers and 1% of the Silent Generation.

Bisexuality is the most common LGBTQ+ status among Generation Z, millennials and Generation X. Fifteen percent of all Generation Z adults -- representing more than two-thirds of those with an LGBTQ+ identification -- are bisexual.

In the older generations, LGBTQ+ individuals are more likely, or equally as likely, to say they are gay or lesbian than bisexual.

LGBTQ+ Identification More Common Among Women

Women are nearly twice as likely as men to identify as LGBTQ+, 8.5% versus 4.7%. Bisexuality is the most common form of LGBTQ+ identification among women, while men are equally likely to identify as bisexual or gay.

Women are more likely than men to have an LGBTQ+ identification in the three youngest generations, especially in Generation Z and the millennial generation. Close to three in 10 Gen Z women, 28.5%, identify as LGBTQ+, compared with 10.6% of Gen Z men. Among millennials, 12.4% of women and 5.4% of men have an LGBTQ+ identification.

More than one in five Gen Z women identify as bisexual, as do 9% of millennial women. Gen Z men are more likely to identify as bisexual than as gay, while roughly equal proportions of millennial men identify as bisexual or gay. Older generations of LGBTQ+ men are most likely to identify as gay.

The gender differences reported above do not account for the nonbinary population, which represents about 1% of U.S. adults. There are not sufficient cases to provide precise estimates of LGBTQ+ identification among nonbinary Americans for 2023 alone, but combined data from 2022 and 2023 indicate that about 80% of nonbinary adults identify as LGBTQ+, with one-third being bisexual and one-third transgender.

Bottom Line

The percentage of U.S. adults who consider themselves something other than heterosexual has more than doubled since Gallup first asked about sexual orientation and transgender identity in 2012. These changes have been led by younger Americans, with about one in 10 millennials and one in five Gen Z adults having an LGBTQ+ status. The generational differences and trends point to higher rates of LGBTQ+ identification, nationally, in the future. If current trends continue, it is likely that the proportion of LGBTQ+ identifiers will exceed 10% of U.S. adults at some point within the next three decades.

To stay up to date with the latest Gallup News insights and updates, follow us on X .

Survey Methods

Results for this poll are based on telephone interviews conducted in 2023, with combined random samples totaling 12,145 adults, aged 18 and older, living in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. For results based on the total sample of national adults, the margin of sampling error is ±1 percentage point at the 95% confidence level.

For results based on the total sample of 691 LGBTQ+ adults, the margin of sampling error is ±4 percentage points at the 95% confidence level.

All reported margins of sampling error include computed design effects for weighting.

Each sample of national adults includes a minimum quota of 80% cellphone respondents and 20% landline respondents, with additional minimum quotas by time zone within region. Landline and cellular telephone numbers are selected using random-digit-dial methods.

In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of public opinion polls.

Subscribe to the Front Page newsletter for weekly insights on the world's most pressing topics.

( * ) Required

This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

Related Topics Include:

Access crucial data for your research.

Search, examine, compare and export nearly a century of primary data.

Recommended

Gallup's LGBTQ+ Research of the Past and the Future

More Say Birth Gender Should Dictate Sports Participation

Americans are less supportive than two years ago of transgender athletes being allowed to play on sports teams that match their current gender identity.

Measuring Transgender Identities: Phase 3

Gallup recently tested several methods for capturing and measuring transgender identities.

Majority Worldwide Now Say Their Area Is Good for Gay People

For the first time in Gallup World Poll's trend dating back to 2006, a majority of people (52%) worldwide say their city or area is a "good place" for gay or lesbian people to live.

March 13, 2024 Gallup https://news.gallup.com/poll/611864/lgbtq-identification.aspx Gallup World Headquarters, 901 F Street, Washington, D.C., 20001, U.S.A +1 202.715.3030

K-12 sports gender identity bill advances to House Judiciary Committee

Supporters call it a matter of fairness, opponents say it is anti-trans.

JUNEAU, Alaska (KTUU) - Following an hour-long, often emotional public testimony Monday, the House Education Committee has voted to advance Rep. Jamie Allard’s a student athlete gender identity bill, known as House Bill 183 .

The bill would require Alaska public schools to only allow students to play on boys or girls sports teams of the gender they were assigned on their birth certificates.

