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Physiognomy, The Beautiful Pseudoscience

How the dubious science of deducing mental character from physical appearance influenced european art and culture in the 17th and 18th centuries.

Sarah Waldorf | October 8, 2012 | 4 min read

Untitled (Franz Xaver Messerschmidt, The Vexed Man , The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, CA), 2008, Ken Gonzales-Day. Chromogenic print. Ken Gonzales-Day and Luis De Jesus Los Angeles. © Ken Gonzales-Day

What do the expressions “highbrow” and “lowbrow” have in common with saying a woman has “mousey” features? What does Homer Simpson have to do with photographs of sculpture in profile by contemporary artist Ken Gonzales-Day? All are contemporary manifestations of an ancient pseudoscience that permeated visual culture in European history, notably in the 18th and 19th centuries: physiognomy.

In Messerschmidt and Modernity at the Getty Center, there’s a fascinating case of four books dating from 16th through the 19th centuries related to this magical pseudoscience, which assesses character and morality from outer appearance, applying the practice of “judging a book by its cover” to the human form.

Physiognomy has its roots in antiquity. As early as 500 B.C., Pythagoras was accepting or rejecting students based on how gifted they looked . Aristotle wrote that large-headed people were mean, those with small faces were steadfast, broad faces reflected stupidity, and round faces signaled courage.

David Brafman, rare books curator at the Getty Research Institute, told me that physiognomy—from the ancient Greek, gnomos (character) and physis (nature), hence “the character of one’s nature”—really became popular again in 16th-century Europe, as physicians, philosophers, and scientists searched for tangible, external clues to internal temperaments.

In the early 1600s, Italian scholar Giambattista della Porta, considered the father of physiognomy, was instrumental in spreading ideas about character and appearance in Europe. Della Porta came up with the idea for physiognomy through his alchemical experiments, in which he attempted to boil down and distill from substances their “tincture,” or pure essence. He made an analogy to the human essence, suggesting that one could deduce an individual’s character from empirical observation of his physical features. His widely disseminated book on the subject, De humana physiognomia , was instrumental in spreading physiognomy throughout Europe. Illustrations in the book depict human and animal heads side by side, implying that people who look like particular animals have those creatures’ traits.

Leonine specimens: Illustration in Giambattista della Porta’s De humana physiognomia (Naples, 1602). The Getty Research Institute, 2934-552

Images like these were powerful, and illustrations, sculptures, drawings, and other visual forms were key to the spread of physiognomy and its strange ideas.

In the second half of the 18th century, Johann Caspar Lavater became the new king of physiognomy. He blended an examination of silhouette, the profile, portraiture, and proportions into his best-selling book, Essays on Physiognomy , which included a detailed reading of the face broken down into its major pieces, including the eyes, brows, mouth, and nose. The expression “stuck-up” comes from this time, when a person with a nose bending slightly upwards was read as having a contemptuous, superior attitude.

Representative plates from Johann Caspar Lavater’s Essays on Physiognomy of “problematic” profiles and facial structures

Lavater often expressed an obvious cultural bias in his readings of the morality of people from other countries. “Lavater idealizes the familiar and praises what he knows,” wrote one critic, “but finds ‘deficiencies’ in the faces of Africans, Laplanders, and Calmuck Tartars.”

The connections between physiognomy and aesthetics were pointed in Essays on Physiognomy , as Lavater commissioned artist Johann Henrich Fuseli and poet William Blake to provide the illustrations. This artistic interest in physical appearance and character contributed to the development of theories of the ideal geometric proportions of the face in the late 18th century by theorists such as William Hogarth and Lord Shaftesbury .

Diagram of facial angles from Charles White, An account of the regular gradation in man, and in different animals and vegetables; and from the former to the latter. Illustrated with engravings adapted to the subject (London, C. Dilly, 1799). This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California. Rare Books, 302625

The influence of physiognomy can be seen throughout 18th- and 19th-century European art. In the 18th century in particular, natural philosophers embraced the “ideal” features found in classical sculpture, which were mistakenly thought to represent how the ancients actually looked. The assumed cultural superiority of ancient Greece became attached to these features, which were adopted by European artists and depicted again and again. “Others”—such as Asians and Africans—were less not only less beautiful, but less moral.