Allard, R-Eagle River, argues the bill is about fairness and acknowledging biological differences, and says if it was passed into law it would not impact co-ed sports.

“Requires students to play according to their biological sex,” Allard writes in her sponsor statement. “Our girls deserve a fair playing field. They deserve the chance to win first place, scholarships, and gold medals.”

Eagle River’s Alexander Rosales testified why he flew down to Juneau to voice his support for the bill.

“Trans women are not women, they are men biologically,” Rosales said. “That’s what they are. I understand we need to bring everybody in and do well with them, do well by them really, but we’re blurring those lines, we really are. We’re allowing little boys to go into little girl’s locker rooms, and that’s were it starts.”

Opponents, however, like Juneau’s Salim Houck, who represented himself as a transgender male, called the bill anti-trans.

“Denying trans students from the opportunity to participate in sports strips them of the many benefits including better self-esteem, increased sense of belonging, and improved grades... We all agree that girls should have the opportunity to thrive. Transgender girls, like all girls, have the best chance to thrive when they are supported and treated like their peers. Like all students, trans students deserve the same chance to learn teamwork, sportsmanship, leadership, self discipline and to build a sense of belonging to their peers.” Houck said, adding that he began transitioning while attending school in Juneau.

The bill now heads to the House Judiciary Committee. If it passes there, it would likely head to a House floor vote, before heading to the Senate if it passes the House.

How to watch Alaska's News Source your way with our family of streaming apps

Copyright 2024 KTUU. All rights reserved.

Police investigating fatal West Anchorage shooting as homicide

Anchorage’s Weekend Market to return to original downtown location this spring

2 storms take aim on Southern Alaska with strongest winds expected Saturday

Anchorage municipal street maintenance expects to fix thousands of potholes this season

Police: Man in critical condition after Oceanview shooting

Latest news.

Homer man guilty of drug charges related to significant 2023 drug bust

Anchorage School District leaders: budget fate up to the governor

Sharing the stories of Alaska’s seminal aviation figures

Anchorage Assembly considers mayor’s revised homeless ordinance

Politics | Transgender and nonbinary people would be…

Share this:.

• Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)
• Click to share on Reddit (Opens in new window)
• Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)

Digital Replica Edition

• Latest Headlines
• Environment
• Transportation
• News Obituaries

Politics | Transgender and nonbinary people would be better protected from harassment in Colorado under new bill

“simple fix” comes as anti-transgender rhetoric rises.

Transgender and nonbinary people would receive more explicit protections in Colorado’s anti-bias and harassment law if a newly introduced bill becomes law.

Advocates characterize the bill as a simple legislative fix to ensure gender identity and expression are protected across state law, while also sending a message about Colorado’s values.

“(The bill) ensures nonbinary and trans people are seen and represented in every part of Colorado law, which is especially important now with the wave of anti-trans rhetoric and legislation across the country,” said Garrett Royer, political director for LGBTQ advocacy organization One Colorado. “It helps the state remain a leader on LGBTQ rights with a very simple legislative fix.”

State nondiscrimination statutes already specifically protect people based on their gender identity and gender expression when it comes to areas such as public accommodation, housing and employment, Royer said.

This change would add gender identity and expression to Colorado’s bias-motivated crimes statute, which is aimed more at person-to-person harassment and intimidation.

Royer said gender identity was generally covered under sexual orientation protections previously, but this change would add clarity. These protections also would include harassment based on other people’s perceptions of the victim’s identity.

Senate Bill 189 is sponsored by Democratic Sens. Rhonda Fields of Aurora and Chris Hansen of Denver. Its first committee hearing is set for Monday.

“The No. 1 reason for hate crimes is based on gender identity and expression,” Fields said. “These folks are attacked and bullied more than any other demographic, and it’s not in our statute as it relates to having special protection. So it’s just that simple.”

This proposal comes as the legislature has debated other bills aimed at protecting gender identity. Two bills concerning individuals’ preferred names were the subject of lengthy, contentious debates and testimony rife with anti-transgender arguments as they moved through the House.

Hansen, who joined a voice vote in support of a bill to allow non-legal name changes in schools on Thursday morning, said these are separate debates.

Those bills propose more significant changes, he said, while this one would fill “a gap” in state statutes and definitions.

“We want to make sure we’re covering transgender issues in (the anti-bias) statute and this is a very simple bill to do that,” Hansen said.

Stay up-to-date with Colorado Politics by signing up for our weekly newsletter, The Spot.

• Report an Error
• Submit a News Tip

More in Politics

Politics | Gun-free zones, more money for higher education and renter protections this week in the Colorado legislature

Colorado News | Plans to convert 255-room hotel into homeless facility spark concern in Aurora, Denver neighborhoods

Politics | Colorado legislators set aside $7.2 million to fund longer psychiatric hospital stays

Colorado News | Does Denver have enough dog parks? Owners want more off-leash spaces as city issues more citations

• Contributors
• Newsletters

1 Trending: Don’t Read This Birth Control ‘Misinformation’ Unless You Want To Be Twice As Happy As You Are Now

2 trending: california judge advances democrats’ lawfare by recommending disbarment for john eastman, 3 trending: scotus errs in murthy v. missouri by assuming big tech is just like print media, 4 trending: left-wing nonprofit interfering in milwaukee’s 2024 elections got $750k from soros group, scientists refute olympic committee’s misguided policies on ‘fairness’ and testosterone levels.

A new published report from international researchers marshals every line of evidence in defense of fairness in women’s sports.

• Share Article on Facebook
• Share Article on Twitter
• Share Article on Truth Social
• Copy Article Link
• Share Article via Email

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) developed its 2021 framework on sex and “gender” around the concepts of fairness, inclusion, and non-discrimination. This framework leaves it to each sport’s governing body “to determine how an athlete may be at a disproportionate advantage against their peers.” However, they admonish sports organizations against “targeted testing … aimed at determining [athletes’] sex, gender identity and/or sex variations.” Instead, it’s up to each sport to “[provide] confidence that no athlete within a category has an unfair and disproportionate competitive advantage.”

The IOC’s sophistic gymnastics to deny sex-based categories in sport prompted 26 researchers from around the world to rebut the IOC’s framework. Their paper, published last week in the Scandinavian Journal of Medicine & Science in Sports , is the latest peer-reviewed study providing evidence of the obvious about sex in sports.

The researchers reviewed studies from “evolutionary and developmental biology, zoology, physiology, endocrinology, medicine, sport and exercise science, [and] athletic performance results within male and female sport” to refute the IOC’s position that male athletes warrant “no presumption of advantage” over female athletes based on “biological or physiological characteristics.”

That statement “is ridiculous on its face,” says Kim Jones, co-founder of the Independent Council on Women’s Sports (ICONS). “This is the basic knowledge we all understand and see play out in front of our eyes every day. [This new] paper is brilliant at laying out how clear the differences are between men and women. There are thousands of differences between male and female development in humans across the entire maturity path that result in these huge performance gaps.”

John Armstrong, a mathematician at King’s College London who was not affiliated with this research, highlights this “central flaw” of the IOC’s framework. “To say we should not presume male advantage in a sport unless we have specific data for that sport is like saying that just because most of the apples in a tree have fallen to the ground, one shouldn’t presume the remaining apples are also subject to gravity,” he said.

“There is overwhelming evidence of male advantage from across different sports and there is little to be gained from demonstrating this again and again, sport by sport,” Armstrong noted.

The Illusion of Testosterone Suppression

But even sports that have copious research into sex differences in performance have permitted males to compete in the female category at all levels of competition and age. One path has been through misguided policies based on testosterone levels.

Over the last decade, various sports governing bodies — including the IOC and USA Boxing — have attempted to define females through testosterone levels. Those organizations relied heavily on a publication by Joanna Harper , a trans-identifying male medical physicist. The paper consisted of eight self-reports by trans-identifying male recreational runners who had suppressed their testosterone pharmacologically and recalled that they ran slower after doing so. Harper excluded the one respondent who said he ran faster and then concluded that males who were suppressing their testosterone could compete fairly in the female category.

Last week’s paper builds on research by lead authors Tommy Lundberg, Emma Hilton, and others who demonstrate the persistence of male advantage after testosterone suppression.