Like man, like swine: Illustration in Giambattista della Porta’s De humana physiognomia (Naples, 1602). The Getty Research Institute, 2934-552

Photographer Ken Gonzales-Day examined this phenomenon in his series Profiled , an example of which is on view in Messerschmidt and Modernity . He created photographs of portrait sculptures in museum collections, both to explore the tradition of portraiture in Western art and to critique the pictorial conventions and racial profiling advanced by Lavater—who believed the profile to be the best perspective to analyze human character.

Untitled (Henry Weekes, Bust of an African Woman , based on a photographic image of Mary Seacole, and Jean-Baptiste Pigalle, Bust of Mm. Adélaïde Julie Mirleau de Neuville, neé Garnier d’Isle . The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, CA), 2011, Ken Gonzales-Day. Chromogenic print. Courtesy of and © Ken Gonzales-Day and Luis De Jesus Los Angeles

Today, scholars are still studying the science of faces and how different traits, features, and expressions affect us. For example, it’s well established that faces with rounded contours attract us, because they signal childlikeness and evoke parental instincts. We even have a tendency to view “baby-faced” people as less likely to commit premeditated crimes. Unfortunately, if you’ve got an angular face, you’re probably a criminal.

So even though the term “physiognomy” no longer resonates, the assumption of physical appearance as moral indicator lives on. Homer Simpson must be ugly, because he is stupid. When Dorothy asks the good “white” witch in The Wizard of Oz why she’s so beautiful, she replies, “Why, only bad witches are ugly.” Though our consumer-driven world has increasingly substituted clothing and material possessions as signifiers of character, we continue to label our fellow humans as “thick-headed,” and people get stopped on the street because they “look suspicious.”

Physiognomy is uncomfortable, messy, and often racist, but I do understand its motivation. The urge to classify, study, and categorize people is based in the desire to understand ourselves more clearly. But for every ideal form, there’s an “other” who also wants to explore herself on her own terms, without being profiled.

  • exhibitions
  • Franz Xaver Messerschmidt
  • Getty Museum collection
  • J. Paul Getty Museum
  • Messerschmidt and Modernity
  • Sculpture and Decorative Arts

About The Author

Sarah waldorf.

I'm the social media lead for Getty Communications. I work on digital content production for blog, social, and website, and co-manage @gettymuseum across Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.

Comments on this post are now closed.

Fascinating. Are Ken’s works available ?

Hi Trent! Apologies for the late response. If you haven’t already hunted around, here is a link to Ken’s website! He’s got some images, texts and links on his site if you’re interested in seeing more what he’s about as an artist: http://www.kengonzalesday.com/

Physiognomy is not a pseudosciense. There is a strong correlation between attractiveness and intelligence. Because what is “attractiveness” — it is simply an aesthetic judgment of the fitness of the Race. The outward reflects the mental capacity in the majority of cases. If we do not quantify the values that we desire as a society and work to ensure the propagation of them, through our now aesthetically ignorant brainwashing those special genetic specimens will be bred out of existence.

Trackbacks/Pingbacks

  • In the Image of Dog He Created Them… | Out of Time - [...] Della Porta’s text was influential in the ancient pseudoscience of physiognomy, the study of determining a person’s inner character…
  • Project Structure: Research Point Anatomy « belleab31 - [...] also found an interesting article on physiognomy and art at http://blogs.getty.edu/iris/physiognomy-the-beautiful-pseudoscience/. Basically, this is an ancient Greek idea, that…
  • “Late – Victorian fiction reworks the figure of the double in various ways in order to explore cultural contradictions and desires” Discuss in relation to The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde | Phen Weston - Essays - […] S., (2012) Physiognomy, The Beautiful Pseudoscience, Available at:http://blogs.getty.edu/iris/physiognomy-the-beautiful-pseudoscience/ (Accessed: 28th May […]
  • Fantastically Wrong: The Scientist Who Seriously Believed Criminals Were Part Ape | Nagg - […] the related pseudoscience of physiognomy[5], which advocated judging your personality based solely on your face (a story for another…
  • Week 3 Response: Physiognomy | the history of art and technology - […] “Don’t judge a book by its cover.” So we’ve been told, but how long have people been doing just…
  • The Birth of the Digital Death Mask - […] as police mugshots.These cataloguing systems were based on two popular contemporary pseudosciences: physiognomy (the assessment of a person’s character…
  • Find out more about about the history behind Liberty’s Fire | Lydia Syson - […] obsession with physiognomy came up in so many different texts and images – I found this Getty blog a useful introduction…
  • Dracula Ch. 10-14: Science is (un)Dead | Bahnreads - […] Jonathon Harker makes a judgement of Van Helsing’s personality based on his eyebrows and Van Helsing mentions physiognomy. If…

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Franz Joseph Gall: Naturalist of the Mind, Visionary of the Brain

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Franz Joseph Gall: Naturalist of the Mind, Visionary of the Brain

Three Physiognomy: “Facing” the Past

  • Published: May 2019
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Gall considered his new science a part of physiognomy, the idea that physical features are revealing of character. This idea, accepted by Hippocrates and promoted by the Aristotelians, can also be found in Galen’s influential writings from the second century ad , as well as in later books with pictures of men having features like cows and lions and personalities to match. Lavater’s well-illustrated physiognomy books from the 1770s were still very popular when Gall developed his doctrine. But unlike his predecessors, who he depreciated, Gall focused entirely on the head, and related cranial features to distinct higher brain parts, which he associated with different functions. In brief, his physiognomy, with its emphasis on the brain and its functions, represented a major break with past formulations and was presented as revolutionary.

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Promising Future, Complex Past: Artificial Intelligence and the Legacy of Physiognomy presents the history of physiognomy—the practice of assessing one’s mental character based on physical attributes—and explores its influence on contemporary artificial intelligence and computer science technologies that gather and interpret bodily data. Now debunked as pseudoscience, physiognomy enjoyed periods of legitimacy and popularity over a history spanning millennia, influencing the fields of medicine, biology, philosophy, anthropology, psychiatry, and criminology. After serving as tool for scientific racism and eugenics, physiognomy was roundly discredited in the 20 th century. We’ve rejected the harmful aspects of physiognomy, but efforts to gain information from human physical characteristics continue with today’s technologies, which have the potential to make the world safer, improve health, and affect how we get information.

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  • Montaigne on Physiognomy

Michel de Montaigne, Essays (1571-92; p. 1580-95; trans. John Florio, 1603):

We attribute sauage shapes and ougly formes vnto diuels. As who doeth not ascribe high-raised eye-browes, open nostrils, a sterne frightfull visage, and a huge body vnto Tamburlane, as is the forme or shape of the imagination we haue fore-conceiued by the bruite of his name? (“Of Repenting,” 454)

Meet we sometimes with crooked, deformed, and in body mishapen men, without falling into rage and discontent (“Of the Arte of Conferring,” 523)

Socrates hath been a perfect patterne in all great qualities. I am vexed, that ever he met with so vnhansome and crabbed a body, as they say he had, and so dissonant from the beauty of his minde. Himselfe so amorous and so besotted on beauty. Nature did him wrong. There is nothing more truly semblable, as the conformity or relation betweene the body and the minde. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 595-96)

This superficiall ill-favourdnesse, which is notwithstanding to the most imperious, is of lesse prejudice vnto the state of the minde: and hath small certainty in mens opinion. The other, by a more proper name called a more substantiall   deformity, beareth commonly a deeper inward stroke….As Socrates said of his, that it justly accused so much in his mind had he not corrected the same by institution. But in so saying, I suppose, that according to his wonted vse, he did but jest: and so excellent a mind, did never frame it selfe. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 596)