While testosterone suppression decreases various measures of anatomy, physiology, and physical performance, those changes are a small fraction of the differences between men and women on these metrics. A testosterone-suppressed male will have less muscle mass than his former self, but as a category, testosterone-suppressed men remain larger and stronger than women. Further, testosterone suppression does not change attributes like height, bone length, or hip and shoulder width.

Even before puberty, though, males outperform females in athletic competitions. Greg Brown is an exercise physiologist at the University of Nebraska at Kearney and was a co-author on the Lundberg paper. Brown recently published research based on national youth track and field championships. He found that by age 8, the boys ran faster in their final rounds than the girls did in theirs, at race distances from 100 meters to 1,500 meters.

When ‘Obvious’ Sex Differences Are Not Enough

Brown’s article came out a few months after John Armstrong (mentioned above), sociologist Alice Sullivan of University College London, and I published a paper on the role of sex versus gender expression in distance running . Having been on the receiving end of many tweets and articles saying, “Duh, obvious, did we need research to prove this?” I asked Brown if we really needed quantitative research to prove that boys run faster than girls.

“Some court cases regarding transgender athletes competing in girls’ sports said there’s no evidence of prepubescent sex-based differences. This kind of work does matter to inform policy. Moreover, it can be useful to evaluate the obvious because some of the things we take for granted as truth, maybe they’re not,” Brown said.

The obvious question in response to this accumulation of “obvious” data is: What will it take to restore and enforce sex-based categories in sports at all levels? Even if the International Olympic Committee aligned its policies with the Lundberg paper, the IOC is not binding on youth sports, grassroots sports, or even the NCAA.

Brown is optimistic about “the grassroots level, where girls and women’s sports will start being limited to female athletes. Some school districts and other local organizations are making female-only sports policies when state or higher-level organizations won’t.”

Brown noted the lawsuit against the NCAA by female athletes will “make those in charge of sports have second thoughts about their transgender inclusion policies. Before there was a fear of lawsuits from transgender activists , but now the shoe is on the other foot.”

He also called on “scholarly journals, sports science organizations, and sports scientists to speak out and keep the reality of sex-based differences in sports performance in the news to counteract the 20-year head start the transgender activists have.”

ICONS is funding the lawsuit that Brown mentioned. “We need people to realize there can be no fear and no shame in standing up for women. It’s a basic message that we all have the responsibility to communicate clearly,” said ICONS co-founder Kim Jones. “The stories of women and girls being robbed of fair sport, or even facing injury, are the path of change. It shouldn’t take women and girls being hurt, but everyone has the clear evidence.”

Jon Pike, a sports philosopher and a co-author of the Lundberg paper, advises sports organizations to look to the evidence and not to the IOC.

“They are training and developing athletes who aspire to international competition. They owe female athletes the same level playing field that they will get at the international level. Female athletes at all levels are entitled to fair sport,” he said.

Objective empirical data that accord with everyday experience and observation are the most powerful counters to the emotion, rhetoric, and threats that often accompany attempts to deny the validity of female-only spaces and categories.

The value of studies like those of Lundberg, Brown, Armstrong, and their respective colleagues will play out in board rooms and courtrooms, not to mention the living rooms where so many grassroots sports decisions are made. The more decision-makers can rely on research rather than earnest but shallow plaints of “But it’s obvious!” the more women and girls will flourish in fair and competitive sports.

• gender identity
• girl's sports
• International Olympic Committee
• testosterone
• trans athletes
• transgender
• transgender activism
• women's sports

More from Trans Insanity

Where Are The Dads Protecting Their Daughters From Dangerous Male Athletes?

Trans Ideologues Would Rather Revolt Against Reality Than Admit They Were Wrong

Transgender Activists Say Your Kids Have A ‘Right’ To Carve Up Their Bodies

Selective Feminist Outrage Over ‘Barbie’ Oscars Snub Ignores The Victims Of Gender Ideology

Rep. Mike Gallagher Leaves GOP, Wisconsinites In The Lurch

Hell Hath No Fury Like A Single Liberal Woman

As Sexual Accuser Bankrupts Trump, Biden Fundraises With Epstein Pal Bill Clinton

If ‘Diversity Is Our Strength,’ Why Is Our Military So Weak?

Introducing

The Federalist Community

Join now to unlock comments, browse ad-free, and access exclusive content from your favorite FDRLST writers

Start your FREE TRIAL