Yet me thinkes, that the same feature and manner of the face and those lineaments, by which some argue certaine inward complexions, and our future fortunes, is a thing that doth not directly nor simply lodge vnder the Chapter of beauty and ill favourdnesse; no more than all good favours, or cleerenesse of aire, doe not alwayes promise health; nor all fogges and stinkes, infection, in times of the plague. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 596)

If my countenance had not answered for me, if the ingenuity of mine inward intent might not plainely have beene disciphered in mine eyes and voice, surely I could never have continued so long, without quarrells or offences: with this indiscreete liberty, to speake freely (be it right or wrong) what ever commeth to my minde, and rashly to judge of things. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 599)

There are some fauourable Physiognomies. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 596)

A mans loòke or aire of his face, is but a weake warrant; notwithstanding it is of some consideration. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 596)

To prognosticate future successes of them, be matters I leave vndecided. (“Of Phisiognomy,” 597)

Those which we call monsters are not so with God, who in the immensitie of his worke seeth the infinitie of forme therein contained. (“Of a Monstrous Child,” 399)

Wee call that against nature, which commeth against custome: There is nothing, whatsoever it be, that is not according to hir. Let therefore this vniversall and naturall reason, chase from vs the error, and expell the astonishment, which noveltie breedeth, and strangenes causeth in vs. (“Of a Monstrous Child,” 399)

If we terme those things monsters or miracles to which our reason cannot attaine, how many such doe daily present themselves vnto our sight? (“It is Follie to Referre Truth or Falsehood to our Sufficiencie,” 87-88)

Whilst a man endevoureth to finde out causes, forcible and weighty ends, and worthy so great a name, hee looseth the true and essentiall. They are so little, that they escape our sight. (“Of the Lame or Cripple,” 580)

All these miracles and strange events, are vntill this day hidden from me: I have seene no such monster, or more expresse wonder in this world, then my selfe. With time and custome a man doth acquaint and enure him selfe to all strangenesse : But the more I frequent and know my selfe, the more my deformity astonieth me: and the lesse I vnderstand my selfe. (“Of the Lame or Cripple,” 580)

The croked man doeth it best ….I would have saide, that the loose or disjoynted motion of alimping or crooke-backt Woman, might addesome new kinde of pleasure vnto that businesse or sweet sinne, and some vn-assaid sensuall sweetnesse, to such as make triall of it: but I have lately learnt, that even ancient Philosophy hath decided the matter: Who saith, that the legs and thighs of the crooked-backt or  halting- lame, by reason of their imperfection, not receiving the nourishment, due vnto them, it followeth that the Genitall partes, that are above them, are more full, better nourished and more vigorous. Or else, that such a defect hindring other exercise, such as are therewith possessed, do lesse waste their strength and consume their vertue, and so much the stronger and fuller, they come to Uenus sportes. (“Of the Lame or Cripple,” 582-83)

In few, there is no constant existence, neither of our being, nor of the obiects. And we, and our judgement, and al mortal things els do vncessantly rowle turne and passe away. Thus can nothing be certainely established, nor of the one, nor of the other; both the judging and the judged being in continuall alteration and motion. Wee have no communication with being; for every humane nature is ever in the middle betweene being borne and dying; giving nothing of it selfe but an obscure apparance and shaddow, and an vncertaine and weake opinion. (“An Apologie of Raymond Sebond ,” 340)

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LAVATER, Johann Kaspar (1741-1801)

Essays on physiognomy, designed to promote the knowledge and love of mankind.. illustrated by more than eight hundred engravings.. executed by, or under the inspection of, thomas holloway. translated from the french by henry hunter..

London: T.Bensley for John Murray, H.Hunter and T.Holloway, 1792 [watermarked 1804]. Three volumes in five, large 4to. (13 1/8 x 10 3/4 inches). 3 engraved title vignettes, 173 plates by William Blake (1), Thomas Holloway and others, after Henry Fuseli and others, about 361 engraved text illustrations (one on India paper mounted) by Blake (3), Thomas Holloway and others after Fuseli and others. Scattered foxing.

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Walter Benjamin’s Theory of Knowledge

  • Vincenzo Mele 4  
  • First Online: 13 January 2023

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Part of the book series: Marx, Engels, and Marxisms ((MAENMA))

This chapter analyzes the method employed by Benjamin in his writings on the arcades and the city. Benjamin—similar to Simmel—uses a neo-Kantian lexicon and would have preceded his work on the passages of Paris with a gnoseological premise ( Erkenntniskritische Vorrede ) along the lines of his study on the German Trauerspiel. These reflections on the theory of knowledge comprise the features of the “historical-sociological physiognomy” through which Benjamin intended to interpret the social and cultural phenomena of the city of Paris, which would produce a reflection on the concept of history that constitutes Walter Benjamin’s theoretical testament.

[A] mode of historical science which fashions its object not out of a tangle of mere facticities but out of the numbered group of threads representing the woof of a past fed into the warp of the present. —Benjamin 2006a [1937], p. 269

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Benjamin began his university studies in April 1912 at the Albert Ludwig University in Breisgau, one of the oldest and most renowned German universities. He matriculated in the department of philology and in the summer semester attended a variety of lecture courses. Among them was “Introduction to Epistemology and Metaphysics” taught by the prominent neo-Kantian philosopher Heinrich Rickert. In fact, Benjamin’s philosophical and aesthetic research of the following decade can be considered as significant moments of adherence to and estrangement from the orbit of neo-Kantianism of Rickert and Hermann Cohen, professor of philosophy in Marburg (Eiland and Jennings 2014 , pp. 32–33).

Benjamin’s intention was, in the words of a letter to Gerhard Scholem, dated October 22, 1917, to “comprehend [Kant] with the utmost reverence, looking on the least letter as a tradendum to be transmitted (however much it is necessary to recast him afterwards)” (Adorno and Scholem 1994, pp. 97–98).

In a short juvenile essay published under a pseudonym in 1913 in the Berlin journal Der Anfang , titled “Experience” ( Erfahrung ) and showing his lifelong concern with this theme, Benjamin attacks the philistine “bourgeois” notion of experience, understood as the outgrowing of youth, in the name of a higher, more immediate experience of the “inexperiencable” (EW, 117). This importance of the not-yet cognitive experience will be attested by Benjamin’s enduring concern with dreams and waking, as well as with myth, surrealism, hashish, the world of childhood.

Simmel’s critique of Kant’s concept of experience was inspired by Hermann Cohen’s influential book, Kants Theorie der Erfahrung , 2nd ed., Berlin, 1885 (on Simmel’s original relationship with neo-Kantianianism see Podoksik 2016 ). Scholem and Benjamin attended Cohen’s lessons in Berlin and read Kants Theorie der Erfahrung : “We were full of respect and indeed reverence for this figure; thus we approached our reading with great expectations … But Cohen’s deductions and interpretations seemed highly questionable to us.” Benjamin complained about the “transcendental confusion” of his presentation and termed the book “a philosophical vespiary” (Scholem and Benjamin 1982 , pp. 58–60, quot. in Eiland and Jennings 2014 , p. 102). Although Cohen’s rigid rationalism, dualism, and optimism seemed disputable for Benjamin, he would soon find many inspirations for the development of his own way to criticism from Cohen’s philosophical interpretation of biblical messianism in his Religion of Reason: Out of the Sources of Judaism (1919) (ibid.).

Adorno had described these essential features of Benjamin’s thought in the fundamental Profile dedicated to him: “the core of Benjamin’s philosophy is the idea of the salvation of the dead as the restitution of distorted life through the consummation of its own reification down to the inorganic level. ‘Only for the sake of the hopeless are we given hope’, is the conclusion of the study of Goethe’s Elective Affinities paradox of the impossible possibility, mysticism and enlightenment are joined for the last time in him. (Adorno 1981 [1967], p. 240).

With the German word Gehalt , Benjamin seems to mean something other than the current meaning of “content.” An important confirmation of this is provided by a series of aphorisms that appear in One-Way Street , where he states: “In the artwork, content and form are one: meaning [ Gehalt ]”; and immediately afterwards: “Meaning is the outcome of experience” (SW 1, p. 459). Given the originality of meaning that Benjamin assigns to this terminology, which is directly related to his theory of experience (as we will see later), this’ choice seems the most appropriate.

In On Semblance Benjamin expressed the same conception of criticism as “mortification” in another way: “No work of art may appear completely alive without becoming mere semblance, and ceasing to be a work of art. The life quivering in it must appear petrified and as if spellbound in a single moment. The life quivering within it is beauty, the harmony that flows through chaos and—that only appears to tremble. What arrests this semblance, what holds life spellbound and disrupts the harmony, is the expressionless [ das Ausdruckslose ]. That quivering is what constitutes the beauty of the work; the paralysis is what denies its truth” (Benjamin 1996c [1919–20], p. 224).

This observation first appeared in the collective volume Zur Aktualität Walter Benjamins , edited by S. Unseld, Frankfurt a. M., Suhrkamp Verlag, 1972, which takes its title from the article by Habermas himself ( Bewußtmachende oder rettende Kritik—die Aktualität Walter Benjamins , pp. 175–223. English trans. Consciousness-Raising or Redemptive Criticism: The Contemporaneity of Walter Benjamin , in «New German Critique», Spring, 1979, No. 17, pp. 30–59). This essay has had a certain resonance in criticism, as evidenced by the works of Tiedemann, Dialektik im Stillstand , R. Wolin, Walter Benjamin. An Aesthetic of Redemption , New York, Columbia University Press, 1982, S. Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing and (even in polemical terms) in the works of M. Löwy.

This quotation from the Arcades Project actually comes from the preparatory notes to the Trauerspiel book ( GS I: 953–954). In these notes Benjamin added: “Only for this reason can it fulfil the concept of authenticity” (ibid., p. 954).

“Original leap” is in fact the etymological meaning of the German word for “origin.”

As Wolin accurately states: “The work of art as origin: therein lies the telos of Benjamin’s conception of criticism. If it is grasped as authentic, it will contain, represented as if in foreshortening, the entire past and subsequent history of an art form within it, magically collected as if it were a totality, a focal point” (Wolin 1994 , p. 98). Or a “monad,” we could also say, using the Leibnizian concept that Benjamin himself takes up in the Erkenntniskritische Vorrede .

Especially in the second part of the book, titled Allegorie und Trauerspiel , Benjamin makes ostentatious use of allegorical technique, which is manifested especially in the “surprising” use of quotations, constructed according to the model of allegorical images. By means of the “mortification” of the original context in which they are found, individual phrases or sentence fragments are extracted and rearranged so that, like the signifying images of allegory, they gather around a center; finally, his own thought is added to them, without, however, forcing the individual elements into a continuum . The quotations stand in place of the images, they are pictura , to which the meaning is attributed by means of a sentence placed as a subscripto . Benjamin himself therefore operates as an allegorical writer, the figure of the sage par excellence in the Baroque era.

GS I, 3, pp. 935–936, a statement present in the original unpublished draft of the Erkenntniskritische Vorrede , which contains some clarifications and repetitions useful for understanding the final version.

Benjamin’s judgment on Nietzsche’s doctrine of eternal return will become even more drastic and liquidating. In his Notes and Materials of the Passagenwerk , it is assimilated to the various “phantasms” in which the nineteenth century represented historical temporality. In an era in which the greatest instability and uncertainty of the productive system was affirmed, due to its cyclical crises, the idea of happiness as prefigured in the conception of the eternal return seemed to be the mere wishful thinking of a bourgeoisie that was losing control of the social system it had created: “The idea of the eternal recurrence conjures the phantasmagoria of happiness from the misery of the Founders Years” (Benjamin 2002 , p. 116).

Benjamin in fact stated: “If the object of history is to be blasted out of the continuum of historical succession, that is because its monadological structure demands it. […] It is owing to this monadological structure that the historical object finds represented in its interior its own fore-history and after-history. (Thus, for example, the fore-history of Baudelaire, as educed by current scholarship, resides in allegory; his after-history, in Jugendstil .)”.

Benjamin ( 2002 , p. 4) quotes the motto “Each epoch dreams the one to follow. [Chaque époque rêve la suivante]” in the 1935 exposé .

In fact, Rolf Tiedemann states that “the prolegomena to a materialist physiognomy that must be drawn from the Passagenwerk are among Benjamin’s most significant conceptions. […] If its realization would have been sufficient for the purpose, that is what the program promised; if physiognomics would have fulfilled its materialist tasks, only the realization of the Passagenwerk could have confirmed it” (Tiedemann 1983 , p. 29). Of the same tenor are the affirmations of W. Menninghaus: “the greater innovative force of the thought benjaminian on the myth consists in his late physiognomic sociology, in his aesthetics of the world-social life. In it … [one has] the anticipation of the foundation of a new form of social theory and of the utilization of the (mediated) immediacy of the everyday” (Menninghaus 1986 , p. 113).

Ibid., p. 595.

Particularly significant in this regard is the famous letter (dated July 1916) to his friend, the philosopher Martin Buber, in which Benjamin, in order to justify his refusal to collaborate with the political journal “Der Jude,” enunciates in this way his own conception of the relationship between politics, language, and history: “My concept of objective and, at the same time, highly political style and writing is this: to awaken the interest in what is denied to the word; only where this sphere of speechlessness reveals itself in unutterably pure power can the magic spark leap between the word and the motivating deed, where the unity of these two equally real entities resides ” (Benjamin 1994 , p. 80; author’s italics). On the relationship between language and history in Benjamin, which we have left in the background of our analysis, see the fundamental work of G. Agamben, Language and History in Benjamin (Agamben 1988 ).

Habermas’ judgement is harsher than that of his teacher Adorno. Although he was never admiring of Benjamin’s “immediacy,” Adorno stated in the aphorism of Minima moralia titled Legacy : “Benjamin’s writings are an attempt in ever new ways to make philosophically fruitful what has not yet been foreclosed by great intentions. The task he bequeathed was not to abandon such an attempt to the estranging enigmas of thought alone, but to bring the intentionless within the realm of concepts: the obligation to think at the same time dialectically and undialectically” (Adorno 2005 , pp. 151–152).

This relationship between art, utopia, and politics, demonstrating the solid link between Benjamin’s early reflections on art and The Arcades Project is beautifully expressed in a fragment from Notes and Materials : “In every true work of art there is a place where, for one who removes there, it blows cool like the wind of a coming dawn. From this it follows that art, which has often been considered refractory to every relation with progress, provides its true definition. Progress has its seat not in the continuity of elapsing time but in its interferences—where the truly new makes itself felt for the first time, with the sobriety of dawn” (Benjamin 2002 , p. 474).

The Theses on the Concept of History were not meant for publication as separate essay. In an April 1940 letter to Gretel Karplus Adorno Benjamin affirmed that they can “leave the door wide open for enthusiastic misunderstandings” (GS I, p. 1227). Whether the now extensive international literature on Walter Benjamin has avoided these “misunderstandings” is obviously a matter of debate—especially political debate—as we shall see in the next section.

Symons confuses this significant quote by Benjamin in the Arcades Project when he states: “In The Arcades Project … Benjamin describes the concept of culture that also underlies Simmel’s philosophy as something that ‘has … favored the cause of barbarism’” (Symons 2017 , p. 153). As seen, Benjamin’s actual quote says actually the opposite. This misunderstanding—which nevertheless continues the tradition of critical theory’s preconceived hostility toward Simmel as a “scapegoat” (Landmann 1967 )—doesn’t invalidate Symons’ insightful comparative interpretation: it may just attenuate his negative judgment over “unity” and “continuity” in Simmel’s view of life (that was not shared by Benjamin).

With regard to this essay, published as an anticipation of the work on the Passagenwerk at the urgent request of Max Horkheimer and the Institute for Social Research, Benjamin stated that it contained “a certain number of important considerations on dialectical materialism that are in tune with my work” (Benjamin 1994 [1937], p. 240).

One of the simplifications of Agamben’s synthesis consists in basing his analysis on the deep-rooted prejudice that attributes to the Greeks exclusively a cyclical conception of time and to Christianity an exclusively linear conception. More careful historiographic analyses have shown that this is not the case at all: one cannot extend what philosophers thought to what ordinary people thought at the time of the Greeks and early Christians. But for these clarifications see A.M. Iacono, “Modernità, Progresso, Futuro,” pp. 18–20, introduction to the Italian translation of B. de Fontenelle, Digressione sugli antichi e sui moderni , Pisa, ETS, 2019 (English edition, de Fontenelle [1688] 1970 ).

It remains to be defined whether to Agamben’s suggestive reconstruction we should not add a further investigation on the concept of Jetzt-zeit , which seems to be analyzed in a key too close to Martin Heidegger’s philosophy, from which Benjamin, as revealed in a fragment of the Passagenwerk , took care to clearly distinguish himself (see Benjamin 2002 , pp. 462–463).

The term in German means salvation and is conceptually related to the notion of “redemption” ( Erlösung ). In Jewish apocalyptic and in the Gnostic-Neoplatonic traditions, to which Benjamin seems to refer, redemption refers to the restoration of an original paradisiacal state in conjunction with the coming of the Messiah. In this restoration, things reassume their proper and original mutual relations, and the distortion caused by the “dream condition of the world” is overcome. The phenomenal world is thus “saved” from the condition of “guilt” in which it finds itself after the original sin and the consequent “fall” from earthly paradise (on this see B. Witte, Paris—Berlin—Paris: Personal, Literary and Social Experience in Walter Benjamin’s Late Works , in “New German Critique,” 39, Fall, 1986, p. 57).

The Kabbalah (which literally means “reception” or “tradition”) is the set of exoteric and mystical doctrines that were born within Judaism by elaborating original interpretations of canonical texts and over the centuries, also through the influence of external religious worlds, developing a symbolic and doctrinal universe of great complexity. For the importance of this tradition of thought in Benjamin, especially with regard to his theory of knowledge and his conception of history, we refer to Wolin, An Aesthetic of Redemption , cit. (especially pp. 31–63), M. Löwy, Redemption and Utopia. Jewish Libertarian Thought in Central Europe , Verso Books, New York 2017, as well as Buck-Morss, Dialectics of Seeing , quot., in particular pp. 228–252, where the relevance of Kabbalistic theory for the theory of dialectical images, central to the Passagenwerk , is precisely traced.

We use here a famous expression of Adorno’s, referring to the essay Das Paris des Second Empire bei Baudelaire , which Adorno refused to publish in the “Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung” because it lacked theoretical mediation.

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Mele, V. (2022). Walter Benjamin’s Theory of Knowledge. In: City and Modernity in Georg Simmel and Walter Benjamin. Marx, Engels, and Marxisms. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18184-9_8

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    H ome A bout the Network A bout Physiognomy C ontact M embers P articipants E vents B ibliography R esources/ L inks: A bout P hysiognomy . Etymologically, the term 'physiognomy' derives from the Greek for judgement (gnomon) on nature (physis).Historically, physiognomy constitutes an activity which seeks to understand personality and identity by analysing the body and especially the face.

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    Montaigne on Physiognomy. Michel de Montaigne, Essays (1571-92; p. 1580-95; trans. John Florio, 1603): We attribute sauage shapes and ougly formes vnto diuels. As who doeth not ascribe high-raised eye-browes, open nostrils, a sterne frightfull visage, and a huge body vnto Tamburlane, as is the forme or shape of the imagination we haue fore ...

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